Thursday, August 29, 2013

1) West Papuan political prisoners reject pardon deal


1) West Papuan political prisoners reject pardon deal
2) The West Papuan independence movement - a history 
4) W. Papua councillors grilled  over Rp 22b graft

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1) West Papuan political prisoners reject pardon deal
Papua governor offered Selpius Bobii and other jailed activists pardon for renunciation of independence struggle        

Marni Cordell
                       
theguardian.com, Thursday 29 August 2013 10.10 AEST


A West Papuan political prisoner serving three years in jail for treason was offered a pardon by the Indonesian government if he renounced the struggle for independence.
Selpius Bobii, who was jailed in 2011 after declaring independence from Indonesia, said Papuan governor Lukas Enembe visited his prison on 17 August and offered to let him and his fellow political prisoners out of jail if they stopped agitating for independence.
The long-time activist refused the deal.
Enembe confirmed to Guardian Australia that he met with Bobii and other political prisoners on what is Indonesia’s national day, but he declined to say whether an ultimatum was issued.
“I led the Independence Day flag ceremony and announced the pardon,” he told Guardian Australia. “But [in] the cells where the prisoners of treason cases were detained they yelled out, ‘Oi, no need, just get out, freedom for Papua, no negotiation’.”
The governor, who was accompanied by a military commander and a high-ranking police officer, urged Bobii and 24 other inmates serving time for politically motivated crimes at Jayapura’s Abepura prison to accept the Indonesian government’s authority over West Papua.
“I challenged them. I told them that my parents were victimised because they were talking about the independence of Papua. I said, please don't use those words that way. A lot of people have died because of it,” he said.
But Bobii told Guardian Australia that all but one of the political prisoners chose to stay in their cells rather than engage with the governor.
“Several political detainees … raised their voices from their cells to assert their protest against Enembe’s address,” he said. “Police officers, plain-clothed Indonesian military and prison officers quickly moved to deal with the few vocal detainees.”
Fellow political prisoner Filep Karma, who is serving 15 years for raising the banned “morning star” flag, told the governor from his cell: “It’s impossible for the people of Papua to unite with the people of Indonesia because the majority of Indonesians consider Papuans to be half-animal … Indonesians regard Papuans as similar to human monkeys.”
He added: “So many Papuans have become victims because of the Papuan struggle for freedom and we also are imprisoned for that same struggle.”
Bobii told Guardian Australia he passed a message through Enembe to the Indonesian president.
“We declared Papua to be a state and because of that we are here in prison. Tell President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono that the nation of Papua is ready to negotiate,” he said.
“Also tell him we, as Papuan political detainees, reject the giving of clemency in whatever form that may take.”
He said the governor’s request was “deeply hurtful for Papuans”.
“This really touches on some very deep old wounds for the people of Papua, who for more than 50 years have constantly struggled and their people been sacrificed again and again, losing thousands of their people killed by both overt and covert means in the long struggle for freedom,” he said.
“The governor is holding hands with the Indonesian military and police, not only to try and make a success of Jakarta’s project in Papua but also with the hidden intention of indirectly terrorising and intimidating those of the Papuan freedom movement. But his agenda, as he visited the Abepura prison, totally failed.”
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http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/aug/29/west-papua-independence-history

2) The West Papuan independence movement - a history 

Indigenous Papuans still fight for self-determination, more than 40 years after Indonesia acquired the territory in a sham ballot

Indonesia officially acquired West Papua in 1969, after a sham ballot on independence in which only a handful of the local population were allowed to vote.
The region, which makes up the western part of the island of New Guinea to Australia's north, was once a Dutch colony, but the Netherlands began to prepare for withdrawal in the 1950s.
In 1961, West Papuans held a congress to discuss independence and raised the West Papuan "morning star" flag.
But a newly independent Republic of Indonesia began to assert its claim over the province and a conflict broke out between Indonesia, the Netherlands and the indigenous population.
In 1962, a United Nations-sponsored treaty known as the New York agreement was drawn up to put an end to this territorial battle, and Indonesia was appointed temporary administrator of West Papua from May 1963 – without West Papuan consultation or consent.
A key requirement of the treaty was that all West Papuans be allowed to vote in a referendum on independence, which was to be overseen by the UN.
But when the ballot was held in 1969, it was far from free and fair: the Indonesian military handpicked 1,026 leaders to vote on behalf of the entire population, and threatened to kill them and their families if they voted the wrong way.
In this environment, the outcome of the so-called "Act of Free Choice" was unanimous – and Indonesia's takeover of West Papua was rubber-stamped by the UN.
Almost all indigenous Papuans reject the referendum, dubbing it the "act of no choice", and many continue to demand a real vote on self-determination to this day.
This history forms the basis for West Papuans' call for independence – but it is not just historical injustice that fuels the movement today.
Indigenous West Papuans face daily surveillance and intimidation by the Indonesian military and police, and many report living in constant fear. Thousands have been killed, detained and tortured since 1963.
Those who agitate for independence openly do so at a high personal cost. It is illegal to raise the morning star flag and many of the province's leaders are sitting out long jail terms for peaceful acts of defiance.
The region has an armed movement for independence that has been responsible for the deaths of Indonesian security personnel and actively engages in armed skirmishes, but there is a much larger civil movement that is also heavily suppressed.
In October 2011, the Third Papuan People's Congress, a civilian gathering that addressed issues of self-governance, was violently quashed by Indonesian forces. Six people were killed and dozens more injured.
Indonesia guards its "territorial integrity" jealously. And it's no surprise – the massive Freeport McMoran gold and copper mine in West Papua is one of the country's largest taxpayers.
For its part, Indonesia argues that since West Papua was once a part of the Dutch East Indies, it should also be part of today's independent Indonesian Republic.
Both major Australian political parties support them in this stance.
Indonesia is seen as an important political ally for Australia, and politicians from both sides are loth to antagonise their Indonesian counterparts. Australia maintains close ties with the Indonesian military. It also provides training and funding for its counter-terror police unit, Detachment 88, which has been involved in recent crackdowns on the independence movement.
But Australia is home to a significant West Papuan community and a large network of supporters of West Papuan independence. The West Papuan Freedom Flotilla is the latest in a long history of co-operation between activists from the two countries.


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Posted at 05:52 on 29 August, 2013 UTC
Reports from Papua say Indonesian police have arrested four people following a meeting to mark the boat trip of Australian activists towards Papua.
The reports say 2,000 people attended the gathering at a Protestant Church in Sorong.
The Sorong meeting follows another rally in Manokwari as Papuans are awaiting the vessels.
The activists have no clearance from Indonesia to enter its waters.
Australia has said it feels it has no obligation towards the group, which could be jailed in Indonesia for five years.

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4) W. Papua councillors grilled  over Rp 22b graft
The Jakarta Post | The Archipelago | Thu, August 29 2013, 8:20 AM
The Papua Prosecutors’ Office is investigating all 43 members of the West Papua Legislative Council for the alleged embezzlement of Rp 22 billion (US$1.95 million) from the 2010 provincial budget.

“We are still in the investigation process and all the West Papua councillors have been named suspects,” the Papua Prosecutors’ Office chief ESM Hutagalung told reporters in Jayapura on Wednesday.

The money was allegedly embezzled by borrowing the funds held by the West Papua provincial administration and previously managed by provincial-owned enterprise PT Papua Doberai Mandiri (Padoma), which was run by director Mamad Suhadi. 

Hutagalung said borrowing the money was a violation of regulations although most of the funds, Rp 19 billion, had been repaid to PT Padoma.

The funds were disbursed and distributed to the 43 councillors by West Papua Provincial Secretary Marthen Luther Rumadas 

Although all councillors have been named suspects, the legal process will be conducted in several dossiers. 

The first dossier concerns Mamad, Marthen and West Papua Legislative Council Speaker Josef Yohan Auri.

Mamad has been detained while the detentions of Marthen and Josef have been postponed due to their alleged ill health.


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Letter in Solomon Star

5) Tran in Indonesia



Dear Editor – Thank you for including this piece under this prestigious column.

First, as we know the Indonesian trip taken by a huge delegation from the government had received negative feedback from all sections of this country in the last couple of days.

The fact that government had spent more than 1 million dollars for the trip alone was seen as irresponsible on their part as services in the country remain in dire situation.

I’m not keen to continue on that trend as I believe the arguments from the general public have covered well that issue.

However, there’s something else about that trip that the media and other critics have not been able to detect and report.

It is the Member of West Honiara’s inclusion in the delegation.

 Hon. Tran’s inclusion in the 15 men delegation to Indonesia is certainly causing uneasiness amongst his fellow Ni- Vanuatu friends.

Lest we forget, Hon. Tran’s adopted country is Vanuatu. He lived all his life there before coming to Solomon Islands.

Tran’s adopted country- Vanuatu- is the only Island state in the Pacific region to have openly supports the free Papua movement in West Papua.

Vanuatu has strongly advocated in the national and international scene against Indonesia’s seemingly endless barbaric attacks against the West Papuans.  

Vanuatu is the only Pacific country to have openly dislikes Indonesia in the international frontier.

Tran’s inclusion in the delegation will be seen as traitorous to his fellow countrymen of Vanuatu.

His inclusion in the trip could be interpreted as an act of supporting Indonesia’s continuous iron- fist ruling in West Papua.

This is a slap in the face of Ni- Vanuatus who are rallying their support for their fellow Melanesian brothers (A path we should follow as well).

I suggest that Tran offers an apology to the people of Vanuatu and fully explain why he was part of the contingent.

Charles Rongovata
East Honiara

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

1) Fear and doubt about Indonesia



1) Fear and doubt about Indonesia
2) Dozens  of Morning Star flags unfurled in NRFPB Demonstration
3) WPNA supports  the Freedom Flotilla
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http://www.theaustralian.com.au/higher-education/fear-and-doubt-about-indonesia/story-e6frgcjx-1226704527800

1) Fear and doubt about Indonesia

ALMOST 50 per cent of Australians believe Indonesia is a threat to our national security, according to a landmark study that testifies to government concern about the effect of popular attitudes on bilateral relations.
In the opinion poll ordered by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, more people (59pc) agreed with the mostly misleading statement that Indonesia's law-making is based on Islamic codes than were able to recognise our neighbour as a democracy (47pc).
The survey of 1,202 people, carried out by Newspoll in 2012 and yet to be released, is the first of its kind and will be used in efforts to promote better "people to people" relations as DFAT pursues so-called public diplomacy.
The gap between popular suspicion and warm official relations has been shown by Lowy Institute polls but the latest 91-page study is more detailed and has added significance because it reveals a government anxious to know what underlies the often awkward state of public opinion.
"Despite (a third of Australians having visited the country), our factual knowledge of Indonesia is poor - and we know it," says the Newspoll report for DFAT.
Murdoch University's professor of Southeast Asian studies, David Hill, said he believed the study was the first to demonstrate a link between the learning of Indonesian language and more positive, informed attitudes to Indonesia.
In the survey, the No. 1 policy issue troubling Australians was people smuggling via Indonesia.
Only 9pc thought Indonesia had made a "strong effort" to do something about this, 31pc acknowledged a "moderate effort", and 18pc believed our neighbour had made no effort at all.
People were more concerned about the welfare of cattle sent to Indonesia than about fair treatment of our citizens in Indonesia's prisons and courts.
Two words that Australians most immediately associate with Indonesia were "holiday" and "Muslim", while nearly one fifth of those surveyed thought Bali was a country all its own.
More than two thirds saw Indonesia as corrupt, and only a quarter thought it had a good political system.
"Some attitudes are based on real problems that Indonesia faces - for example, corruption," said Indonesia expert Dave McRae of the Lowy Institute.
But other attitudes reflected prejudices - such as the apparent belief that Islamic codes are a major influence on Indonesia law.
"Prejudices are a concern, because they reduce the likelihood that individuals and businesses will take the initiative to engage with Indonesia, something that is needed to deepen bilateral ties," Dr McRae said.
"As long as prejudices prevail, there will always be the risk also that Australia's politicians will play to these prejudices for domestic political gain, rather than act in the long term interests of the relationship."

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2) Dozens  of Morning Star flags unfurled in NRFPB Demonstration

Bintang Papua, 28 August 2013

Manokwari:  Although controversy is still raging about the Freedom Flotilla which has a number of Papuan activists on board,  a group of Papuans who recently proclaimed the establishment of the Federal Republic of the State of West Papua (NRFPB) in Manokwari held a demonstration on 27 August.

The demonstration which was organised by the NRFPB was highlighted by a number of Morning Star flags. The demonstration started from the office of DAP (Dewan Adat Papua  - Papuan Customary Council) on Jalan Pahlawan and continued until 10am. In a speech at the demonstration, the deputy governor of NRFPB Yenu called on all Papuans living in Manokwari to welcome the Freedom Flotilla which is sailing from Australia to West Papua.

Security forces composed of members of the Indonesian police force mounted a strong guard  round the demonstration. The demonstrators marched round the City of Manokwari distributing leaflets proclaiming freedom for the Papuan people.

Morning Star flags were unfurled in several places but the security forces failed to take action. They just stood along the route without doing anything to confiscate the flags being carried by the demonstrators.

As has previously been reported,  the Freedom Flotilla  with Papuans on board as well as Aboriginals (Australia)  who have expressed deep concern about the situation in West Papua is now sailing towards Papua New Guinea. From there, the Flotilla will sail to Merauke West Papua.  The Flotilla is due to arrive in West Papua at the beginning of September.

[Translated by TAPOL]
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3) WPNA supports  the Freedom Flotilla

Bintang Papua, 26 August 2013

Jayapura: In a recent statement, the Chief of Police  of Indonesia, Inspector-Commissioner  Muhamad Tito Karnavian  said that the ships taking part in the Freedom Flotilla are trying to do something sensational. This statement was countered by the West Papua National Authority (WPNA)  whose secretary said that the Chief of Police should send his statement to the Central  Government and should call on the government to enter into dialogue with leaders of the state of West Papua.

'The Secretariat of the WPNA strongly  rejects the statement made by the Chief of Police who wants to cause a sensation via the local media in Papua.

The spokesman of the WPNA who name is Marthen said that the Freedom Flotilla which is sailing to Papua has a clear vision and mission., namely the cultural vision of the people of West Papua. 'We the people of West Papua have relations with the Aboriginal People of Australia as well as with the people living in the Torres Archipelago. Thousands of years ago, there was a link between West Papua and Australia but the colonialists pulled us apart.'

Marthen went on to say that the Freedom Flotilla now sailing to Papua is pressing for the liberation of the West Papuan people because they are concerned  about the humanitarian crisis in West Papua  as well as the political status of West Papua which has come about as a result of  Indonesia's grip which was made  possible by the New York Agreement of 1962 and the Act of Free Choice in 1969.

'This has led to widespread human rights violations in the Land of Papua which still occur while the Indonesian Government is doing everything possible to convince the international community  that Indonesia is undertaking development in West Papua.The fact is that during 2012 and up to the present day, twenty-two KNPB activists have been murdered which is clear a crime against humanity.'

He went on to say that the Chief of Police claims, based on information from Australia, that the Freedom Flotilla does not have any support and is simply a fabrication  to undermine public opinion.

'The Prime Minister and President of the Federal Republic of the State of West Papua were appointed by the decisions taken at the Third Congress of the People of West Papua.'

'We activists of the WPNA herewith declare that the President and the  Prime Minister of the NFRPB have sent a letter  stating that we will allow them to come here and saying that we are willing to receive them. This is the State of West Papua, not Indonesia,' he said, speaking firmly.

Referring to a recent statement made by the Australian Government and the government of Papua New Guinea  that they  support Indonesian sovereignty, he said that this had been said because it is in their interest to preserve bilateral relations with Indonesia.

'They can go on saying this but the fact is that  this is our state  and we are the legitimate owners acting on behalf of  the people of West Papua. We have never recognised Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua.'

When Indonesia says that  it regards the Freedom Flotilla as nothing more than sensationalism,  this is a clear sign that Indonesia  is very much afraid that crimes against humanity have  been perpetrated in West Papua and that this is widely acknowledged by the international community .

'We would like to express our appreciation to Vanuatu for declaring its support for independence for West Papua.'

He also said that people in a number of districts in West Papua will be welcoming the Freedom Flotilla with prayers and by fasting, all of which has been going on for a number of weeks.

There are also plans to hold a Papuan cultural demonstration which will take place in the streets.  This will occur  at times that have already been fixed. When this happens, we will clearly show that we have a clear vision and mission, namely the liberation of the West Papuan people from Indonesian colonisation.'

[Translated by TAPOL]
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1) Speaking softly means Australia's voice will not be heard on human rights


1) Speaking softly means Australia's voice will not be heard on human rights
2) West Papua is Indonesia’s Palestine
3) RI must benefit from US’  Asia pivot
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1) Speaking softly means Australia's voice will not be heard on human rights
August 28, 2013 

Elaine Pearson



It seems to have taken an apparent chemical weapons attack killing hundreds in Syria to bring human rights into the foreign policy debate of the Australian elections.
Until these horrific events in Syria, human rights have been a glaring omission from the foreign policy agendas of both the Labor Party and the Coalition. In a recent foreign policy debate, for example, Julie Bishop endorsed the power of ''quiet diplomacy'', while Bob Carr talked about the importance of understanding and respecting Asian values, saying: ''I like the attitude of our 10 ASEAN [Association of South-East Asian Nations] neighbours to engagement with Myanmar and we will follow.''
If Australia's regional foreign policy is restricted to soft diplomacy and ASEAN-style commerce-only engagement, that is bad news for victims of human rights violations in Asia. People such as Filep Karma, a Papuan activist who remains ill in an Indonesian prison, jailed for 15 years for his peaceful support of Papuan independence. Or the family of Jonas Burgos, a leftist activist in the Philippines who was forcibly ''disappeared'' in 2007. Despite substantial evidence implicating the military, the family is still awaiting answers about his whereabouts. 
A quiet word from an Australian official won't free Karma or ensure justice for Burgos.
Since 1978 my organisation, Human Rights Watch, has found while private diplomacy has its place, what counts most is sustained public pressure that raises the costs of human rights violations. Abusive governments will often be forced to think twice about committing abuses. Governments take notice if their abuses embarrass international partners; this sometimes leads to conditioned military aid or trade sanctions.

The release of political prisoners in Burma has been the result of sustained international pressure over many years. I'll never forget the moment in May last year when I met leaders of the ''88 Generation Students''; political activists who had been imprisoned in Burma for most of the past 25 years. The group's leader, Min Ko Naing, who spent more than 20 years in jail, thanked the international community, including Human Rights Watch, for continuing to raise their cases publicly: ''It was due to the continued foreign pressure that we were released.''

In the Philippines, the military has been implicated in numerous cases of extrajudicial killings of leftist activists, but the number of killings dropped markedly in 2008 when the voices of UN experts and foreign officials combined with advocacy groups to condemn the killings and demand justice.
Australia describes itself as a ''middle power'' in Asia, a region undergoing immense economic growth. We are the region's oldest enduring democracy, with a lasting commitment to the rule of law and a robust economy. As such, Australia has great potential to be an effective promoter of human rights in the Asia-Pacific. Yet until now, Canberra's efforts to advocate on rights have been at best uneven. It has been easier for foreign ministers to speak up on rights abuses in countries with which Australia has fewer trade relations, but harder to sustain rights pressure on major trade partners such as Indonesia.
Australia can play an important role in shifting the foreign policy debate from a preoccupation with deterring boatloads of asylum seekers to a commitment to acknowledge human rights violations wherever they occur.Australia likes to think it punches above its weight in international affairs. Being a firm moral voice on human rights gives real authority to that elevated status, while speaking softly on abuses diminishes it.
Elaine Pearson is director of Human Rights Watch Australia, which opens its first Sydney office Wednesday. Twitter: @pearsonelaine.

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2) West Papua is Indonesia’s Palestine
24 AUGUST 2013
JASON MACLEOD
Tineke Rumkabu handed me a bright yellow piece of A4 paper, double-sided, and folded in half. The official looking invitation was to attend a gathering at the Biak Numfor police station on July 1, 2013. The event, the invitation stated, would include opportunities for Papuans to ask questions of the local Indonesian police and would conclude with prayers. The brightly colored paper looked innocent enough, but in the context of West Papua’s 50-year independence struggle, it was imbued with sinister undertones. 
Resistance Leaders
Rumkabu knows, as does every politically aware West Papuan, that many indigenous independence leaders, who have risen up and commanded mass appeal since the Indonesian government took control of the western half of New Guinea in May 1963, have either been jailed or killed. The list reads like a who’s who of Papuan political leaders: Arnold Ap and Eddie Mofu, arrested for collecting and singing traditional Papuan songs and murdered by the Indonesian Special Forces in 1984; Thomas Wainggai, arrested in 1988 for organizing an independence rally and died in prison in 1996; Theys Hiyo Eluay, invited to dinner with the Indonesian military and then strangled to death; Kelly Kwalik, a Papuan guerrilla, killed by the US and Australian trained Detachment 88 anti-terrorist police troops in December 2009; and Mako Tabuni, shot dead by Detachment 88 in June 2012.
According to Papuans Behind Bars, a coalition of local and international advocacy groups, at the end of June, 57 West Papuan political prisoners were being detained. These are not violent separatists — every single one has been jailed for determined nonviolent agitation, despite the fact that the Indonesian constitution protects freedom of speech. The list of West Papuan political prisoners includes Filep Karma, jailed for 15 years for nonviolently raising the banned Papuan independence flag, The Morning Star, in 2004; Victor Yeimo, the head of the West Papua National Committee, in jail for organizing nonviolent demonstrations for a referendum on independence; and Forkorus Yaboisembut, the president of the National Federated Republic of West Papua, who was savagely beaten by police and then jailed for three and a half years after declaring independence from Indonesia at a peaceful rally.
Rumkabu, was under no illusions about why she was invited to the Biak Numfor police station. “I received this invitation because I organized a nonviolent demonstration, protesting killings and human rights violations by the Indonesian police and military in the highlands of West Papua,” she said. “They want to question me.”
The Biak Massacre
It was not the first time Rumkabu had been “questioned” by the Indonesian police. In the pre-dawn hours of July 6, 1998, Rumkabu made a pot of coffee and took newly baked cakes out to Papuan protesters who had been camping out at a water tower — a prominent land mark in the centre of Biak. The demonstrators had been brought together by the aforementioned public servant and independence leader, Filep Karma, who is now in jail.
After passing out cakes and serving coffee, Rumkabu stayed at the water tower chatting, singing and praying with the protesters. “We were empty handed,” she recalled. “We had no weapons. All we wanted was independence; to separate from Indonesia.”
Suharto, the former Indonesian dictator, had just been overthrown by tens of thousands of unarmed civilians in Jakarta. Democracy was in the air around the archipelago but, in West Papua, it was independence the people wanted, not reform. This was a view the Indonesian military were not prepared to tolerate. For days, troops had been gathering in Biak City. Indonesian navy warships – at least one of which was sold to Indonesia by the German Government – and C130 Hercules planes, the kind of aircraft the Australian government intends to donate to Indonesia, brought in heavily armed troops. Local troops were augmented with fresh soldiers from Hassanuddin Company and Pattimura from Ambon, two neighbouring provinces of West Papua. Local villagers from the surrounding hamlets were press ganged into militias and told to arm themselves with sharp implements. Captain Andrew Plunkett, a former intelligence officer who worked at the Australian Embassy in Jakarta, called it “a dress rehearsal” for the militia-backed military-led bloodletting and destruction that occurred post-referendum in East Timor in 1999.
At approximately 4:30am on July 6, 1998, the troops opened fire. A week later, Edmund McWilliams, who at the time was a Political Counsellor in the US Embassy in Jakarta, visited Biak. He saw the bullet holes, chest high; pock marks over the water tower. It is not known how many died that day and in the days that followed. No independent investigation has ever taken place. The Indonesian government refuses to allow it and in turn, instead of prosecuting the perpetrators, it jailed the victims. But we know from the testimony of Rumkabu and others, and the work of West Papuan human rights defenders from Elsham, the Institute for the Study and Advocacy of Human Rights in West Papua, that it was a massacre.
The Dead and Dying
In the case of the Biak Massacre the killings did not end with the shooting at the water tower. Rumkabu describes how she was imprisoned by police in what can only be described as a rape camp. “I saw women abused and killed in the most horrific ways. A young girl was raped [and] then had her breasts cut off in front of me,” Rumkabu said. According to Elsham and witnesses, the dead and dying were thrown into trucks and taken to the wharf where they were loaded on to at least two waiting warships — the KRI Kapap and the KRI Telek Berau — an odious gift from the German government. Those still alive were killed, the bodies were mutilated, and then thrown overboard. In the days following July 6, corpses, many missing body parts, washed up on the beaches of Biak or were pulled out of the water by fishermen. Irene Dimara told me fisherman found her brother, Dance Korwa. “His penis had been cut off, he had no eyes, his teeth had been pulled out, and he had more than five stab wounds in his belly.”
Shooting nonviolent protesters dead at the tower is one thing, but the level of cruelty and intentionality involved in loading people on boats, killing them, mutilating their bodies and dumping them overboard takes this state crime to a whole new level. The fact this happened in a supposedly democratic Indonesia, several months after former Indonesian dictator President Suharto had been overthrown and a new democratic government installed, and the fact that what happened has been covered up since, compounds the Indonesian government’s complicity.
Fifteen years later, survivors, witnesses and their allies had come together to seek justice. Rumkabu was our star witness in a citizen tribunal held at Sydney University. Our goal is to marshal compelling evidence to reopen the case. As part of the proceedings, we had also smuggled an interview with Filep Karma, the man who organized the Biak protests in July 1998, out of an Indonesian jail. The Tribunal was streamed live to audiences around the world with parallel events in Jakarta, New York and London.
West Papua: A Growing International Problem 
The meaning of Rumkabu’s simple artefact — the invitation on a piece of colored paper to meet Indonesian police, and the events that coalesced around it including the Citizens Tribunal — reveals much about violence and resistance in occupied West Papua. It illustrates five salient dynamics of the conflict.
Firstly, Indonesian state violence against Papuan civilians clamouring for independence is systemic and systematic.
Secondly, that violence is ongoing. The Indonesian security forces continue to carry out human rights violations with impunity. The July 6 Biak Massacre in 1998 was not the first time the Indonesian military opened fire on nonviolent Papuan civilians. It was not the last. In 2012 alone, Detachment 88 allegedly carried out 22 extra-judicial killings of members of the West Papua National Committee. Even as I wrote this article, news came in that five activists had been arrested in Jayapura, the capital.
Thirdly, while there are small numbers of armed guerrilla groups still active in the jungles and mountains, the overwhelming resistance by the Papuans constitutes an unarmed insurrection in the cities and towns. According to the Indonesian military’s own figures, the nonviolent movement numbers at least 16,000 fulltime activists, while the armed struggle has around 1,300 fulltime guerrillas with a handful of modern firearms and no heavy artillery.
Fourthly, Papuans are casting off fear. They are determined to be free. Rumkabu could have claimed political asylum when she was in Australia. But she did not. Rumkabu has returned back to Biak to insist that Papuans be treated humanely. Karma, an Amnesty International prisoner of conscience, continues to defy Indonesian rule even from within his jail cell.
Finally, as the Biak Citizens Tribunal in Sydney demonstrates, the struggle for justice and political freedom in West Papua is being increasingly internationalized. When the Biak Massacre occurred, it took weeks for the story to get out — now it takes hours. Because of this kind of pressure, the Indonesian government recently agreed to let a delegation of foreign ministers from Papua New Guinea, Fiji, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu visit West Papua.
A Dilemma for State
Mama Tin, as she is known by her friends, was not born when the Indonesian government took control of West Papua in 1963, nor was Filep Karma. The Papuans protested vigorously at the time, but their voices were silenced. The Indonesian government has had 50 years to persuade several generations that they are better off being part of Indonesia, but they have not succeeded. Poverty remains high in many places, health and educational services are non-existent, and the police and army are universally seen as an occupying force by ordinary Papuans. Now, a new generation is rising up. The fact they are doing so fearlessly and without arms is even more remarkable.
All this poses a dilemma for the Indonesian state. One way the state has handled this dilemma has been to deny media access to international journalists, while trying to reassure the international community that everything is fine. The only problem is maintaining control, which relies on repression and restricting press freedom of an increasingly restive and internationally connected citizenry. Yet if the Indonesian state eases its authoritarian control, they run the risk of losing control.
The state cannot have it both ways. Either they have nothing to hide and let the international press see what is happening in West Papua, or they admit they are an occupying army committing human rights violations to maintain an increasingly tenuous claim that their rule in West Papua is legitimate. Ultimately, the Indonesian government will need to enter into some kind of political settlement.
West Papua is Indonesia’s Palestine. Until people like Karma and Rumkabu have the opportunity to freely decide whether they want to remain with Indonesia or not, any claims by the Indonesian state that West Papua is a democracy will ring hollow.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.


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3) RI must benefit from US’  Asia pivot
Bagus BT Saragih, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Headlines | Wed, August 28 2013, 10:31 AM
Indonesia must make the most of its high level relationship with the US, which was marked by new commitments on military sales and cooperation, especially to further its national interests, an analyst has said.


US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, during his visit to Jakarta on Monday, reaffirmed Indonesia’s central role in President Barack Obama’s policy of rebalancing Washington’s relationship priorities in the world.

But Dewi Fortuna Anwar, the deputy for political affairs to the Vice President, said that Indonesia must be able to make the most of stronger cooperation with the US, not to mention leveraging stronger influence, in return for Jakarta’s willingness to provide platforms to support Washington’s pivot to the Asia-Pacific region.

“We should not underestimate what we have given to the US. There are always national interests that we must pursue from Jakarta’s relationship with Washington,” Dewi said on Tuesday.

After having bilateral talks with Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro in Jakarta, Hagel announced a deal to sell eight brand new Boeing AH-64E Apache attack helicopters and Longbow radars worth US$500 million to the Indonesian Military (TNI), which includes pilot training and maintenance.

It is among the largest military sales from the US since Washington lifted its embargo on selling lethal arms to Indonesia in 2005. The embargo was imposed in response to repeated human rights abuses allegedly committed by the Indonesian Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus) in West Papua and Timor Leste (then East Timor), which killed more than 100 unarmed civilians, including two US citizens.

In 2012, the US and Indonesian sealed a $700 million defense deal to procure 24 refurbished Lockheed Martin F-16 Fighting Falcon jets.

Washington was said to be determined to help build TNI’s capability as part if its bid to enhance security ties with its Asia Pacific friends and reshape its role in the region amid Beijing’s growing military clout and territorial assertiveness.

“Helping ensure the region’s security and prosperity is a goal the US strongly shares,” Hagel said after his meeting with Purnomo.

But the defense deal with Indonesia has once again been criticized by human rights activists, particularly given TNI’s poor human rights record in Papua and a recent raid on a civilian prison by Kopassus members in Yogyakarta.

The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) and the West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) “condemned” the decision by the US to approve the Apache sale, saying, “the US’ concern for greater respect of human rights and justice in Indonesia are nothing more than hollow rhetoric”.

Dewi acknowledged that having the military deals amid concerns over the alleged human rights abuses by TNI soldiers could be seen as a good sign. Indonesia could in fact gain more by calling for more cooperation in other sectors such as economy and education, Dewi said.

Dewi also added that Indonesia should also be more assertive given its stature in the region and must be able to be in a position where the US feels compelled to consult with it first every time Washington wants to create a policy that could affect the region.

“In this sense, Indonesia must also be able to improve the bargaining position of ASEAN as a grouping as well as its individual member states. Today, Southeast Asian countries should no longer be considered as ‘pawns’,” Dewi said.

The University of Indonesia’s international law expert Hikmahanto Juwana said that the Apache deal reflected “normalized” military ties between the two countries.

The deal also indicated the growing stature of Indonesia as an important partner for the US in regional security, “particularly in the South China Sea”.

The US, he said, wanted Indonesia to serve as “mediator” to prevent the cold war from turning into “hot war”.
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