The Forum for Communication and Aspirations of the Papuan People (FOR PAPUA MPR RI), comprising members of both the Regional Representatives Council (DPD RI) and National Parliament (DPR RI), has issued urgent calls for the Indonesian government to abandon its security-based approach to the ongoing armed conflict in West Papua. In an official statement released on 27 May 2025 (see photo on top, source: Kompas), the parliamentary forum expressed grave concern over escalating violence in Puncak, Puncak Jaya, Intan Jaya, and Nduga regencies, where armed conflict between security forces and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) has forced tens of thousands of civilians to flee their homes. The forum emphasized that the current security-focused approach has “proven ineffective and has exacerbated the conditions of civilian populations,” calling for immediate policy evaluation and cessation of military operations that have only added to civilian trauma and suffering.
FOR PAPA MPR RI’s recommendations include immediate evaluation of current policies, cessation of militaristic approaches, and development of measured, planned responses addressing root causes rather than symptoms. The forum emphasizes the need for coordinated action among all relevant ministries, including Home Affairs, Defense, Law and Human Rights, alongside the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and National Police (Polri) to ensure aligned visions and policies. They stress that uncoordinated handling has exacerbated ground conditions and that the West Papua issue cannot be resolved unilaterally but requires cross-sectoral and inter-institutional cooperation.
The forum’s intervention represents a significant attempt by Papuan representatives within Indonesia’s constitutional framework to shift conflict management from short-term security measures toward comprehensive dialogue that addresses historical grievances, though questions remain about whether the central government will embrace this parliamentary initiative or continue prioritizing military solutions over the humanitarian imperative to protect displaced civilians and create conditions for lasting peace.
The calls for dialogue-based solutions gain additional urgency from religious leaders and civil society organizations documenting the human cost of continued military operations. The Papuan Council of Churches (DGP), led by Moderator Rev. Dr. Benny Giay, has called for immediate cessation of military operations and peaceful negotiations, including ending exploitation of natural resources like the Wabu Block in the conflict-affected Intan Jaya Regency. Rev. Giay alleged that certain government factions deliberately maintain conflict conditions. He cited Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) research from 2004-2008 that identified four root causes of the West Papua issue, arguing that these underlying problems have been deliberately maintained to justify continued military operations rather than addressing legitimate grievances through peaceful means.
On 19 June 2025, at approximately 3:45 pm, military (TNI) members were recorded beating up a 22-year-old Weneiyo Pekei in the town of Wagete, Deiyai Regency, Papua Tengah Province. The incident occurred following an altercation at a local street restaurant. Eyewitnesses report that TNI personnel responded with severe physical force, targeting several young Papuan men. The beatings were so severe that Mr Weneiyo Pekei reportedly succumbed to his injuries at the site of the crime. He was not taken to a hospital, and no legal action has been initiated against the personnel involved.
According to the information received from local informants, a group of intoxicated youths entered a street restaurant near the Yudea Church in Wagete Town. After consuming food, an argument ensued between the owner and the youths. The situation escalated when the youths began throwing stones, prompting the shopkeeper to call TNI personnel. Upon arrival, the military officers pursued and allegedly assaulted one of the youths, kicking him on the floor and striking him with a rifle butt (watch video below, source: independent HRD). Multiple youths were injured, and one was reportedly taken to the Wagete Police Station..
Conflicting narratives have since emerged. While human rights defenders and local reports allege that Weneiyo Pekei was beaten to death by TNI members, official military statements deny the abuse, claiming that the soldiers were responding to threats posed by intoxicated youths armed with sharp weapons. Colonel Inf. Candra Kurniawan of Kodam XVII/Cenderawasih stated that the military was attempting to secure individuals involved in car theft and attacks on residents. However, these claims have not been substantiated by independent verification.
Legal analysis
This incident raises serious concerns about the continued militarisation of law enforcement in West Papua and the use of excessive and potentially lethal force by state actors against civilians, particularly indigenous Papuans. The failure to provide medical treatment, coupled with the absence of legal accountability, points to possible violations of the right to life (Article 6 ICCPR) and the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment (Article 7 ICCPR). Moreover, the pattern of impunity for security personnel in West Papua further undermines the rule of law and exacerbates tensions in the region.
Military members beat 22-year-old Weneiyo Pekei in the town of Wagete on 19 June 2025
On 12 June 2025, at approximately 11:20 am, 27-year-old Papuan, Mr Agibagi Tabuni, (see photo on top, source: independent HRD) was shot dead by members of the Indonesian National Army (TNI) near State Senior High School I (SMAN 1) Sinak, in the Gigobak Village, Sinak District, Puncak Regency, Papua Tengah Province. Mr Tabuni was a civilian and not affiliated with any armed group. He was on his way to attend a communal event at the invitation of Puncak Regent, Mr Elvis Tabuni, when he was reportedly ambushed and killed by military personnel reportedly lying in wait.
According to family members, Mr Tabuni had departed from his home in the morning and was en route to the neighbouring Gigobak District when he was ambushed and fatally shot near SMAN 1 Sinak. Following the incident, the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) published a statement according to which the deceased had no affiliation with the armed group.
Legal analysis
The incident follows a pattern of targeted killings and extrajudicial executions by Indonesian security forces in the West Papua highlands, often carried out with impunity and under the pretext of counterinsurgency operations. The deliberate killing of an unarmed civilian constitutes a grave violation of the right to life, enshrined under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a State party. The use of lethal force in this context is arbitrary, disproportionate, and violates basic principles of necessity and distinction under international humanitarian law, given the absence of direct hostilities or combatant status.
This case further underscores the urgent need for independent investigations into alleged human rights abuses by Indonesian security forces in West Papua. Domestic accountability mechanisms have repeatedly failed to deliver justice, fostering a climate of systemic impunity. Human rights observers have been calling for access for international journalists and human rights observers to monitor the armed conflict in the region, which has significantly deteriorated over the past months due to ongoing military operations.
The Indonesian government’s plan to implement a National Strategic Project (PSN) worth 24 trillion rupiah in the Papua Barat Daya Province has sparked resistance from indigenous communities. They understand the massive palm oil development as an existential threat to their ancestral lands and way of life. PT Fajar Surya Persada Group’s proposal, submitted to the Governor on 27 May 2025, seeks to establish an integrated palm oil-based food industry across 98,824.97 hectares covering key districts in Sorong and Tambrauw regencies. The project involves a consortium of five companies that would control vast swaths of traditional Moi territory, including PT Inti Kebun Sawit (18,425.78 hectares), PT Inti Kebun Sejahtera (307.91 hectares), PT Sorong Global Lestari (12,115.43 hectares), PT Omni Makmur Subur (40,000 hectares), and PT Graha Agrindo Nusantara (13,799.51 hectares).
The indigenous Moi Tribe has voiced resistance against what they describe as systematic land grabbing disguised as development. On 21 June 2025, Moi communities from 13 affected districts held traditional consultation meetings in the Klaso District, culminating in sacred oath-taking ceremonies (see photo on top, source: Suara Papua) and the planting of “Tui” bamboo poles, traditional symbols of prohibition and spiritual protection. Traditional leader, Dance Ulimpa declared that the Moi people “can live without palm oil, but cannot live without our customary forests,” emphasizing that these represent their last remaining forest territories. The communities have threatened to paralyze government offices in the provincial capital and the Sorong Regency if authorities accept the company’s application.
Evidence from existing palm oil operations in the region reveals devastating environmental and social impacts that fuel indigenous resistance. According to community testimonies, palm oil companies already operating in Sorong District have caused severe ecological damage, including pollution of the once-pristine Malalis and Klasof rivers where PT Hendrison Inti Persada and PT Inti Kebun Sejahtera operate. Traditional representative Desi Karongsan reported that the Klasof River now runs yellow and oily during rainy seasons, killing fish and causing skin rashes among children. Despite promises of economic benefits, only one Moi person reportedly works for the palm oil companies, while customary land is leased at exploitative rates of just 100,000 rupiah (approximately € 6.00) per hectare per month. The economic marginalization is so severe that some indigenous land is leased at only 6,000 rupiah per hectare, highlighting the gross inequality in benefit distribution.
Political resistance is building at multiple levels, with the West Papua Regional Parliament (DPRP) committing to draft regional regulations protecting indigenous rights and imposing a moratorium on palm oil expansion. A coalition of 18 organizations, including the Moi Great Tribe Council, Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN), Greenpeace Indonesia, and various human rights groups, has formally rejected the PSN, arguing that despite Papua’s Special Autonomy Law intended to protect indigenous rights, communities continue facing poverty, displacement, and human rights violations. The coalition demands an immediate halt to all PSN activities that deprive indigenous communities of their ancestral land. The coalition calls for development policies that prioritize indigenous participation and environmental protection over corporate interests in what they describe as West Papua’s transformation into “a testing ground for greedy and reckless development.”
2) ‘Don’t surrender’ to Indonesian pressure over West Papua, Bomanak warns MSG
By APR editor - June 26, 2025
Asia Pacific Report
A West Papuan independence movement leader has warned the Melanesian Spearhead Group after its 23rd leaders summit in Suva, Fiji, to not give in to a “neocolonial trade in betrayal and abandonment” over West Papua.
While endorsing and acknowledging the “unconditional support” of Melanesian people to the West Papuan cause for decolonisation, OPM chair and commander Jeffrey P Bomanak spoke against “surrendering” to Indonesia which was carrying out a policy of “bank cheque diplomacy” in a bid to destroy solidarity.
Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka took over the chairmanship of the MSG this week from his Vanuatu counterpart Jotham Napat and vowed to build on the hard work and success that had been laid before it.
He said he would not take the responsibility of chairmanship lightly, especially as they were confronted with an increasingly fragmented global landscape that demanded more from them.
PNG Prime Minister James Marape called on MSG member states to put West Papua and Kanaky New Caledonia back on the agenda for full MSG membership.
Marape said that while high-level dialogue with Indonesia over West Papua and France about New Caledonia must continue, it was culturally “un-Melanesian” not to give them a seat at the table.
West Papua currently holds observer status in the MSG, which includes Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and Fiji — and Indonesia as an associate member.
PNG ‘subtle shift’ PNG recognises the West Papuan region as five provinces of Indonesia, making Marape’s remarks in Suva a “subtle shift that may unsettle Jakarta”, reports Gorethy Kenneth in the PNG Post-Courier.
West Papuans have waged a long-standing Melanesian struggle for independence from Indonesia since 1969.
The MSG resolved to send separate letters of concern to the French and Indonesian presidents.
In a statement, Bomanak thanked the Melanesians of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of Kanaky New Caledonia for “unconditionally support[ing] your West Papuan brothers and sisters, subjected to dispossession, enslavement, genocide, ethnocide, infanticide, and ethnic cleansing, [as] the noblest of acts.”
“We will never forget these Melanesian brothers and sisters who remain faithfully loyal to our cultural identity no matter how many decades is our war of liberation and no matter how many bags of gold and silver Indonesia offers for the betrayal of ancestral kinship.
“When the late [Vanuatu Prime Minister] Father Walter Lini declared, ‘Melanesia is not free unless West Papua is free,”’ he was setting the benchmark for leadership and loyalty across the entire group of Melanesian nations.
“Father Lini was not talking about a timeframe of five months, or five years, or five decades.
“Father Lini was talking about an illegal invasion and military occupation of West Papua by a barbaric nation wanting West Papua’s gold and forests and willing to exterminate all of us for this wealth.
‘Noble declaration’ “That this noble declaration of kinship and loyalty now has a commercial value that can be bought and sold like a commodity by those without Father Lini’s courage and leadership, and betrayed for cheap materialism, is an act of historic infamy that will be recorded by Melanesian historians and taught in all our nations’ universities long after West Papua is liberated.”
Bomanak was condemning the decision of the MSG to regard the “West Papua problem” as an internal issue for Indonesia.
“The illegal occupation of West Papua and the genocide of West Papuans is not an internal issue to be solved by the barbaric occupier.
“Indonesia’s position as an associate member of MSG is a form of colonial corruption of the Melanesian people.
“We will continue to fight without MSG because the struggle for independence and sovereignty is our fundamental right of the Papuan people’s granted by God.
“Every member of MSG can recommend to the United Nations that West Papua deserves the same right of liberation and nation-state sovereignty that was achieved without compromise by Timor-Leste — the other nation illegally invaded by Indonesia and also subjected to genocide.”
Bomanak said the MSG’s remarks stood in stark contrast to Father Lini’s solidarity with West Papua and were “tantamount to sharing in the destruction of West Papua”.
‘Blood money’ It was also collaborating in the “extermination of West Papuans for economic benefit, for Batik Largesse. Blood money!”
The Papua ‘problem’ was not a human rights problem but a problem of the Papuan people’s political right for independence and sovereignty based on international law and the right to self-determination.
It was an international problem that had not been resolved.
“In fact, to say it is simply a ‘problem’ ignores the fate of the genocide of 500,000 victims.”
Bomanak said MSG leaders should make clear recommendations to the Indonesian government to resolve the “Papua problem” at the international level based on UN procedures and involving the demilitarisation of West Papua with all Indonesian defence and security forces “leaving the land they invaded and unlawfully occupied.”
Indonesia’s position as an associate member in the MSG was a systematic new colonialisation by Indonesia in the home of the Melanesian people.
Indonesia well understood the weaknesses of each Melanesian leader and “carries out bank cheque diplomacy accordingly to destroy the solidarity so profoundly declared by the late Father Walter Lini.”
The controversy over nickel mining in Raja Ampat, Papua, is a telling example of how capitalist-drivenplanetary urbanisationis reshaping the world we live in.
Today, urbanisation occurs on a global scale. It is taking place not only within cities and urban areas but even in many non-city zones that serve as ‘operational landscapes’ for supplying cities’ demands. This concept of ‘planetary urbanisation’ explains how non-urban realms in the Global South have played a strategic role as operational landscapes supporting cities in the Global North.
Environmentally destructive nickel mining activities within theRaja Ampat UNESCO Global Geopark, a global tourism site widely known for its idyllic scenery and marine biodiversity, is a case in point. It shows how the current global demand forurban environmental sustainabilityhas incentivised policymakers in the Global South to provide the materials needed for the cities in the North to be more sustainable.
It also tells the disturbing story of how Indonesia, in a nutshell, is willing to destroy its invaluable green islands for the sake of ‘greening’ cities inChinaandEurope.
Resource exploitation by colonial powers played a critical role in the growth of cities in Indonesia and Europe, since the extraction from Indonesia funded the growth of the Netherlands and its cities. This is one of the first examples of planetary urbanisation — where the South was squeezed to provide for the North.
This process of planetary urbanisation continues today, as nickel becomes the latest commodity sought after by major cities in the northern hemisphere.
Nickel mining activities in the eastern part of Indonesia are embodiments of ‘operational landscapes’ in ‘planetary urbanisation’. This is indicated by the spatial and social concentration of capital in the forms of infrastructural facilities and the influx of migrant workers, some of whom are from China, in the region.
It remains to be seen, however, if these new ‘operational landscapes’ will eventually lead to the creation of new local cities as it was the case during colonial times, or if they will only destroy the environment in Indonesia to support cities in other countries.
The reality is that nickel mining sites are believed to have causedanthropogenic disasters(floods and landslides), and environmental degradation (air, land, and water pollutions), adversely affecting the local communities.
Floods in Morowali, for example, are attributed by many observers to IMIP industrial zones replacing local forest that previously served as a catchment area. In Teluk Weda, for example,Forest Watch Indonesiahas found that the expansion of nickel industry encroaching into nearby forested areas has increased the flood risk in the surrounding areas.
The Watchdoc documentaryalso emphasises the impact of the mining industry on Teluk Weda’s public health. Levels of the heavy metal arsenic have been detected in blood samples taken from residents, mining workers, and fishermen in the area. This demonstrates how the nickel mining industry can have fatal consequences.
Sustainable for whom?
Capitalism can be cruel. Yet, there is no denying that capitalist-driven Dutch colonialism, which heavily relied onplantations, played a role in the making of major cities in Indonesia withless severe environmental degradation. The ongoing process of mining activities in eastern part of Indonesia seems much more ominous.
We need to ask who really benefits from the global campaign for’ sustainable development’. Of course Indonesia should tap this economic opportunity, but we cannot let it happen at the expense of our own natural habitat and our society’s wellbeing.
On 26 June 2025, a violent incident occurred at Karang Tumaritis Market in Nabire, Papua, following a disturbance involving intoxicated youths. Police officers fired live rounds and tear gas during the crackdown, resulting in the death of 23-year-old Yulianus Kegie and serious injuries to three civilians (see table of victims below). The use of force extended beyond the initial site of the disturbance, affecting uninvolved community members and bystanders.
Around 10:00 am, a group of seven intoxicated young men was reported causing a commotion at the Karang Tumaritis Market. The dispute triggered police intervention by the Dalmas unit of the Nabire Police, who arrested the assailant. In response, other intoxicated individuals began throwing stones at the officers. Thereupon, the police cracked down in surrounding residential areas beyond the market zone.
During the subsequent raid, police officers fired tear gas and live ammunition, resulting in civilian injuries and arbitrary arrests. Notably, Mr Yulianus Kegie was killed by police officers in front of his home after returning from purchasing cooking oil (see photos below, source: independent HRD). ´Mr Munu Mote, a 40-year-old motorbike taxi driver from Deiyai, was shot in the left arm while returning home from the market. Mr Apedius Kayame, 22, was allegedly shot in the right leg near the Afata Church. An unknown civilian from Mapia was reportedly shot in the calf, suffering a bone fracture (see photos below, source: independent HRD).
Reports indicate that civilians from the Karang Barat and Grimulyo areas, both areas outside the immediate vicinity of the Karang Tumaritis Market, were targeted in the police raid. Local informants reported widespread panic as vendors and youth were dispersed with tear gas and arbitrary arrests, including two young men from Dogiyai.
Human rights analysis
This incident constitutes multiple serious violations of international human rights standards, including the right to life, freedom from torture and inhumane treatment, and the right to liberty and security of person under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The excessive and indiscriminate use of force by the Nabire police, particularly against civilians uninvolved in the initial disturbance, violates both Indonesian law and international norms, such as the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials.
The extrajudicial killing of Mr Eko Ikomou, in particular, amounts to a grave human rights violation and may constitute an act of arbitrary deprivation of life under Article 6 of the ICCPR, to which Indonesia is a State party. The injury of other civilians through the reckless use of live ammunition further illustrates a disturbing pattern of a lack of proportionality in law enforcement operations in West Papua.
Table of victims during police crackdown at the Karang Tumaritis Market in Nabire on 26 June 2025
Name
Age
Origin / Background
Injury / Outcome
Additional information
Yulianus Kegie
23
Student, USWIM Nabire
N/A
killed by police outside his home after buying cooking oil; cause of death is to be verified
Munu Mote
40
Ojek driver, from Deiyai
Shot in the left arm
Hit by a stray bullet on the way home from market after buying corn
Apedius Kayame
22
Civilian
Shot in the right leg
Shot near Afata Church on Jalan Asismail
Unnamed Male
?
Civilian from Mapia
Shot in the calf, bone fracture
Injured during police sweep; identity not yet confirmed
Sepi Kamo
?
Youth from Dogiyai
Arbitrarily arrested
Taken by police during raid at Karang Market
Dogomo
?
Youth from Dogiyai
Arbitrarily arrested
Taken by police during raid at Karang Market
Body of Mr Yulianus Kegie (left) and Mr Apedius Kayame (right) at the Nabire Hospital
On 22 May 2025, a peaceful protest organised by students of Cenderawasih University (Uncen) in Jayapura City, Papua Province, was met with violent repression by joint forces of the Indonesian National Police (Polri). The protest, held at the main gate of the new Uncen campus in Waena, was directed against the proposed increase in the Single Tuition Fee (UKT). The demonstration escalated into a violent clash when authorities forcefully dispersed the crowd with physical force and tear gas, subsequently entering the academic premises without consent. One student, Mr Tenis Aliknoe, 25, was injured by a rubber bullet. Police officers deliberately damaged dozens of motorcycles belonging to students, and the property of the Uncen Student Council was also destroyed.
The protest began peacefully in front of the Uncen campus, with students calling for the reduction of UKT. Around 10:20 am, security forces attempted to disperse the gathering by pushing demonstrators, leading to a physical confrontation. As tensions escalated, police fired tear gas into the crowd and stormed the campus, a clear violation of the academic sanctuary principle. During the chaos, one police vehicle was reportedly set ablaze. In response, motorcycles parked within the campus belonging to at least 36 named students were deliberately damaged (see video below, source: Independent HRD) or seized by security force members. Police officers also broke the gate of the Student Executive Board (BEM) secretariat and seized laptops and identification cards.
Legal analysis
This incident represents a serious violation of fundamental human rights enshrined in both national and international law. The students were exercising their right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, protected under Article 28E(3) of the Indonesian Constitution and international human rights instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Articles 19 and 21, to which Indonesia is a party. The forced entry of armed forces into a university campus without a legal mandate contravenes academic freedom as outlined in Article 6 of Indonesian Law No. 12/2012 on Higher Education.
Moreover, the use of disproportionate force, including rubber bullets and tear gas, and the destruction of personal property potentially violates the right to security of person and protection from arbitrary interference with property (Articles 17 and 9 of the ICCPR). The lack of prior dialogue and sudden resort to force contradicts Police Chief Regulation No. 8 of 2009, which obliges law enforcement to respect human dignity and use force only under strictly regulated conditions.
Police officers disperse students at the Uncen Campus in Waena, Jayapura City, on 22 May 2025
Security forces vandalise motorcycles at the Uncen campus on 22 May 2025
Indigenous rights advocates from across Indonesia presented alarming evidence of systematic persecution to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Rights during a critical meeting in the Republic of Congo in late May 2025. The Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) led a delegation that briefed Dr. Albert K. Barume on escalating patterns of criminalization, intimidation, and forced displacement affecting indigenous peoples across the archipelago. The meeting (see photo on top, source Suara Papua), held on the sidelines of the First Global Congress of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities from Forest Basins in Brazzaville on 26-30 May 2025, highlighted how state authorities and corporations systematically target indigenous leaders as part of a coordinated strategy to silence resistance to land seizures and resource extraction projects.
AMAN Secretary General Rukka Sombolinggi emphasized that the violence against indigenous communities represents “a systematic and structured pattern” rather than isolated incidents, with a deliberate focus on criminalizing traditional leaders who serve as the backbone of community resistance. This strategic approach involves multiple tactics, including legal persecution, political intimidation, surveillance of activists’ families, prohibition of traditional dress, and restrictions on media reporting about indigenous issues.
The delegation presented specific cases from multiple regions that illustrate the scope of persecution. In West Papua, the permanent presence of armed forces has forced indigenous peoples to abandon their villages, preventing farming, education, and basic livelihood activities while making indigenous women particularly vulnerable. Indigenous representatives from the region underlined the urgent need for a direct visit by the UN Special Rapporteur to West Papua. AMAN representatives also revealed how conservation projects are being used as pretexts to displace Meratus Mountain communities from ancestral lands in South Kalimantan, with indigenous people facing criminal charges for traveling through their traditional territories.
The testimonies extended to North Maluku, where indigenous leaders receive direct threats and criminal summons, forcing them to seek refuge in Jakarta while facing police pursuit. Mining companies control approximately 29,200 hectares of customary land. They have collaborated with traditional sultanates to undermine customary authority, with company leaders captured on audio questioning the legitimacy as a tribal leader. In Tano Batak, two indigenous leaders named John and Tony were detained for defending customary territory, exemplifying what AMAN describes as strategic arrests designed to paralyze entire communities.
Dr. Albert K. Barume responded positively to the delegation’s presentations, expressing openness to complaints and readiness to facilitate the UN’s allegation letter mechanism to the Indonesian government.
On Saturday morning, 31 May 2025, at approximately 11:00 am, Papuan political activist, Mr Er Giban, 18, was subjected to intimidation and ill-treatment by members of the Yahukimo District Police. A police patrol unit stopped near next to Mr Giban while he was sitting outside the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) office in the town of Dekai, Yahukimo Regency, Papua Pegunungan Province. Police officers exited the vehicle and forcibly confiscated his mobile phone without presenting a warrant. Accused of possessing a “suspicious device”, Mr Giban was then ordered to follow them to the police station. During the encounter, officers tore his trousers. As Mr Giban resisted and was not immediately detained, the officers instructed him to report to the police station on his own.
Following the incident, Mr Giban and other KNPB activists of the went to the Yahukimo Police Station around 11:30 am, where he was interrogated by police officers. Officers questioned him over images found on his phone, one depicting a kitchen knife and others containing symbols of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). Authorities accused him of affiliation with the TPNPB and alleged involvement in a murder case. Mr Giban clarified that the images were downloaded from Facebook and denied any connection to the TPNPB, reaffirming his status solely as a KNPB member. He further explained his lack of a state-issued ID was due to the local civil registration office being closed. The interrogation ended without further detention.
This incident exemplifies a clear case of unlawful interference with personal liberty, violation of the right to privacy, and freedom of expression and association, as enshrined in international human rights instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a party. The arbitrary confiscation of Mr Giban’s personal property without due process and the use of physical intimidation constitute breaches of the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality required in any law enforcement action. The police’s use of violence and accusations without evidence echoes a broader pattern of criminalisation of peaceful political dissent in West Papua.
Violence against journalists in Indonesia reached alarming levels in 2024, with security forces emerging as the primary perpetrators of attacks on press freedom. According to data from the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Indonesia, the Indonesian National Police (Polri) committed 19 cases of violence against journalists, while the Indonesian National Army (TNI) was responsible for 11 cases. This pattern of state-sponsored intimidation represents a serious escalation in threats to media freedom, with increasingly dangerous forms of violence including the murder of Tribrata TV journalist Rico Sempurna Pasaribu in North Sumatra, the arrest and torture of journalist Hery Kabut in East Nusa Tenggara, and a Molotov bomb attack on the Jubi editorial office in Papua Province (see photo on top, source: Jubi). The violence appears directly linked to journalists’ coverage of corruption involving security officials, national strategic projects, gambling, and human rights issues.
The lack of accountability for these attacks has created a climate of impunity that enables continued harassment of media workers. Legal processes for violence against journalists remain largely stagnant, with only two cases processed in 2023 and just one in 2024, according to AJI data. This pattern is particularly evident in West Papua, where senior journalist Victor Mambor criticized the police’s handling of the Jubi Molotov Case, noting that investigation files were passed back and forth between police and military without resolution. The terror against Jubi appears connected to the outlet’s coverage of Papua independence issues and human rights violations, despite Jubi’s efforts to provide balanced reporting and create space for dialogue on the conflict.
Government response to press freedom violations has been inadequate and, in some cases, openly hostile. President Prabowo has accused media outlets of being “foreign agents” when they report critical findings. Deputy Minister of Communication and Digital Affairs Nezar Patria dismissed concerns about press freedom, claiming that the situation remains “fine” because no media outlets have been permanently closed. However, human rights advocates argue that this perspective ignores the systematic intimidation, violence against journalists, and its implications on journalistic work, particularly in conflict areas like West Papua. AJI Jayapura documented 7 out of 11 cases of violence against journalists allegedly committed by security forces between 2020-2024.
The Indonesian Press Council is attempting to address the crisis by forming a multi-stakeholder task force involving media organizations, police, human rights commissions, and prosecutors to accelerate the handling of violence cases. However, fundamental change requires stronger government commitment to upholding constitutional guarantees of press freedom under Article 28F of the 1945 Constitution and Law No. 40 of 1999 on the Press, as well as international human rights obligations under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
