When the Dutch relinquished control of West Papua, they handed over the territory to Indonesia without consulting the indigenous Papuan population. Today, Papua is a land plagued by suffering and oppression. While Australians often focus on distant conflicts in the Middle East or Eastern Europe, the humanitarian crisis in Papua has been largely overlooked. The Papuans, who aided Australian, Dutch, and American forces during World War II in their fight against Japanese occupation, now find themselves in a desperate struggle for survival against a regime that seeks to suppress their identity and autonomy.
Australia’s engagement—or lack thereof—with Papua raises critical questions. Is the Australian government hesitant to confront the Indonesian government, fearing repercussions from a nation of over 281 million people, the majority of whom are Muslim? Or is the issue simply a matter of geopolitical priorities, where the interests of powerful nations overshadow the cries for help from the Papuan people? The answers to these questions could have long-lasting implications for future Australian governments.
The call for Freedom
The people of West Papua are unequivocal in their demands: “We are West Papuans, and we want freedom!” Over 500,000 of their kin have reportedly lost their lives in the ongoing struggle, yet their determination to fight for independence remains unbroken. Recently, West Papuans held a rally in Manokwari, risking their lives to call for independence and support for a Pacific Islands Forum fact-finding mission aimed at investigating human rights abuses. Their peaceful demonstration was violently interrupted by Indonesian police, who continue to suppress freedom of expression in occupied West Papua.
The Indonesian government has repeatedly denied access to the Pacific Islands Forum’s mandated mission, which seeks to uncover the human rights violations that have persisted for decades. The people of West Papua have made their feelings clear: they need the support of their Pacific neighbours to expose the genocide occurring in their homeland.
A volcano of tension
To the north of Australia, a metaphorical volcano simmers, threatening to erupt and shower the Australian mainland with the fallout of its explosive consequences. This metaphor extends beyond geology; it represents the potential for conflict and humanitarian crises that could arise from Australia’s inaction or indecision regarding the situation in Papua. Are we prepared to confront the unexpected, or are we too complacent in our comfort to take decisive action?
The people of West Papua are not only calling for international intervention but are also reminding the world of their historical alliance with Australia during World War II. Veterans like James Burrowes, who fought alongside West Papuans, have voiced their support for the independence movement, emphasizing the bonds forged in battle. “You helped us in our time of need. It is only right to help you in yours,” Burrowes said in an open letter, signalling the moral obligation Australia has towards the Papuan people.
The economic exploitation
Central to the ongoing crisis in West Papua is the exploitation of its vast natural resources, particularly in the Grasberg Mine, operated by Freeport-McMoRan, the largest gold mine in the world. This mine has become a symbol of the economic exploitation that underpins the Indonesian occupation. Freeport is Indonesia’s largest taxpayer, generating billions for the Indonesian government while paying around $3 million annually in “protection money” to the military. This arrangement perpetuates a cycle of violence and oppression while highlighting the complicity of multinational corporations in the suffering of the West Papuan people.
Reports indicate that the mine pumps over 238,000 tons of toxic waste into local river systems every day, leading to environmental devastation and the decimation of local fisheries. The wealth generated from this exploitation does not benefit the indigenous population but rather enriches the Indonesian military and government while leaving the Papuans impoverished and marginalized.
Historical Injustice
The roots of this conflict stretch back to 1962 when West Papua was poised for independence from Dutch colonial rule. Under pressure from the United States, the Dutch were coerced into transferring control to Indonesia, with promises of a future referendum for self-determination. However, when the time came for the so-called “Act of Free Choice” in 1969, the process was a farce. Approximately 1,022 handpicked Papuan representatives were coerced into voting for integration with Indonesia under threat of violence. This egregious manipulation of the democratic process has left a deep scar on the Papuan populace and has fuelled their ongoing struggle for independence.
A call to action
As the world increasingly recognizes the plight of the West Papuan people, it is imperative for Australia, as a neighbouring nation, to take an active role in advocating for their rights and freedoms. The historical ties between Australia and West Papua, coupled with the moral obligation stemming from their shared history during World War II, necessitate a thoughtful and proactive approach.
Australia must consider forming new alliances with Pacific nations, including Indonesia, the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and New Zealand, to advocate for the rights of the Papuan people. By working diplomatically, Australia can exert influence without resorting to military intervention, as was done in East Timor. The call for freedom from West Papua is not merely a distant echo but a pressing humanitarian issue that demands our attention and action. The world can no longer afford to turn a blind eye to the suffering of the Papuan people, who continue to endure oppression and violence in their quest for self-determination.
In summary, the struggle for freedom in West Papua is a complex issue that intertwines history, geopolitics, and human rights. As we reflect on the sacrifices made by those who fought for independence and the ongoing challenges faced by the Papuan people, we must act with urgency and compassion. The time has come to support their fight for freedom and justice, ensuring that their voices are heard and their rights upheld—not only for their sake but for the integrity of our shared humanity.
*Peter Adamis is a freelance journalist.
Australia and Indonesia signed a Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) last year, reinforcing the existing Lombok Treaty while signalling a commitment to deeper practical cooperation. However, concerns within Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence initially hindered engagement, stemming from historical grievances, differing strategic views, and perceived Australian support for separatist movements.
Some Indonesian defence officials remain wary of deeper cooperation with Australia due to unresolved tensions from past events, particularly the 1999 East Timor crisis. Retired generals in President Prabowo Subianto’s inner circle recall how Australia, through the UN Assistance Mission to East Timor (UNAMET), positioned the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) as the antagonist. This experience fostered doubts about Australia’s reliability as a partner, with fears that common interests might not always align.
Moreover, Indonesia’s defence establishment sees incidents such as the 2017 mockery of Pancasila as “Pancagila” and the perceived support from Australian nationals for Papuan separatists as clear evidence of insensitivity. The DCA itself, pending parliamentary ratification, raises concerns over provisions allowing military operations from each other’s territories, which some interpret as part of Australia’s forward defence strategy, potentially positioning Indonesia as a battleground.
While Australia sees the DCA as a strategic breakthrough, Indonesia views it as a formal update to the 2012 Defence Cooperation Arrangement with limited strategic gains. Australian media’s portrayal of the agreement as a defence pact further heightened Indonesian scepticism, as Indonesia traditionally avoids such binding alliances. Nonetheless, Indonesia acknowledges the pragmatic value of cooperation, particularly in regional stability and maritime security. Australia is now Indonesia’s second-most important defence partner after the United States, ranking highly in joint exercises and military education exchanges.
Despite these mixed perceptions, the author’s engagements with key Indonesian defence stakeholders reveal four specific areas where the DCA with Australia can foster meaningful collaboration, aligning with shared strategic interests — particularly under Prabowo’s tenure.
Establishing regional rules of engagement during armed crises in the maritime domain
Indonesia is particularly eager to establish regional rules of engagement in the maritime domain during times of crisis, recognising the importance of clear protocols to prevent escalation and miscalculation. The DCA should serve not merely as a formal agreement but as a foundation for deeper coordination between the two countries in establishing maritime rules, fostering confidence-building measures, and enhancing strategic trust among regional actors. To achieve this, both nations must broaden their engagement through Track Two and Track Three diplomacy, facilitating sustained dialogue among policymakers and academics. These efforts will reinforce mutual commitment to regional stability while ensuring that diplomatic and strategic frameworks evolve in response to emerging challenges.
Securing strategic chokepoints
Indonesia’s maritime strategy prioritises securing vital waterways, such as the Lombok Strait, to safeguard its sovereignty and regional stability. Given Australia and Indonesia’s shared interest in maritime security, their 2017 Declaration on Maritime Cooperation provides a basis for expanding joint naval initiatives. Enhanced maritime coordination would ensure stronger control over key transit routes and deter external encroachments.
Addressing non-traditional maritime threats
Indonesia faces persistent challenges such as illegal fishing, human trafficking, and smuggling, which threaten both national security and economic sustainability. While cooperation exists between Indonesia’s Maritime Security Agency (Bakamla) and Australian Border Force (ABF), the DCA strengthens these efforts by institutionalising intelligence-sharing, joint patrols, and coordinated operations. New initiatives, such as a regional maritime security information hub, could further enhance collaborative efforts in tackling these threats.
Enhancing defence industry collaboration
The DCA also promotes industrial cooperation, offering Indonesia access to Australia’s expertise in shipbuilding and defence technology. Joint ventures in naval modernisation, particularly in combat management systems and unmanned vehicles, could help integrate Indonesia’s domestic defence industry into global supply chains.
Indonesia’s state-owned PT PAL has already supplied naval vessels to countries such as the UAE and the Philippines. Australia could benefit from procuring Indonesia’s 60-metre patrol ships, which have proven effective in Indonesian waters. Furthermore, Prabowo’s National Strategic Program 2025 prioritises the development of Indonesia’s amphibious aircraft, the N-219, already purchased by several countries, including China. Australian support for this project — either through procurement or technological collaboration—would symbolise a strong commitment to deepening bilateral defence ties.
Indonesia aims to leverage the DCA with Australia to strengthen its maritime strategy, focusing on naval modernisation, shipbuilding, and regional security. The agreement aligns with Indonesia’s broader strategic objectives, including peace and stability in the region, securing critical chokepoints, combating non-traditional threats, and expanding its naval reach.
However, Australia must address longstanding Indonesian concerns, particularly among top military officials and the civilian community, to foster a truly reciprocal partnership. Beyond shared interests, building trust through transparent dialogue and tangible collaboration is essential for transforming the DCA from a formal agreement into a sustainable strategic relationship that benefits both nations.
TEMPO.CO, Papua - The spokesperson of the central headquarters of the Free Papua Movement-Organisation of Papua Merdeka or TPNPB-OPM, Sebby Sambom, issued an ultimatum to the Indonesian government to immediately evacuate its citizens working in the conflict area of Papua.
Sebby requested that teachers and health workers sent by the Indonesian government to various regions of Papua should be returned immediately before the TPNPB militia launches another attack.
"We remind them to leave the conflict area immediately," said Sebby in a short voice message on Wednesday, March 26, 2025.
He explained that the TPNPB militia rejected the presence of teachers and health workers in the Papua region. The reason being, they are considered as part of the intelligence of the Indonesian security forces.
Sebby and the TPNPB militia's assessment is based on the statement of the Commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), General Agus Subiyanto, who previously mentioned that his troops in Papua also served as teachers and health workers.
"We remind them that Yahukimo, Nduga, Intan Jaya, and Puncak Jaya are conflict areas. Leave immediately," he said.
When contacted separately, the Head of Information Center of the XVII/Cenderawasih Military Command Colonel Candra Kurniawan said that the TNI had evacuated dozens of teachers and health workers at several points in Papua.
These points include from the Heriapini, Kosarek, Ubalihi, Nisikni, Walma, and Kabianggam Districts. The teachers and medical personnel were flown to Jayapura via Wamena to avoid the risk of further attacks.
However, Candra denied that the teachers and medical personnel attacked by the TPNPB militia in Yahukimo were intelligence agents. He said the baseless allegations by the TPNPB were an attempt to play victim to cover up their attacks.
"This is their propaganda to cover their atrocity," said Candra.
Prior to this, on Friday, March 21, the TPNPB Kodap XVI Yahukimo militia launched an attack in Anggruk District, Yahukimo Regency, Papua Pegunungan. In this attack, six teachers were declared dead.
Candra Kurniawan said that the victims were burned alive by the TPNPB militia. According to Candra, the victims were burned while inside the school building.
"They (TPNPB) burned the school and the teachers' houses," said Candra.
