2) Prabowo takes power as Indonesian military set up new battalions – what now for West Papuans?
Indonesia’s presidential election took place on February 14, 2024. Prabowo Subianto’s election victory came with a surprise — success in almost all of the provinces of Papua.
Prabowo’s sweeping victory is a shock as the former general is a deeply unpopular figure in the region. Papua has seen decades of strife over local independence ambitions and brutal military crackdowns, and distrust of military personnel is widespread. So why did Prabowo secure such a victory?
The good and the bad: Jokowi’s policy in the region of Papua
One plausible explanation for Prabowo’s electoral success in Papua might be the “Jokowi effect,” named for outgoing President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Jokowi’s eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, is Prabowo’s running mate. While Jokowi cannot officially support them, Prabowo and Gibran are considered “continuity” candidates. Supporters of Jokowi are partial to Prabowo as a result.
In addition, Jokowi is popular for his stance on Papua. Many residents see his progress in the region as encouraging. Jokowi visited Papua at least 14 times — more than any previous Indonesian president — demonstrating his commitment to the region. Over his two terms, he has sought to invest in the Papua region via infrastructure projects such as highways and airports. Papua was also offered the opportunity to host the Indonesia National Games in October 2021 in an effort to showcase the administration’s dedication to the development of the region and dispel public skepticism about safety.
But Jokowi’s approach to Papua was heavily criticized, especially for his intense military operations. The government pointed to the need to maintain public order, particularly when it came to the separatist groups in the region. At times, these military sweeps targeted civilians.
As recently as February 2024, a viral video showed a group of Indonesian soldiers subjecting a West Papuan man to torture in a barrel filled with water after a military raid in the districts of Omukia and Gome in the Central Papua province. The soldiers repeatedly struck, elbowed and kicked the man, cutting him with a knife as he sat in a pool of his own blood.
On the one hand, residents of Papua should not ignore the progress made in the region through infrastructure development, improved reputation and persistent visits, but on they other, neither should they ignore the lack of constructive dialogue with local Papuans concerning the continued persecutions of civilians by the Indonesian military.
Prabowo’s tainted past in Papua
The question is whether the Prabowo presidency will be any different for the region of Papua. The simple answer is no. There are feelings among analysts, journalists and human rights activists, as well as some local Papuans, that the situation in the region might become even more dire.
This concern is largely attributable to Prabowo’s past human rights record as well as his strongman persona, which is reminiscent of his years as an army general under previous president and dictator Suharto. West Papua was one of Prabowo’s former stomping grounds, and he was allegedly involved in civilian deaths during the Mapeduma hostage crisis.
The Mapenduma hostage crisis took place in 1996 when the Free Papua Movement (OPM) took 26 hostages in the fight for Papua’s independence from Indonesia. During the rescue effort, the Indonesian Army Special Forces allegedly used a helicopter commonly flown by the Red Cross, ultimately misleading the OPM. This led to several civilian casualties.
However, these allegations are not substantial. Besides, Prabowo might now be a changed man. However, his recent actions provide indications of what a Prabowo presidency will look like for Papua once he steps into the presidential palace in October 2024.
The stance that Prabowo took in regards to Freeport McMoran – a massive American mining company in West Papua – during his 2019 campaign should set off some warning bells. Prabowo referred to the company as a “big investor that we should not bother but help” despite the fact that the company has a reputation for violating the rights of the indigenous population and local Papuan laborers, as well as contributing to environmental degradation in the region.
In addition, there were reports that Prabowo had purportedly interfered to prevent a lawsuit filed by his own assistant against the company. This ought to worry local Papuans and environmental activists who oppose the mining operations. A Prabowo administration is unlikely to consider local sentiments. Those who vocalize their disagreement over the mining activities may be subjected to persecution and suppression.
A closer look at Prabowo’s intended policy for Papua
It doesn’t seem like Prabowo’s disregard for the wellbeing of Papuan locals has changed in the five years between 2019 and 2024. During the presidential debate in January 2024, his response to a question about his policy for Papua was very ambiguous and not convincing.
Prabowo did mention accelerating economic development in Papua, but there were notable signs that he would implement a much more stringent version of Jokowi’s developmentalist strategy. His plan to “strengthen the security apparatus” in Papua definitely means more bad news for the local Papuans. This was especially disconcerting because it came from a former military man. It seems that he has not ruled out the possibility of increased troop development in the region.
While assuring that “human rights remained high on his priority” in addressing the conflict in the region of Papua, Prabowo’s refusal to respond to a Human Rights Watch questionnaire on key issues confronting the Indonesian population at large showcased his low regard for human rights. Therefore, it is highly improbable that Prabowo will effectively safeguard human rights in Papua given both his previous and current record of inaction.
Despite the optimism that Jokowi will subdue the aggressive nature of Prabowo from the background, the reality is that Prabowo is a nationalist and military man at heart. He has made it clear that he will bolster military activity in Papua without regard for the locals. An enhanced militarisation policy in the region is something that should not be overlooked. There will be adverse consequences for Paupan locals under the Prabowo administration.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.
———————————————————
2) Prabowo takes power as Indonesian military set up new battalions – what now for West Papuans?
ANALYSIS: By Ali Mirin
In the lead up to the inauguration of President Prabowo Subianto last Sunday, Indonesia established five “Vulnerable Area Buffer Infantry Battalions” in key regions across West Papua — a move described by Indonesian Army Chief-of-Staff Maruli Simanjuntak as a “strategic initiative” by the new leader.
The battalions are based in the Keerom, Sarmi, Boven Digoel, Merauke and Sorong regencies, and their aim is to “enhance security” in Papua, and also to strengthen Indonesia’s military presence in response to long-standing unrest and conflict, partly related to independence movements and local resistance.
According to Armed Forces chief General Agus Subiyanto, “the main goal of the new battalions is to assist the government in accelerating development and improving the prosperity of the Papuan people”.
However, this raises concerns about further militarisation and repression of a region already plagued by long-running violence and human rights abuses in the context of the movement for a free and independent West Papua.
Thousands of Indonesian soldiers have been stationed in areas impacted by violence, including Star Mountain, Nduga, Yahukimo, Maybrat, Intan Jaya, Puncak and Puncak Jaya.
As a result, the situation in West Papua is becoming increasingly difficult for indigenous people.
Extrajudicial killings in Papua go unreported or are only vaguely known about internationally. Those who are aware of these either disregard them or accept them as an “unavoidable consequence” of civil unrest in what Indonesia refers to as its most eastern provinces — the “troubled regions”.
Why do the United Nations, Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and the international community stay silent?
While the Indonesian government frames this move as a strategy to enhance security and promote development, it risks exacerbating long-standing tensions in a region with deep-seated conflicts over autonomy and independence and the impacts of extractive industries and agribusiness on West Papuan people and their environment.
Exploitative land theft
The Centre for Climate Crime and Climate Justice, in collaboration with various international and Indonesian human and environmental rights organisations, presented testimony at the public hearings of the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal (PPT) at Queen Mary University of London, in June.
The tribunal heard testimonies relating to a range of violations by Indonesia. A key issue, highlighted was the theft of indigenous Papuan land by the Indonesian government and foreign corporations in connection to extractive industries such as mining, logging and palm oil plantations.
The appropriation of traditional lands without the consent of the Papuan people violates their right to land and self-determination, leading to environmental degradation, loss of livelihood, and displacement of Indigenous communities.
The tribunal’s judgment underscores how the influx of non-Papuan settlers and the Indonesian government’s policies have led to the marginalisation of Papuan culture and identity. The demographic shift due to transmigration programmes has significantly reduced the proportion of Indigenous Papuans in their own land.
Moreover, a rise in militarisation in West Papua has often led to heightened repression, with potential human rights violations, forced displacement and further marginalisation of the indigenous communities.
The decision to station additional military forces in West Papua, especially in conflict-prone areas like Nduga, Yahukimo and Intan Jaya, reflects a continuation of Indonesia’s militarised approach to governance in the region.
Security pact
The Indonesia-Papua New Guinea Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) was signed by the two countries in 2010 but only came into effect this year after the PNG Parliament ratified it in late February.
Indonesia ratified the pact in 2012.
As reported by Asia Pacific Report, PNG’s Foreign Minister Justin Tkatchenko and Indonesia’s ambassador to PNG, Andriana Supandy, said the DCA enabled an enhancement of military operations between the two countries, with a specific focus on strengthening patrols along the PNG-West Papua border.
This will have a significant impact on civilian communities in the areas of conflict and along the border. Indigenous people in particular, are facing the threat of military takeovers of their lands and traditional border lines.
Under the DCA, the joint militaries plan to employ technology, including military drones, to monitor and manage local residents’ every move along the border.
Human rights
Prabowo, Defence Minister prior to being elected President, has a controversial track record on human rights — especially in the 1990s, during Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor.
His involvement in military operations in West Papua adds to fears that the new battalions may be used for oppressive measures, including crackdowns on dissent and pro-independence movements.
As indigenous communities continue to be marginalised, their calls for self-determination and independence may grow louder, risking further conflict in the region.
Without substantial changes in the Indonesian government’s approach to West Papua, including addressing human rights abuses and engaging in meaningful dialogue with indigenous leaders, the future of West Papuans remains uncertain and fraught with challenges.
With ongoing military operations often accused of targeting indigenous populations, the likelihood of further human rights violations, such as extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and forced displacement, remains high.
Displacement
Military operations in West Papua frequently result in the displacement of indigenous Papuans, as they flee conflict zones.
The presence of more battalions could drive more communities from their homes, deepening the humanitarian crisis in the region. Indigenous peoples, who rely on their land for survival, face disruption of their traditional livelihoods and rising poverty.
The Indonesian government launched the Damai Cartenz military operation on April 5, 2018, and it is still in place in the conflict zones of Yahukimo, Pegunungan Bintang, Nduga and Intan Jaya.
Since then, according to a September 24 Human Rights Monitor update, more than 79,867 West Papuans remain internally displaced.
The displacement, killings, shootings, abuses, tortures and deaths are merely the tip of the iceberg of what truly occurs within the tightly-controlled military operational zones across West Papua, according to Benny Wenda, a UK-based
leader of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP).
The international community, particularly the United Nations and the Pacific Islands Forum have been criticised for remaining largely silent on the matter. Responding to the August 31 PIF communique reaffirming its 2019 call for
the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights visit to West Papua, Wenda said:
“[N]OW IS THE TIME FOR INDONESIA TO FINALLY LET THE WORLD SEE WHAT IS HAPPENING IN OUR LAND. THEY CANNOT HIDE THEIR DIRTY SECRET ANY LONGER.”
Increased global attention and intervention is crucial in addressing the humanitarian crisis, preventing further escalations and supporting the rights and well-being of the West Papuans.
Without meaningful dialogue, the long-term consequences for the indigenous population may be severe, risking further violence and unrest in the region.
As Prabowo was sworn in, Wenda restated the ULMWP’s demand for an internationally-mediated referendum on independence, saying: “The continued violation of our self-determination is the root cause of the West Papua conflict.”
Ali Mirin is a West Papuan academic from the Kimyal tribe of the highlands bordering the Star Mountain region of Papua New Guinea. He is a contributor to Asia Pacific Report and Green Left in Australia.
———————————————————
3) Food Estate in Papua Echoes Colonial Exploitation: Economist
Reporter Han Revanda Putra October 25, 2024 | 09:12 am
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - An economist from the Universitas Pembangunan Nasional (UPN) Veteran Jakarta, Achmad Nur Hidayat, criticized the Indonesian government’s food estate plan that has been conveyed by the Coordinating Minister for Food Zulkifli Hasan. The food estate in Papua, he said, perpetuates colonial extractivism—the exploitation of natural resources by foreign companies that occurred in the past.
"Papua is once again exploited for the sake of national development without weighing the potential significant impact on local communities and the environment,” the founder and CEO of the Narasi Institute told Tempo on Wednesday, October 23, 2024.
The food estate project has been running since former President Jokowi’s reign, established in Central Kalimantan, Central Sumba, Gresik, Garut, Temanggung, and Merauke. It’s also included in the 2020-2024 National Strategic Project (PSN) list.
Achmad warned that the exploitation of natural resources often offers no significant benefit to local communities. Papua, with its rich biodiversity and culture, becomes an apparent target of exploitation. Turning 2 million hectares of land into an agricultural field will alter the landscape carefully preserved by Indigenous communities.
"The history of colonialism in Papua shows that the management of resources by outsiders often overlooks the interests of local communities," said Achmad, who is now a lecturer at Universitas Indonesia.
Aside from being minimally involved in decision-making, the indigenous people of Papua are worried about losing their land, as these assets are also crucial for cultural and spiritual values.
"Without clear protection, the food estate in Papua has the potential to exacerbate the existing social and economic inequalities there," Achmad added.
Achmad suggested a more inclusive and sustainable approach instead of food estate. According to Achmad, agricultural projects should be followed by empowering local farmers and sustainable land management without neglecting transparent supervision.
"Food self-sufficiency can be achieved without repeating the mistakes of our colonial history," he said. "Papua is not an object but an integral part of Indonesia that must be preserved and respected."
Minister Zulkifli Hasan previously mentioned the potential of a 2 million-hectare field in Papua, planted with various food crops such as rice, corn, and sugar cane. “Our future lies in Papua,” he said on Monday, October 21, as quoted from Antara.
---------------------------------------
