Saturday, June 14, 2025

1) IDP Update June’25: Humanitarian crisis in West Papua reaches new dimensions

 

2) Undermining civil supremacy: Indonesia’s accelerating militarisation of civil space under President Prabowo

3) Arbitrary detention of Catholic youth activist during bishop ordination in Timika

4) Nickel Mining Ravages Raja Ampat: Indonesia to Blame, China Complicit 
5) KPK Probes Alleged Corruption in Raja Ampat Nickel Mining  Reporter M. Raihan Muzzaki 



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Human Rights Monitor  

1) IDP Update June’25: Humanitarian crisis in West Papua reaches new dimensions

Human Rights News, Reports / Indonesia, West Papua / 13 June 2025 




The humanitarian crisis in West Papua has reached a critical stage. As of June 2025, more than 97,648 people in West Papua [1] remain internally displaced as a result of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). New internal displacements were reported in the regencies of Jayawijaya, Intan Jaya, Yahukimo, Puncak, and Nduga.
Human Rights Minister, Natalius Pigai, stated that his ministry received information according to which approximately 60,000 people from the regencies Intan Jaya and Puncak Jaya have fled to urban areas such as Nabire and Timika. According to the information received, two entire districts, namely Sinak in Puncak Regency and Hitadipa in Intan Jaya, are now completely uninhabited, with all residents having fled due to ongoing armed clashes and military raids. The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) has documented 454 displaced persons across several districts as of June 2024, though officials acknowledge this data is incomplete and the actual numbers are much higher.
The displaced populations are facing dire humanitarian conditions that violate basic human rights. According to Komnas HAM findings, the internally displaced persons (IDPs) are experiencing severe overcrowding, with up to seven families sharing a single house in Nabire. Most displaced persons are surviving on only one to two meals per day due to food shortages, and many have lost their homes and livestock. Employment opportunities are limited, forcing most refugees to work in subsistence agriculture. Children lack access to healthcare and education services, while fundamental rights, including food security, healthcare, education, employment, and safety, remain unfulfilled for most IDPs.
Given the urgency of the situation, Komnas HAM has formally proposed that the central government declare a social disaster status in West Papua, which would provide legal authority for a coordinated humanitarian response through the National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB). This declaration would enable comprehensive involvement of multiple ministries in addressing the crisis, including social assistance, healthcare, education restoration, and infrastructure recovery. Natalius Pigay declared, the Ministry of Human Rights is establishing a Papua Working Group to coordinate efforts, while also pushing for reconciliation and peace initiatives to address the root causes of displacement.
In late May’25, the Forum for Communication and Aspirations of the Papuan People (FOR PAPUA MPR RI), consisting of members of the Regional Representative Council (DPD RI) and the People’s Representative Council (DPR RI) from electoral districts throughout West Papua, criticized the security-focused approach as ineffective and exacerbating civilian suffering. FOR Papua MPR RI urged the government to evaluate its militaristic policies and address the root causes comprehensively rather than through short-term sectoral responses. This demand was echoed by Papuan church leaders, who called for peaceful dialogue and negotiations, including cessation of military operations and armed conflict.
Human rights organisations and community leaders call for an immediate halt to military operations in civilian zones, the establishment of humanitarian corridors, and independent investigations into the civilian impact of Indonesia’s military campaigns in West Papua. They stress the urgent need for humanitarian aid, withdrawal of non-organic troops, and comprehensive rehabilitation, including healthcare, education, housing, and psychosocial support.

Jayawijaya Regency

For the first time in the past decade, the Jayawijaya Regency experienced a wave of internal displacement on 9 June 2025, when residents of the Maima District fled their homes due to armed clashes between TPNPB and security forces, causing widespread panic among the civilian population. The shootings occurred in multiple locations, including Pugima village, on the border between Maima and Walelagama districts, and the villages of Minimo and Kepi in Maima District.
The displacement particularly affected residents of Maima District, with many fleeing to safer locations, such as the Adventist Church in Maima District and Haltaga Village. Residents from Minimo Village and surrounding areas sought refuge at the Advent Church in Piekul, while others fled to Haltaga Village in the middle of the night. The exact number of displaced persons has not been specified in the reports.
This latest displacement is particularly tragic as many of the affected residents had recently returned from evacuation due to major flooding in May 2024. Both displacements have left the community severely traumatized, with many residents still afraid to leave their homes or resume normal activities as of June 2025. The area where the occurred in an area where residents had recently opened new gardens after recovering from the previous year’s flood damage.

Intan Jaya Regency

Since 30 March 2025, intensified armed conflict between the Indonesian security forces and the TPNPB has led to the mass displacement of an estimated 7,000 civilians in Intan Jaya Regency, Central Papua. The most affected areas include the districts of Hitadipa, Sugapa, and Agisiga, with residents fleeing from villages such as Zanamba, Jaindapa, Sugapa Lama, Titigi, Ndugusiga, Hitadipa, and Soagama. Entire communities, including children, elderly persons, and religious leaders, have been forced to flee on foot through forests and across rivers, seeking refuge in Sugapa and Nabire. Human rights defenders reported the killing of one civilian, house burnings, and indiscriminate bombings carried out during Indonesian military operations, with many seeking temporary shelter in emergency camps in Mamba Village and the Yokatapa football field. On 5 April, the Jayawijaya regent provided food and other aid deliveries to IDPs in the Hitadipa District.
The latest wave of displacement was reported on 13 May 2025, following new military offensives and air operations. By 19 May, at least 275 individuals had fled the Hitadipa District alone. Human rights defenders in Intan Jaya were able to document the killing of four civilians, while seven villagers remain missing. Their bodies have not been recovered yet, as of early June 2025. Five civilians were injured during the raid. Despite the government’s limited distribution of food aid, the displaced remain in precarious conditions, with no access to adequate shelter, healthcare, or protection. As of late May, photos and videos document the ongoing presence of displaced families from across three districts, now living in improvised camps with little state support.
The humanitarian crisis in Intan Jaya raises urgent human rights concerns, including possible violations of international humanitarian law due to forced displacement, targeting of civilians, and the use of airstrikes in populated areas. Many of the affected villages are located near the resource-rich Wabu Block, an area of corporate interest for gold exploitation, prompting concerns about conflict-driven displacement linked to extractive interests.

IDPs in Intan Jaya receive relief goods on 20 May’25……

Full update



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Human Rights Monitor  

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/undermining-civil-supremacy-indonesias-accelerating-militarisation-of-civil-space-under-president-prabowo/

2) Undermining civil supremacy: Indonesia’s accelerating militarisation of civil space under President Prabowo

Human Rights News / Indonesia, West Papua / 13 June 2025 
In recent months, Indonesia has witnessed an alarming resurgence of military influence in civilian affairs, raising serious concerns about democratic regression and the erosion of civilian supremacy. This trend, spearheaded by the administration of President Prabowo Subianto, reflects an orchestrated effort to reintroduce the dual-function doctrine of the armed forces (TNI), which the Reformasi Movement of 1998 sought to dismantle.

Appointment of human rights abuser to key civilian position

On 23 May 2025, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani appointed Lieutenant General Djaka Budi Utama as Director General of Customs and Excise, an institution critical to the integrity of state revenue collection. General Djaka, an active-duty TNI officer and former chief secretary of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN), is widely reported to have been part of the notorious “Tim Mawar,” allegedly responsible for the enforced disappearances of student activists during 1997–1998. His appointment, bypassing legal restrictions outlined in the recently revised TNI Law, exemplifies the deliberate disregard for the rule of law and accountability.
Civil society organisations, including Imparsial and Transparency International Indonesia, have condemned the appointment as a violation of both good governance principles and existing legal frameworks. The 2025 amendment to the TNI Law sparked concerns about democracy and allowed active TNI personnel to take on 14 specified civilian roles. However, the Customs Director General is not one of them. The assurance by TNI spokespersons that Djaka will retire following his appointment does little to alleviate the legal breach and the ethical implications of his appointment.

Broader pattern of military entrenchment

Djaka’s case is emblematic of a wider trend in Indonesia. As of February 2025, at least 4,472 active TNI personnel are embedded in 14 civilian institutions, including the Supreme Court, the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), the Attorney General’s Office, and several state-owned enterprises. The argument that such appointments are based on “specific competencies” ignores the constitutional boundaries that delineate civilian and military domains.
The pattern includes the controversial deployment of soldiers to secure prosecutors’ offices nationwide, authorised by Presidential Regulation No. 66/2025 and a 2023 MoU between the TNI and the Attorney General’s Office. Legal experts and rights groups, including the Civil Society Coalition for Security Sector Reform and the Indonesia Police Watch, argue that such deployments contravene the 1945 Constitution, the Law on the Judiciary, and the TNI Law itself. The role of national security and public order constitutionally falls within the purview of the civilian police, not the military.

Militarising governance and society

Recently, the militarisation has extended beyond high-level bureaucratic appointments. The proposal to send “problematic” students to military barracks in West Java for behavioural correction is a stark manifestation of the normalisation of military influence in civilian life. It is even more concerning that the proposal received support from the Minister for Human Rights, Natalius Pigai. Equally troubling is the Army’s plan to recruit 24,000 new privates for “territorial development battalions”, a move that aims to position soldiers in agriculture, health, and education, which have exclusively been in civilian hands. These developments represent a systemic distortion of the post-reformasi vision of a professional, rights-respecting military restricted to defence functions. Government and TNI representatives argue that the military’s involvement in civil domains is needed to accelerate development and improve public services.

Concentration of power and democratic decay

The Prabowo administration’s actions indicate not only a preference for military-style governance but a consolidation of power through militarisation. Civil society experts point to a strategic centralisation of control over critical sectors such as customs, taxation, energy, logistics, and law enforcement. Appointments of military personnel to lead state-owned enterprises like PT Timah, PT Agrinas, and Perum Bulog signify a broader trend toward politicising the TNI and sidelining merit-based civilian governance.
This strategy appears to be driven by both ideological nostalgia and political calculation. Analysts argue that Prabowo, himself a former general dismissed for human rights abuses, seeks to secure his legacy within a single presidential term by embedding loyalists across key institutions. The weakening of checks and balances, especially through the co-optation of law enforcement agencies, threatens Indonesia’s democratic institutions and risks setting dangerous precedents for future administrations.

Call to action

This critical juncture demands urgent responses from Indonesia’s democratic forces, the Constitutional Court, and the international community. The judicial review of the revised TNI law filed by the Civil Society Coalition should be widely supported as a defence of constitutional order and human rights. Indonesia’s civil society is under pressure to reaffirm its commitment to the separation of civil and military powers and uphold the post-1998 reformasi values. Failure to do so may result in the further progression of impunity, the erosion of democratic norms, and the militarisation of governance.
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Human Rights Monitor  

3) Arbitrary detention of Catholic youth activist during bishop ordination in Timika

Cases, Human Rights News / Indonesia, West Papua / 6 June 2025 
On 14 May 2025, around 12:30 WIT, the bishop ordination at the Three Kings Cathedral in Timika, Central Papua, was disrupted by the arbitrary detention of indigenous Papuan youth activist, Malvin Yobe, by Mimika District Police, with support from members of the Catholic Youth Organisation and the ordination committee. The police approached the activists shortly after the episcopal ordination of Mgr. Bernardus Bofitwos Baru OSA as the new Bishop of Timika—a ceremony attended by the Vatican’s Ambassador to Indonesia and bishops from across the country. The activists had carried out a silent and peaceful protest in the cathedral courtyard (see photos, source: independent HRDs), displaying signs that called attention to human rights violations and environmental destruction in West Papua: The banners also voiced rejection of controversial public statements made by Archbishop Petrus Canisius Mandagi MSC of Merauke, who has expressed support for National Strategic Projects (PSN) that involve the expropriation of indigenous lands in the Merauke Regency.
The protest was organised by Suara Kaum Awam Katolik Regio Papua (The Voice of the Catholic Laity of Papua Region), as part of their weekly civic engagement initiative. They also circulated a petition calling for greater recognition of indigenous Papuan clergy and a more contextual pastoral leadership within the Papuan dioceses. Despite the peaceful and non-disruptive nature of their demonstration, the Mimika Police, without providing any legal justification, forcefully detained Malvin Yobe. Bystanders reported that protest materials were confiscated, banners torn, and the activists were swiftly dispersed. For several hours, the families and legal representatives of Malvin Yobe were unable to determine his whereabouts
The situation escalated due to the lack of transparency and the involvement of church-affiliated individuals in enabling the arrests. Civil society organisations, youth networks, and human rights groups condemned the actions as a gross infringement of freedom of expression, assembly, and religion. They demanded immediate clarification of the activists’ legal status. Malvin Yobe was released at 04:40 pm on the same day from Jalan Baru Police Station, but concerns remain regarding ongoing surveillance and possible reprisals.
The case underscores broader systemic issues of repression of indigenous voices, especially when they confront elite clerical or state-endorsed narratives. The crackdown on a non-violent expression of dissent within a religious setting sets a disturbing precedent and contradicts the Church’s own social justice teachings and the constitutional rights guaranteed under Indonesian law and international human rights standards.

Police officers arrest church activist during peaceful demonstration at the Three Kings Cathedral in Timika on 14 May 2025


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4) Nickel Mining Ravages Raja Ampat: Indonesia to Blame, China Complicit 

Youth protests in Jakarta spotlight the destruction of Raja Ampat, a biodiversity hotspot and Indigenous Papuan homeland, driven by nickel mining for EVs. Backed by Chinese capital and enabled by weak Indonesian governance, these projects threaten ecosystems and displace communities. Both countries must be held accountable to prevent green transition injustices.
BY MUHAMMAD ZULFIKAR RAKHMAT
JUNE 14, 2025 10:35 EDT   

Last week, Indigenous youth from eastern Indonesia disrupteda high-level mining summit in Jakarta to protest the destruction of their ancestral land. Holding banners reading “Nickel Mines Destroy Lives,” they delivered a stark message to a room full of powerful decision-makers: the global rush for “green” minerals is threatening their home, Raja Ampat. Their protest quickly went viral under the hashtag #SaveRajaAmpat. Within hours, several protesters were detained.

If you’ve never heard of Raja Ampat, you’re not alone. This remote archipelago in Papua, Indonesia, lies at the heart of the Coral Triangle, home to the richest marine biodiversity on Earth. Over 1,500 fish species, three-quarters of all known coral species, and countless fragile ecosystems thrive here. Indigenous Papuans rely on these waters and forests for food, identity, and survival.

But this ecological and cultural sanctuary is now under siege — from the very industry that claims to be building a cleaner, greener future: nickel mining. Indonesia holds the world’s largest reserves of nickel, a key ingredient in electric vehicle (EV) batteries. As demand for EVs soars, so does pressure to exploit these deposits. Chinese companies dominate Indonesia’s nickel supply chain, from financing to refining. But the environmental and human cost of this expansion falls disproportionately on communities least able to resist.

This year’s Indonesia Critical Minerals Conference & Expo, meant to celebrate the country’s rise as a key supplier for the global energy transition, instead revealed a darker truth: behind the optimism lies a growing backlash against extractive practices that destroy ecosystems, displace Indigenous peoples, and hollow out governance.

Raja Ampat is a prime example. Several mining operations have been approved in this ecologically sensitive region — including projects backed by Chinese capital. One company, PT Anugerah Surya Pratama, operates a 746-hectare mine on Manuran Island. Despite being located in a marine paradise, it was granted a permit by Indonesian authorities. Backed by investors with ties to China’s Vansun Group, the company has violated environmental regulations, clearing protected forests and discharging waste into the sea. An investigation by Indonesia’s Ministry of Environment confirmed these violations. The damage to marine life and local livelihoods is incalculable.

Yes, the Indonesian government recently revoked a handful of mining permits, including this one. But this move is too little, too late — and does not excuse the government’s deeper, systemic failures. Permits continue to be granted through opaque processes, with minimal oversight and rampant corruption. Environmental impact assessments are often rubber-stamped or ignored. Local communities are excluded from decisions that directly affect their lives. In short, the destruction of Raja Ampat is not an accident — it is a consequence of state negligence, if not complicity.

The primary blame lies with Indonesia. It is the Indonesian government’s duty to uphold environmental laws, respect Indigenous rights, and regulate the extractive industries it permits. That duty has been repeatedly abandoned in the pursuit of economic gain. No foreign company — Chinese or otherwise — could mine in Raja Ampat without an Indonesian license. Yet, the state has failed to protect one of its most precious natural and cultural treasures.

But Chinese actors cannot claim innocence. China plays an outsized role in Indonesia’s nickel economy. Its companies, banks, and state-owned enterprises are central to this supply chain. While the legal responsibility for enforcement lies with Indonesia, Chinese investors must also be held accountable for turning a blind eye to abuses they help finance. Profiting from weak regulations and corrupt systems doesn’t absolve them — it implicates them.

If China is serious about its global sustainability commitments — especially under the Belt and Road Initiative — it must extend those standards to its overseas projects. That means conducting rigorous due diligence, refusing to fund environmentally destructive ventures, and ensuring that Chinese-backed companies comply with international norms, not just the letter of local law.

Anything less makes China complicit in greenwashing. It also risks undermining the very legitimacy of China’s leadership in the global energy transition.

What’s happening in Raja Ampat is not just an Indonesian problem, or a Chinese one. It is a test case for whether the world can reconcile the clean energy transition with environmental justice. A green future that tramples on Indigenous rights and destroys biodiversity is neither sustainable nor ethical.

Indonesia must act decisively: not just by revoking permits after damage is done, but by overhauling its licensing processes, prosecuting environmental violations, and ensuring Indigenous communities have real power in land-use decisions. Protecting ecosystems like Raja Ampat is not a luxury — it is essential to climate stability, ocean health, and global biodiversity.

China, too, must step up. With its vast influence over the nickel industry and EV supply chains, it has the leverage to demand better. The question is whether it has the will.


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5) KPK Probes Alleged Corruption in Raja Ampat Nickel Mining  Reporter M. Raihan Muzzaki 
June 14, 2025 | 10:33 am

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is investigating allegations of corruption linked to nickel mining activities in Raja Ampat Regency, Southwest Papua. KPK Chair Setyo Budiyanto said that the KPK's Deputy for Coordination and Supervision (Korsup) is conducting a thorough study into the matter.

"[We are] assessing the potential issues," said Setyo at the KPK's C1 building in South Jakarta on Friday, June 13, 2025.


This study is presently in the investigation phase. Setyo added that following its completion, the anti-graft body will submit the findings to the relevant ministries or institutions involved in mining to enable mitigation efforts.

Setyo mentioned that the institution had previously conducted a study on nickel in 2023. Based on that research, the KPK will further develop the investigation into the alleged corruption stemming from nickel mining activities in the country's popular tourist destination.

"Of course, there will be developments and changes during the study. If the situation has improved, it might be dropped, but any remaining problems will be pursued," he explained.

Elaborating on Setyo's statement, KPK spokesperson Budi Prasetyo clarified the results of the KPK's 2023 nickel study. He noted that the study encompassed two main areas: nickel governance and nickel exports.

"The KPK conducted a study through its Monitoring Directorate," Budi stated at the KPK's Merah Putih building on Friday.

The KPK identified potential vulnerabilities to corruption throughout the entire nickel governance chain, from downstream to upstream. These vulnerabilities include licensing mechanisms that do not comply with laws and regulations. "Mining activities in forest areas lacking proper permits, and inadequate data collection for reclamation and post-mining guarantees, were also identified," he added.

Regarding the study on nickel exports, the KPK found potential for corruption related to issues of export legality. Budi explained that, generally, this problem stems from weak oversight not bound by regulations, as well as deficiencies in export verification mechanisms. "This also pertains to technical tracing," Budi noted.

As widely reported, the government has revoked the mining business permits (IUPs) of four out of five mining companies in Raja Ampat following widespread public protest. The four companies are PT ASP, PT MRP, PT KSM, and PT Nurham.

Editor’s Choice: PT Gag Nikel Has Operated Since 1972, Remains Licensed, Minister Bahlil Says


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