Saturday, May 9, 2026

1) Papua Monitor Q1 2026: No de-escalation as military operations drive new displacement

 


2) West Papuan graduation parade turns violent after police object to Morning Star symbol

3) West Papua and Pity the Indigenous (Indonesia and Persecution) 

4) An acid test of Indonesia's democracy 

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Human Rights Monitor

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/reports/papua-monitor-q1-2026-no-de-escalation-as-military-operations-drive-new-displacement/

1) Papua Monitor Q1 2026: No de-escalation as military operations drive new displacement

This 11-page report lists cases and developments including human rights violations and their patterns; developments in the armed conflict and its impact on civilians; significant political shifts in Indonesia affecting West Papua; and international responses and initiatives.

Summary

Human rights

The human rights situation between January and March 2026 remains dire. The reporting period was characterised by a significant rise in documented cases of arbitrary detention and torture. There are two major patterns in this trend. First, HRM observed a significant rise in arbitrary detentions in conflict zones, particularly in the Dekai District of Yahukimo Regency. Yahukimo has already become the top hotspot of armed violence throughout 2025 with 35 armed clashes, and ten such incidents between January and March 2026. Security forces targeted indigenous Papuans, mostly young adults, including females and minors. Most of them were released the following day without being charged. Intensified patrols and raids further contribute to this trend, with security forces applying interrogation methods that violate Indonesian criminal procedure and human rights law.
Second, a significant number of these arbitrary detentions were reportedly accompanied by torture. Officials used coercive and violent measures to extract information about the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) or to force confessions from detainees. These developments took place alongside ongoing military operations in the regencies Intan Jaya and Puncak, reportedly involving battle drones, mortars and air strikes in civilian populated areas across the central highlands. As a result, the number of internally displaced persons continues to rise (see section on Conflict below).
Indigenous communities are more than ever at risk of losing their land as a result of ruthless economic development projects and the expansion of security force infrastructure in West Papua. In the South Papua Province, the Strategic National Project (PSN) for the development of more than 2 million hectares of sugar cane and rice is rapidly being implemented by the military, while legal efforts and protests by customary landowners are ongoing. Since late 2024, a growing body of evidence has documented serious procedural violations, the dismantling of indigenous land rights, incidents of violence against community members who resist, and the systematic exclusion of affected communities from decision-making processes.
In the Biak Numfor Regency of Papua Province, state agencies have launched a systematic land-grabbing campaign across the regencies of Biak Numfor, Supiori, and Waropen. In the Impewer area of East Biak District, a major land dispute has erupted over plans to construct the headquarters for Infantry Battalion TP 858/MSB. The Warbon Indigenous Community of Saukobye Village in North Biak faces a separate but related threat from the planned construction of a national spaceport by the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN). 
Various incidents during the reporting period illustrate the shortcomings in Indonesia’s legal system. Many court decisions in West Papua often appear to be politically motivated rather than being based on criminal procedure, evidence and facts at court. Moreover, high impunity for state agents has caused the loss of trust in the law enforcement system among many Indonesians. This trust is even lower in the Papuan Provinces, as a recent incident illustrates. On 2 February 2026, Second Brigadier Fernando Alexander Aufa, one of the convicted officers involved in the killing of Tobis Silak in August 2024, was seen walking freely in Wamena. The incident raised serious concerns that Officer Aufa may have been released despite a five-year imprisonment sentence. Despite constant setbacks, NGOs pursued efforts to push for an accountability process for cases of human rights violations through lobby meetings with political stakeholders such as the Regional Representative Council in Jakarta in February 2026.
Various documented cases between January and March 2026 highlight the systemic failures in the healthcare system in West Papua. Issues of concern reportedly includ the misuse of public health infrastructure, the absence of basic services in geographically isolated communities, the prioritisation of administrative procedures over emergency care, and the compounding impact of armed conflict on health services. In this regard, Southwest Papua Senator Paul Finsen Mayor interrupted a Regional Representatives Council (DPD) plenary meeting in Jakarta on 14 January 2026 to deliver a pointed message from the Papuan people. Senator Mayor spoke out against the Indonesian government’s plans to establish new territorial development battalions in West Papua, emphasising that basic services rather than military infrastructure should be the priority for the special autonomous region.  

Conflict

There is no sign of de-escalation in sight. The Indonesian government kept deploying additional military personnel to remote areas across West Papua, fueling armed conflict and triggering more internal displacements.  An unknown number of indigenous Papuans were internally displaced due to armed conflict incidents and subsequent raids in the Boven Digoel Regency in February 2026.
The military operations in the central highlands reportedly involved the use of battle drones, mortars and air raids in civilian populated areas, violating principles of distinction between combatants and non-combatants. Recurring armed violence and heavy military presence have resulted in the cessation of daily activities and paralysation of health and education services across conflict-affected regencies. Such patterns cause fear among local communities and encourage the civilian population to flee to safer areas. As of 27 March 2026, armed conflict and military operations in West Papua have resulted in the internal displacement of more than 107,039 civilians across multiple regencies.
In response to escalating militarisation, civil society groups across West Papua have mobilised in peaceful protests, demanding an end to military operations and the withdrawal of non-organic troops. Between late October and early November 2025, demonstrations had already taken place in Nabire, Enarotali, Sugapa, and Jayapura. Further protests against the rising militarisation in West Papua occurred in the regencies Pegunungan Bintang, Intan Jaya and Yahukimo in January 2026. Another protest took place in the Nabire Regency in February 2026. While civil society groups, church leaders, and human rights organisations are united in calling for an immediate halt to military operations, demilitarisation, and meaningful engagement in a peaceful dialogue, the central government shows no signs of refraining from a security-based approach in West Papua.
HRM documented 35 armed attacks and clashes throughout the first quarter of 2026, a smaller number than that of the fourth quarter of 2025, counting 41 clashes. The majority of armed hostilities during the reporting period occurred in Yahukimo, with 10 armed clashes and attacks, followed by the Puncak Regency with 6 armed clashes. Armed hostilities were also documented from the regencies of Intan Jaya, Nabire, Puncak, and Mimika. Isolated incidents of armed violence occurred in the regencies Tambrauw, Maybrat, Paniai, Nduga, Boven Digoel, Tolikara, and Dogiyai.
HRM counted 13 civilians killed and 4 injured by the TPNPB. Meanwhile, 5 civilians were killed, and 4 were wounded by security force members during armed clashes or counter-insurgency operations. Concerning the combatants, 9 security force members were killed, and 2 were injured during this period. In contrast, the TPNPB reportedly lost 5 combatants, with 4 guerrilla fighters being injured during armed clashes.
Comprehensive data on armed conflict violence in West Papua is available in the HRM Annual Report 2025, published in March 2026.

Political developments

On 2 January 2026, Indonesia enacted its new Criminal Code (KUHP) and Criminal Procedure Code (KUHAP), prompting a coalition of civil society organisations to declare an “Indonesian legal emergency.” The new law has drawn sharp criticism from legal experts, human rights defenders, and historians. Among the most troubling provisions in the new KUHP are restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly. The code also increases the maximum punishment for treason from life imprisonment to the death penalty. Perhaps most alarming, Article 622 explicitly repeals key provisions of Law Number 26/2000 on Human Rights Courts, effectively eliminating criminal accountability for gross human rights violations.  
On 13 and 14 January 2026, Indonesian Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka visited West Papua to review development projects, beginning in Biak Numfor before travelling to Wamena, where he played in a friendly football match, met with regional leaders and community figures, and engaged with local coffee farmers and creative economy practitioners. His planned second-day visit to Yahukimo Regency was cancelled following intelligence assessments that identified armed group movements in the area. The TPNPB had fired shots at an aircraft in the region and issued a threat to kill the VP if he travelled to Yahukimo.
On 6 February 2026, President Prabowo and Australian PM Anthony Albanese signed a bilateral defence treaty, first announced in Nov 2025, signalling deepening security cooperation. The Prime Minister announced several new initiatives to further enhance the bilateral security relationship, including supporting the development of joint defence training facilities in Indonesia, establishing a new embedded position for a senior Indonesian military officer in the Australian Defence Force, and building ties between future military leaders through the expansion of the Junior Leaders’ Forum Military Education Exchange. On 12 March 2026, Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin announced plans, alongside Australia, to pursue separate trilateral security arrangements with Japan and Papua New Guinea.
In February 2026, the Indonesian government and Freeport-McMoRan (FCX) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to extend the mining permit for the Grasberg complex in the Mimika Regency, Central Papua Province, beyond 2041. The agreement secured a 12% additional stake for Indonesia by 2041 and includes a ~$20 billion investment to sustain long-term operations.

International developments

On 20 February 2026, various Special Rapporteurs oft he UN Human Rights Council issued a formal communication to the Indonesian Government concerning the draft Presidential Regulation (“Regulation”) on the Duties of the Indonesian National Army in Combating Terrorist Acts. The UN experts represent the view that the manner in which the Regulation would expand the role of the military in countering terrorism in peacetime would bring serious risks to human rights, the rule of law, and Indonesian civil society.
Christian Solidarity International (CSI) called on the Indonesian government to grant international observers access to West Papua, warning that ongoing military operations in the region are driving a mounting humanitarian crisis. Speaking in an oral statement at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on 25 March 2026, CSI expressed concerns over the increasing number of indigenous Papuans who have been internally displaced by the armed conflict. According to CSI, the military operations are closely linked to large-scale resource extraction projects involving nickel, gold, and industrial plantations. CSI is calling on the government to facilitate a visit by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and to extend invitations to relevant UN special procedures.
CSI’s statement echoed calls made at a UN Human Rights Council side event on 4 March 2026, hosted by the World Council of Churches (WCC), which was also attended by a representative of the Indonesian government. The WCC urged the Indonesian government to “extend invitations to the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council and to facilitate a visit by the High Commissioner for Human Rights.”

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2) West Papuan graduation parade turns violent after police object to Morning Star symbol

11:15 am on 9 May 2026

Johnny Blades, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

Video footage obtained by human rights researchers shows a crowd of angry Papuans throwing stones towards police infrastructure. The sound of gun shots follows. Photo: Screengrab / Human Rights Monitor
Indonesian authorities say investigations are underway into an incident in West Papua when a number of people were allegedly injured after police fired shots amid a student graduation event.
Reports from West Papua say seven people sustained injuries when tensions flared at a parade by senior high school graduates through the town of Kobakma in Mamberamo Tengah Regency of Papua's central highlands on Monday (5 May).
The situation reportedly escalated after local people watching the parade, objected to attempts by police officers to stop graduates displaying the West Papuan nationalist Morning Star flag.
Brandishing the flag, or painting school uniforms and personal accessories with a Morning Star symbol, is relatively common across West Papua on graduation day - despite the flag being effectively outlawed by Indonesia.
Video footage obtained by human rights researchers shows a crowd of angry Papuans throwing stones towards police infrastructure. The sound of gun shots follows.
According to Human Rights Monitor, seven West Papuans - including some students - were injured from being shot. The seven were aged between 17 and 24 years old.
Local police said their officers tried to persuade the students not to display the Morning Star, but they were ignored and the situation developed into unrest. Police said that in response they dispersed the crowd using tear gas and fired warning shots into the air.
According to police, a number of people were injured, including police personnel. Security forces, including military, are patrolling the area after the melee briefly descended into rioting and looting at the at Kobakma's central market.
A spokesperson at the Indonesian Embassy in New Zealand told RNZ Pacific that information it had gathered about the incident indicated the students' parade had been "infiltrated by another group that provoked to create discord related to an unfortunate incident that happened in the area on the previous day".
"Local authorities in close relations with civic groups, including church authorities and traditional leaders, are currently trying to conduct a thorough investigation regarding the incident that happens."
The spokesperson said national and local authorities would focus their efforts to avoid any further "unfortunate similar incidents" happen in the future.

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3) West Papua and Pity the Indigenous (Indonesia and Persecution) 

Posted on May 9, 2026 by admin

Kanako Mita, Noriko Watanabe, and Lee Jay Walker

Modern Tokyo Times


Spare more than a passing thought for the Indigenous Papuans, who for over six decades have endured systematic persecution in their own homeland under Indonesian rule. This is not merely neglect — it is an ongoing colonial project, sustained by foreign governments that continue to arm Jakarta and legitimised by the shameful silence of regional powers including Australia, China, Japan, and others who accept Indonesia’s authority without meaningful challenge.

President Benny Wenda of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) stated with devastating clarity: “We are murdered, tortured, and raped, and then our land is stolen for resource extraction and corporate profit when we flee.”

The Papuan people are overwhelmingly Christian and ethnically Melanesian — distinct from the Javanese elite that dominates Indonesia’s largely Muslim state. Yet for decades the international community has looked away while Papuans are massacred, their villages militarised, their culture marginalised, and their ancestral lands handed over to corporations. This is colonialism in plain sight.

Indonesia’s major trading partners — including the United States, China, Japan, India, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Vietnam, and the Philippines — remain largely silent in the face of this human rights catastrophe. Australia, meanwhile, prioritises military cooperation and geopolitical convenience over justice, frequently turning a blind eye to Papuan suffering even while voicing outrage over abuses in distant conflicts such as Ukraine. The hypocrisy is glaring.

As The Guardian reports, West Papua occupies the western half of New Guinea, home to the world’s third-largest rainforest and vast reserves of gold, copper, gas, minerals, and timber. It is precisely this extraordinary wealth that fuels Jakarta’s grip on the territory.

West Papuans themselves say more than 500,000 of their people have been killed during six decades of occupation, while millions of acres of sacred ancestral land have been destroyed for corporate profit.

Papuan civilisation — its culture, ethnicity, spirituality, and history — bears little resemblance to that of the Indonesian state that continues to impose control. Without urgent international intervention, Papuans face not only continued repression but the slow erasure of their identity as an Indigenous people.

The people of West Papua are not asking for charity. They are demanding their fundamental right to self-determination — freedom from military occupation, freedom from resource plunder, and freedom from a system that treats them as expendable obstacles to profit.

As Benny Wenda puts it plainly: “Indonesia doesn’t want the West Papuan people — they only want our resources.”

The documentary Paradise Bombed by Kristo Langker lays bare this brutal reality, exposing villages targeted by Indonesian airstrikes and showing how food deprivation, displacement, and terror are deliberately used to crush resistance and break community spirit.

This is not a forgotten tragedy. It is a living one.

The continued silence of powerful nations makes them complicit. Justice for West Papua is long overdue — and every day of delay deepens the injustice.

MODERN TOKYO TIMES – MODERN TOKYO NEWS – please check https://moderntokyonews.com

Please check Modern Tokyo News at https://moderntokyonews.com for articles going back over 10 years. Sadly, Modern Tokyo Times got hacked and lost 14 years of articles…

Paradise Bombed – Video documenting the hidden West Papua (Important video to watch about West Papua)

https://www.ipwp.org The International Parliamentarians for West Papua (IPWP)



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Duncan Graham 

4) An acid test of Indonesia's democracy 
May 10, 2026

An acid attack by four Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) soldiers on a human rights activist highlights growing tensions as President Prabowo reinstates military influence in Indonesia’s civilian administration.  

Is Indonesia using state-sanctioned violence to crush critics of its administration of the world’s third-largest democracy? Since a revolution at the end of the last century, it claims to have thrown off a 32-year autocracy led by former general Soeharto. But the replacement government, now run by Soeharto’s former son-in-law, Prabowo Subianto, is a “flawed democracy” according to the London-based Economic Intelligence Unit.

Arousing most concern are laws to put the military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) in control of systems and departments previously run by civilians. NGOs have been leading critics of this trend, with one prominent human rights advocate, Andrie Yunus, assaulted in  an acid attack on 12 March 2026 as he left his Central Jakarta office around 11 pm. Yunus is the Deputy Coordinator of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) and has been an outspoken critic of the return to a military-run state. He had been receiving phone threats but  had still been planning to release research into violence perpetrated by the security forces.

Amnesty International Indonesia collected 295 incidents of intimidation against human rights defenders and labelled 2025 as the Year of Living Dangerously for activists. (The title of the 1978 Christopher Koch book and Peter Weir’s 1982 film retains its relevance and potency.) Acid is often the weapon of choice. It doesn’t go bang and arouse security or upset body scanners; blokes carrying plastic drink bottles rarely arouse suspicion.

Yunus was critical of the TNI’s growing influence, largely through inserting officers into the leadership of government departments that had been handling civilian affairs for almost three decades, since the collapse of Soeharto’s New Order government. Prabowo is a former three-star general sacked in 1998 for allegedly disobeying orders while he was Commander of the Army Strategic Reserve Command_._ Now as President, he has even put TNI officers in charge of the government’s free-school meal program and its rice control and distribution agency_._

Yunus’s ambushers were four active-duty intelligence officers, who are on trial in a military court, where it is alleged they were motivated by personal revenge to splash his face and clothes with acid. Another version blames Yunus for causing distress in 2025 when he disrupted a hotel meeting of politicians and bureaucrats discussing the revision of the TNI Law. The defendants consider Yunus’s actions had insulted the military.

Researchers for Yunus’s defence have scrutinised security camera tapes of the incident and claim another 10 soldiers were involved as watchouts, making the attack a coordinated affair. A flask of the prepared acid mix was tossed in Yunus’s face, under his helmet and down his overclothes. He was thrown off his machine, screaming in agony, according to witnesses.  Twenty per cent of his body is burnt and he will likely lose his right eye. He is still in hospital.

Prabowo has reportedly said: “This is terrorism, isn’t it? A barbaric act. We must pursue.”  But KontraS is unimpressed by the pledge and angry about the prosecution being held in a military court, even if the proceedings are open to the media.

Yunus has written to the President:

In various cases involving civilians harmed by military personnel, including forced disappearances, killings, torture, and domestic violence, military courts have never delivered justice, accountability, or full institutional responsibility up to the chain of command. This only perpetuates a record of impunity.

This appeal was binned.

Jakarta Military Court chief Colonel Fredy Ferdian Isnartanto has tried to justify keeping the case in his jurisdiction.  He told a press conference:

If this were handled in a civilian court, it would not be appropriate, and the legal process would not proceed. It could even be rejected by the district court.

The track record on prosecutions is not good. Ten years ago, a former policeman turned corruption investigator, Novel Baswedan, was walking home from his local mosque in North Jakarta when two men threw acid at his face. He lost an eye. After more than two years of investigation and a presidential order to find the assailants, the result was a disappointment. Two active police officers were convicted and jailed for a year. Novel’s supporters said they were scapegoats.

The stand-out in the business of removing government critics has to be the 2004 assassination of lawyer Munir Said Thalib, the founder of  KontraS in 1998. He was poisoned on a Garuda flight while heading to Utrecht University to study for a master’s degree in international law and human rights. A post-mortem found arsenic in an orange drink.  He died before landing. The then-President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (another former general) promised Munir’s widow, Suciwati, that the case would be thoroughly investigated.  It wasn’t.

According to the nation’s leading daily, Kompas,

the shadow of the military’s return to dominance in civilian governance is now increasingly apparent. A total of 2,500 active TNI personnel have quietly taken up civilian positions, a figure that exceeds the limits set by law.

If the revision of the TNI Law currently being discussed by the DPR (Parliament) is passed, the last barrier to military involvement in civilian bureaucracy will collapse.

Not only that, but soldiers will also be given the opportunity to engage in business activities, blurring the clear line that has long separated the military from economic and political interests.

The California-based Asia Sentinel magazine has warned of “the darkening face of Indonesia’s democracy” with “reports of intimidation and terror directed at activists, legislative initiatives widely seen as constraining press freedom, and, perhaps most strikingly, the reactivation of military command structures at the regional level".

How does this affect Australia? Along with the US, in early 2000s, Australia banned Prabowo from visiting on the grounds of his alleged human rights record in Papua and Timor. But in politics, pragmatism usually smothers principles. Prabowo got his visa once he founded his right-wing populist Gerindra (Great Indonesia) party in 2008 and became its candidate for the presidency.

Earlier this year, PM Anthony Albanese visited Jakarta to sign a security deal between the TNI and the ADF, saying, “No country is more important to Australia — or to the prosperity, security and stability of the Indo-Pacific than Indonesia”. No mention of human rights, the rules of warfare and the sharing of values.  Our soldiers mingling with theirs should beware of misunderstandings that could lead to criticisms and cool drink bottles with suspect contents.

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

Duncan Graham 
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java

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