Thursday, August 7, 2025

Peace in Pieces Exhibition, Trades Hall Sydney

From Peace in Pieces Exhibition, Trades Hall Sydney
















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1) Military members shot and tortured minor in Pegunungan Bintang


2) Papuan rebel leader killed in Highland Papua  

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Human Rights Monitor

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/case/military-members-shot-and-tortured-minor-in-pegunungan-bintang/

1) Military members shot and tortured minor in Pegunungan Bintang

On 4 August 2025, 17-year-old Naris Kalakmabin, a motorcycle taxi driver from Alutbakon Village, Oksop District, Pegunungan Bintang Regency, Highland Papua Province, was shot in the right leg by members of the Border Security Task Force (Satgas Pamtas RI–PNG Statis Koops Swasembada Yonif 751/VJS). The incident occurred in the Serambakon Village, Serambakon District, while Naris was transporting passengers from Seram Village to the town of Oksibil, the regency capital. After being shot, soldiers tortured Naris and later admitted him to the Marthen Indey Army Hospital in Jayapura City. Naris’ parents were not informed of his transfer and only learned of his condition afterwards.
On the morning of 4 August 2025, Naris Kalakmabin was driving on the route between Seram Village and Oksibil. At around 08:53 am, military members wanted to stop Naris while passing a TNI checkpoint in Serambakon. Having a negative experience with such checks, Naris continued driving. In response, TNI personnel began shouting, “There is an enemy”. About 100 meters after the post, Naris saw that the military members had set up a second checkpoint. Being afraid of the military personnel, he stopped the motorcycle on the roadside and ran into the forest. Thereupon, military members released multiple shots, one of which struck Naris below the right knee.
Following the shooting, military members tortured Naris on the roadside. Punching and kicking him on the temple and forehead while interrogating him at the scene. Thereupon, military personnel brought a chicken and other food supplies, trying to force a confession, saying that Naris intended to bring the food supplies to West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) members hiding in the forest. Various residents witnessed the torture as they were passing the road. Despite torture and psychological pressure, Naris kept denying that the supplies belonged to him. The soldiers eventually admitted Naris to a local hospital after the interrogations did not reveal any ties with the TPNPB. At around 1:00 pm, he was transferred to Jayapura for surgery at the Marthen Indey Military Hospital (see photos on top and below, source: independent HRDs), where he remains under strict military guard. Doctors indicated that the full recovery may take up to 6 months.
Relatives demand the immediate and unconditional release of Naris Kalakmabin to his family, with access to independent medical care and legal counsel.

Human rights analysis

This case constitutes multiple grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, including the right to life and physical integrity (Article 6, ICCPR), the prohibition of arbitrary arrest and detention (Article 9, ICCPR), the prohibition of torture (Article 1, CAT), and the rights of the child (CRC), particularly the obligation to ensure protection from violence and unlawful detention for persons under 18 years of age.
Naris Kalakmabin was shot without due cause while unarmed and engaging in lawful civilian activity. He was apprehended without a warrant, judicial oversight, or justification, following a broader pattern of militarisation and disproportionate force used by Indonesian security forces in the central highlands. The targeting of civilians, especially minors, under the pretext of security operations reflects a systemic disregard for human rights norms.

Naris Kalakmabin at the Marthen Indey Military hospital in Jayapura, 5 August 2025

Detailed Case Data
Location: Serambakon, Pegunungan Bintang Regency, Papua, Indonesia (-4.8557903, 140.5009203) TNI Post at Serambakon Village
Region: Indonesia, Highland Papua, Bintang Mountains, Serambakon
Total number of victims: 1
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Naris Kalakmabin
diverse17 Indigenous Peoples
Period of incident: 04/08/2025 – 04/08/2025
Perpetrator: , Indonesian Army (TNI-AD)
Perpetrator details: Satgas Pamtas RI–PNG Statis Koops Swasembada Yonif 751/VJS
Issues: indigenous peoples, security force violence




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2) Papuan rebel leader killed in Highland Papua  
August 7, 2025 15:48 GMT+700

Jakarta (ANTARA) - The Indonesian Defense Forces (TNI) confirmed on Thursday that Mayer Wenda alias Kuloi Wonda, a rebel leader of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), was slain while resisting arrest in Highland Papua province.

According to a TNI press release, TNI personnel laid an ambush for Wenda in Mukoni sub-district, Lanny Jaya district, Highland Papua, on Tuesday.

Wenda, who resisted arrest, exchanged fire with the Indonesian officers before being fatally shot along with another person, identified as his brother.

According to head of the TNI Information Office, Major General Kristomei Sianturi, Wenda—known to be the deputy commander of an OPM military command in Lanny Jaya—had been on the TNI’s wanted list for over a decade.

“Mayer Wenda alias Kuloi Wonda was our fugitive who has been included in the wanted list since 2014,” Sianturi said.

As per official records, Wenda had been perpetrating crimes against the state since 2012, when he attacked and burned a police office in Pirime, Lanny Jaya district, and killed a police officer in Tolikara.

He was also reportedly responsible for intercepting and attacking security officers patrolling in Lanny Jaya in 2014, the TNI information office said.

The major general said that the TNI is committed to maintaining security in Papua and preserving Indonesia’s integrity by taking action against the Free Papua Movement.

“This success proved that every action of TNI officers against armed groups has been conducted professionally, measurably, and in line with Indonesian laws,” Sianturi added.

Over the past few years, armed Papuan groups have often employed hit-and-run tactics against Indonesian security personnel and mounted acts of terror against civilians in the districts of Intan Jaya, Nduga, Puncak, and Maybrat to incite fear among the people.

The targets of such acts of terror have included construction workers, motorcycle taxi (ojek) drivers, teachers, students, street food vendors, and also civilian aircraft.

In one high-profile case, New Zealand pilot Phillip Mark Mehrtens was taken hostage by the Egianus Kogoya-led armed group after landing his Susi Air plane in Papua’s Nduga district on February 7, 2023. He was held captive for over a year before being released in September 2024. 



Related news: Papuan rebels killed civilians, not TNI personnel: ministry

Related news: Armed Papuan insurgent shot in thigh in Central Papua: Police

Related news: Soldier survives Papuan insurgent attack in Dekai: Police

Translator: Walda Marison, Nabil Ihsan
Editor: Azis Kurmala


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Wednesday, August 6, 2025

1) One Piece flag reminiscent of Papua's Morning Star in Gus Dur's era


2) Urgent notice: 42 ULMWP representatives arrested by Indonesian police 

3) End raids and intimidation against people flying the 'One Piece' flag  

4) Once Australia was important to Indonesia 

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1) One Piece flag reminiscent of Papua's Morning Star in Gus Dur's era  
Source Tempo – August 5, 2025

Angelina Tiara Puspitalova, Edy Can, Jakarta – The phenomenon of the installation of the One Piece flag, which has been widespread of late, is reminiscent of the story of Indonesia's 4th President Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur. He once took steps that were considered brave and different in responding to the raising of flags other than the red-and-white national flag.

Gus Dur's attitude was different from the current government, where he allowed the raising of the Morning Star flag. This attitude reflects Gus Dur's approach which was more humanist and cultural rather than a military approach or one of power that has often been used by governments before and afterwards.

Meanwhile the current government sees the raising of the One Piece flag as potentially being a criminal act. Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Budi Gunawan said there are criminal consequences for actions that could harm the honour of the red-and-white flag.

He said the government would take legal action if there were intentionally provocative efforts. "This is our effort to protect the dignity and symbol of the state", Gunawan said in a written statement on Friday August 1.

As for Gus Dur, the Morning Star was not merely a symbol of separatism or resistance against the state, but part of the cultural expression and identity of the Papuan people.

He equated the flag with local flags in other regions in Indonesia, which do not always contain political meaning. As long as the red-and-white flag remains hoisted as the main symbol of the country, according to Gus Dur there was no reason to worry about the existence of the Morning Star flag.

This attitude was illustrated in an incident when then Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs (Menkopolhukam) Wiranto reported the raising of the Morning Star flag.

Gus Dur asked only whether the red-and-white flag was still flying. After being told that the national flag was still there, he casually responded, "Yeah, enough, let's just say that the Morning Star is a banner". This shows his non-reactionary perspective and emphasised the spirit of reconciliation.

These moves by Gus Dur were taken between the end of 1999 and early 2000, in an important period for relations between the central government and the Papuan community. He even allowed the Morning Star flag to be hoisted, provided that its position was lower than the red-and-white flag, as a form of respect for Indonesian sovereignty.

During his visit to Papua on December 30, 1999, Gus Dur also organised an open dialogue in Jayapura and restored the territory's name to Papua, which had previously been changed to Irian Jaya by the New Order regime of former president Suharto.

The main purpose in Gus Dur allowing the raising of the Morning Star was to build mutual trust between the people of Papua and the government. He believed that recognition of local identity and culture can be the key to reduce conflict and strengthen the sense of nationality among the people of Papua.

An approach based on justice, respect and humanity, according to Gus Dur, is more effective than a repressive approach.

His daughter, Alissa Wahid, has also emphasised that this policy was aimed at making Papuans feel safe in expressing their cultural identity without fear, and thus nurturing love for Indonesia. For Gus Dur, the raising of the Morning Star flag was not a form of support for separation, but a sign that the state appreciates diversity.

Despite this, the decision still caused debate at the national level because the Morning Star flag has long been associated with a symbol of separatism.

After Abdurrahman stepped down, the policy was stopped. The raising of the Morning Star flag was again prohibited, except in the context of culture and had to remain below the red-and-white, as stipulated in the Papua Special Autonomy Law (Otsus).

Gus Dur's policy of allowing the Morning Star to fly was based on the spirit of reconciliation and appreciation of Papuan identity, not recognition of separatism, and to strengthen the integrity of the Republic of Indonesia through an approach of dialogue and respect.

– Noval Panji Nugroho and Budiarti Utami Putri contributed to writing this article.

Notes

A recent trend on social media ahead of Indonesia's 80th Independence Day has been the displaying flags from the Japanese anime One Piece on houses and vehicles, which many have interpreted as an expression of public discontent with the Prabowo government. One Piece tells the story of a young pirate named Monkey D. Luffy who is determined to become the Pirate King. Based on a comic book published since 1997, for its fans some of the stories represent resistance against injustice in which the protagonists confront corrupt governments, sadistic military forces, human rights violations, genocide, racial discrimination and attempts to manipulate history.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was "Fenomena Bendera One Piece Mengingatkan Bintang Kejora di Era Gus Dur".]

Source: https://www.tempo.co/politik/fenomena-bendera-one-piece-mengingatkan-bintang-kejora-di-era-gus-dur--2054986

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https://www.ulmwp.org/urgent-notice-42-ulmwp-representatives-arrested-by-indonesian-police

2) Urgent notice: 42 ULMWP representatives arrested by Indonesian police 

August 5, 2025 in Statement


On behalf of the people of West Papua, I condemn the arrest of the 42 ULMWP representatives last week by the Indonesian police. Indonesia has proven once again that fundamental human rights do not exist in West Papua.  

John Wenggi, a 74-year-old tribal chief, was arrested at his residence during a political meeting in Waropen, Saireri, along with 41 other activists and ULMWP officials. All activists were detained for one night before being placed under house arrest for the next eight months. Mr Wenggi was also beaten while in custody and is currently on an IV drip at his home. 

What possible justification is there for this vicious repression? Under international law, the ULMWP has the right to assembly and to peacefully advocate for democracy in our own land. This was a private political meeting, held in the home of a widely respected West Papuan elder. I call on international NGOs and solidarity groups to pressure your governments to condemn these arrests and call for the release of all remaining Papuan political prisoners. 

Indonesia’s latest crackdown on West Papuan political life is clearly a response to the ULMWP Legislative Council’s first Plenary Session held in July. Following our historic meeting, during which we inaugurated more than 2300 official representatives, an Indonesian parliamentarian named Oleh Soleh warned that a new wave of repression was going to hit our movement. Using the slander “political criminal group” (KKP), he stated “The emergence of the KKP in Papua indicates that the situation in Papua is indeed not well. The KKB [“armed criminal group”] has not been resolved, and now the KKP has emerged”.  

Soleh also said the following – a clear threat to the peaceful activities of the ULMWP Provisional Government: “Of course, these groups that disrupt the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), groups that disrupt unity, must be resolved immediately and effectively without any problems or casualties… Because this is a burning fire. If this continues, it will certainly be dangerous”. The strategy that has been formulated in the Indonesian Parliament and by the Indonesian police is now coming to fruition. But in their desperation to destroy the ULMWP’s peaceful mission for liberation, Indonesia shows just how weak their hold on West Papua truly is. The ULMWP now has roots in every city, town, and village throughout West Papua. We are a government-in-waiting and are ready to engage with the world. Indonesia is terrified of our growing strength. 

I call on our allied legal, political, and solidarity groups to do all they can to protect other ULMWP representatives from arrest and imprisonment, particularly high-profile independence leaders like Prime Minister Edison Waromi and Legislative Council Chair Buchtar Tabuni. They are at serious risk as Indonesia intensifies its crackdown. 

Indonesia must realise that no number of arrests will crush the West Papuan desire for independence. We are already prisoners in our land. As the legitimate representatives of the West Papuan people, the ULMWP invites President Prabowo to sit down with me and discuss an internationally-mediated referendum on independence. Ultimately, this is the only true path to a peaceful resolution in West Papua. 

Benny Wenda
President
ULMWP

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https://www.indoleft.org/statements/2025-08-04/end-raids-and-intimidation-against-people-flying-the-one-piece-flag.html

3) End raids and intimidation against people flying the 'One Piece' flag  

Amnesty Statement – August 4, 2025

Responding to the raids and the stance taken by the authorities over the phenomenon of the raising pirate flags based on the One Piece animation film series by the public, Amnesty International Indonesia Executive Director Usman Hamid said:

"The government and authorities' response to the phenomena of flying the One Piece flag in public ahead of the 80th anniversary of Indonesian Independence, especially when accompanied by threats of criminal penalties, is excessive. Raising the One Piece flag as a means of expressing criticism is part of the right to freedom of expression and opinion, guaranteed by the Constitution and other international instruments ratified by the Republic of Indonesia.

"Peaceful expression through flag-raising is not makar (treason, subversion, rebellion), let alone an attempt to divide the nation. Repression through raids or confiscation of One Pieceflags in the community, as has occurred in Tuban and the removal of a One Piece mural in Sragen in Central Java, is clearly a violation of freedom of expression aimed at intimidating and instilling fear in the community. The state must not be anti-criticism.

"Instead of repressing freedom of expression through raids, the government should focus more on resolving the root causes of public unrest, which led to the choice of flying the One Piece flag.

"The government should not be anti-criticism and should stop making exaggerated statements about the phenomenon of freedom of expression in society, especially when accompanied by threats of criminal sanctions. Officials should view this phenomenon as part of freedom of expression.

"As a state party to various international human rights instruments, including the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), Indonesia is obliged to protect and provide a safe space for the public to express their opinions peacefully.

"The protection of the right to freedom of expression as stipulated under Article 19 of the ICCPR applies to all types of information and ideas, including information and ideas that are considered shocking, offensive or disturbing, regardless of whether the content of the information or ideas is true or false. The state should be present to protect, not allow – let alone play a role in – the silencing of legitimate critical voices of citizens."

Background

The media has reported that a youth with the initials AR in Kerek subdistrict in Tuban regency, East Java, was visited by a number of officials last Saturday, August 2, including officers from the Sectoral Police (Polsek), officers from the Sub-District Military Command (Koramil), District Military Command (Kodim) intelligence officers and local civil service police (Pol PP), after uploading a photo saluting a pirate flag that was installed near his house last Friday, August 1.

In the popular Japanese anime series One Piece, a black flag called the Jolly Roger depicts a skull wearing a straw hat between two intersecting bones.

AR uploaded the photo to his WhatsApp status, but later that evening, he took the flag down after someone reported it. The next day, he was visited by a team of law enforcement officers.

The head of the Kerek Sectoral Police, Kastur, has confirmed to the media that a joint team of officers visited the youth's house to ask for clarification from the person concerned regarding the raising and saluting of the flag.

Kastur subsequently announced that the case would not be pursued further after the youth admitted he was just having fun because of the widespread news of the One Piece flag being raised on social media. Although no arrest was made, officers confiscated the 40x50 cm flag and confirmed that the photo had been deleted from AR's phone and WhatsApp status.

In Sragen, Central Java, police and military personnel reportedly supervised the removal of a mural depicting One Piece anime characters from a village street on Sunday August 3. A resident, who declined to be named, told the media that the mural was removed under the direction of TNI (Indonesian Military) and Polri(Indonesian Police) personnel who arrived at the scene.

On Saturday last week (August 2) in Tangerang City, the deputy chief of the Banten Regional Police, Hengki, stated that police would take firm action against residents who deliberately raised the One Piece flag during the 80th anniversary of Indonesian Independence. He did not elaborate on what action the authorities would take regarding the flag raising.

Prior to this, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Budi Gunawan stated on Friday August 1 that the raising of the One Piece flag ahead of Independence Day on August 17 constituted a criminal offense because it has been deemed to violate the honour of the Indonesian national flag. Therefore, he continued, the government would take legal action, although he did not elaborate further on this.

Meanwhile, the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives (DPR), Sufmi Dasco Ahmad, said there is an attempt to sow division in the country through the display of the One Piece flag. Then, Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai said on Sunday August 3 that the state could ban the raising of the One Piece flag because it was considered a violation of the law and a form of makar.

Since last weekend, people on social media have been busy discussing photos and narratives about installing the One Piece anomie version of the Jolly Roger flag on houses and vehicles in various parts of the country ahead of Indonesia's 80th Independence Day on August 17.

Observers have stated that the raising of the One Piece Jolly Roger, which is currently trending on social media, should be seen as an expression of public disappointment and criticism of the government and social conditions. This is because in the One Piece anime, the Jolly Roger flag is seen as a form of resistance against absolute power and oppression.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was "Hentikan razia dan intimidasi warga pengibar bendera 'One Piece'".]

Source: https://www.amnesty.id/kabar-terbaru/siaran-pers/hentikan-razia-dan-intimidasi-warga-pengibar-bendera-one-piece/08/2025/



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Duncan Graham 

4) Once Australia was important to Indonesia 
August 6, 2025 


Happy birthday, monster neighbour. Er, do we know you? We’re strangers here – our proper place is mid-Atlantic, ‘twixt the Old World and the New. However, we’re trying hard to cope by promoting trade and investment, while ignoring endemic _corruption_ and avoiding deep involvement.

This month, Indonesia celebrates the 80th anniversary of Proklamasi (the proclamation of independence) after more than three centuries as the Dutch East Indies, colloquially Tujuhbelasan (the 17th).

The unofficial protocol has a fresh PM making his first overseas visit to the Republic because, as Paul Keating said last century, “No country is more important to Australia than Indonesia.”

Anthony Albanese upheld the tradition a dozen days after his election in May with a one-day dash to Jakarta. President Prabowo Subianto, who was inaugurated last October, has yet to reciprocate.

Australia was once important to Indonesia; that was when Ozzie unionists helped with the liberation. It’s a great yarn, though little known now.

In 1943, about 500 Indonesian political prisoners were secretly shipped to Australia to be re-interned; Canberra supported the Dutch colonialists.

A note from a prisoner tossed from a train reached a rail worker at Liverpool who could read Indonesian. Activists traced the men to nearby PoW camps. Unions campaigned for their release and blocked ships trying to service the return of the colonialists.

Former Australian ambassador to Indonesia, Gary Quinlan, once told foreign journalists:

“When the first military offensive against the independent Republic (by the Dutch who ignored the proclamation) was launched in July 1947, Australia complained to the new UN Security Council…

“President Soekarno chose Australia to represent Indonesia in these UN discussions, which ultimately led to independence on 27 December 1949. Australia formally recognised Indonesian independent statehood that day and formally sponsored Indonesian membership of the UN.”

The nation that’s remembering its guerrilla-action triumphs (Australian historian Dr Frank Palmos called the Battle of Surabaya “Indonesia’s Gallipoli”) has forgotten its antipodean diplomatic roots.

To wander the world’s largest archipelago last century was to collect handshakes by declaring: “I’m Australian,” as opposed to being Belanda (Dutch).

Now that is rare. Apart from toddlers staring at white skin, funny clothes and fat guts, our presence draws little reaction apart from shopkeepers doubling the price. Curiosity has yielded to coolness. Hello has become ho-hum, yet the deep differences remain.

Melbourne Uni academics Tim Lindsey and Dave McRae have put it well:

“There are no two neighbouring countries anywhere in the world that are more different than Indonesia and Australia. They differ hugely in religion, language, culture, history, geography, race, economics, worldview and population (Indonesia, 285 million, Australia less than 10% of that).

“Indonesia and Australia have almost nothing in common other than the accident of geographic proximity. This makes their relationship turbulent, volatile and often unpredictable.”

Particularly now that Prabowo is trying to emulate tough-guy Trump, which he can do with clout as a disgraced former general, by militarising his nation’s civil agencies.

Leading to 17 August, the Republic is going bananas with buntings and banners, flags and ribbons, red and white, draping everything upright, even smothering the fag ads that dominate the streetscape. Like it or not, we all fly a flag at the gatepost.

No worries that speed limits and other road signs get covered – even when clear, they’re ignored.

All verses of Indonesia Merdeka (freedom) are known, so no subtle coughing when the national anthem is played, often masking calls to prayer from mosque towers and the roar of motorbikes.

Then, it seems, secular patriotism trumps religious fervour in the world’s most populous Islamic nation – though not a theocracy.

We send almost 1.5 million tourists every year to Indonesia, mainly Hindu Bali. They return with melanoma spots, tattoos, braids and a couple of words – Bintang (star and a beer brand), bagus (good) and a booking for next year.

Few venture into Muslim Java, though it’s just a 30-minute ferry ride and a different universe.

Most visitors know the names of US politicians and what they’re doing, though not their Indonesian counterparts. Why should they? The Australian media rarely reports on the world’s third-largest democracy, even though the principle is under threat.

The exception is when a volcano blows or an uninsured Okker prangs a rental.

Some of the Oz teens flaunting their new bodies on Kuta beach may have briefly encountered junior high classes in Indonesian language and culture, but failed to follow into uni because courses have closed.

If only slogans about importance were taken seriously.

Indonesian public schools teach a little English, but concentrate on grammar. There are more pressing responsibilities; students in well-ironed uniforms are rehearsing for parades and flag raisings – all spectacularly choreographed though the goose-steps worry pacifists.

Equally sinister is the still-coming revision of history that has been discussed in this column and could become divisive, though the claimed intent is to unify. To be discovered.

The fun starts after noon when the atmosphere becomes more country carnival with greasy-pole climbing, horse rides and roadside snacks.

Curiously, little attention is given to preserving the era. The house where Soekarno proclaimed independence from the veranda has been demolished. Other historical landmarks have vanished.

The best account of Indonesia’s idiosyncrasies is in Indonesia Etc – exploring the improbable nation by former Reuters journo-turned-epidemiologist Dr Elizabeth Pisani. The US/English adventurer travelled 20,000km across the archipelago, usually alone:

“I only had one rule: ‘Just say yes’. Because Indonesians are among the most hospitable people on earth.”

Her book’s title comes from the hurriedly shaped Declaration of Independence that’ll never challenge the prose of Thomas Jefferson:

We, the People of Indonesia, declare the independence of the Republic of Indonesia. The details of the transfer of power, etc., will be worked out as soon as possible.

Eighty years later, that’s still a work in progress. Maybe all will be fixed by the centenary.

 

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.


Duncan Graham 
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.

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Monday, August 4, 2025

1) Papua Quarterly Report Q2 2025: Escalation without cccountability: Intensified military operations amidst erosion of civil liberties

 


2) Central Papua speeds up plan to build public university  

3) Indonesian Authorities Hunt for People Displaying One Piece Flag Through RT Leader  



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https://humanrightsmonitor.org/reports/papua-quarterly-report-q2-2025-escalation-without-cccountability-intensified-military-operations-amidst-erosion-of-civil-liberties/






1) Papua Quarterly Report Q2 2025: Escalation without cccountability: Intensified military operations amidst erosion of civil liberties

This 10-page document outlines cases and developments, including human rights violations and their patterns, the escalation of armed conflict and its impact on civilians, significant political shifts in Indonesia affecting West Papua, and international responses and initiatives. It covers the period from 1 April to 3o June 2025, with some developments covered that occurred after this period.


Summary

Human rights

The human rights situation in West Papua between April and June 2025 continues to be dominated by ongoing security force operations across the central highlands. Accordingly, the number of related violations, such as enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, and ill-treatmenst, has significantly increased during the reporting period (see table above). Security force raids have reportedly been carried out with a high level of violence against the indigenous civilian population. Security raids in the Puncak Regency were accompanied by the burning of civilian houses in June 2025, while military members allegedly killed and disappeared a dozen indigenous villagers during a single operation in Intan Jaya in May 2025.
The patterns of civil rights violations involving arbitrary detentions, torture, and violations of the freedom of peaceful assembly and the freedom of expression seem stagnant, with some fluctuations. Simultaneously, growing state repression against human rights defenders and non-violent political activists has caused the statistical figures on cases of intimidation and criminalisations to rise again.
Constitutional Court ruling on 2 May 2025 brings some hope for the future of free expression in Indonesia. The Court’s ruling stipulates that government agencies, corporations, groups, institutions, or officials cannot file defamation reports under the Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE) Law. The Court ruled that only individuals can be victims of defamation, explicitly recognizing that in a democratic society, criticism of government policies serves as essential public oversight and must be protected to prevent abuse of power.
The ruling strengthens the legal protection of human rights defenders and journalists in Indonesia who continue facing systematic criminalisation, intimidation, and violence. Violence against journalists in Indonesia reached alarming levels in 2024, with security forces emerging as the primary perpetrators of attacks on press freedom. Deputy Minister of Communication and Digital Affairs Nezar Patria dismissed concerns about press freedom, claiming that the situation remains “fine” because no media outlets have been permanently closed. However, human rights advocates argue that this perspective ignores the systematic intimidation, violence against journalists, and its implications on journalistic work, particularly in conflict areas like West Papua.
The Molotov bomb attack against the office of the media outlet Jubi is a recent example of attacks on press freedom in West Papua. The case has faced significant delays in the law enforcement process against the perpetrators who are allegedly associated with the Indonesian military. The case has reached a legal stalemate between the Papua Regional Police (Polda Papua) and the XVII/Cenderawasih Military Command (Kodam XVII/Cenderawasih), with each agency presenting contradictory conclusions. On 17 May 2025, the Papuan House of Representatives (DPR Papua) announced it would escalate the matter to the TNI Headquarters (Mabes TNI) and the Indonesian National Police Headquarters (Mabes Polri) in Jakarta.
The lack of legal action against perpetrators has caused widespread impunity in West Papua. Yet, human rights defenders continue advocating for justice, with civil society groups pushing successfully for accountability. Nearly 11 months after the fatal shooting of Mr Tobias Silak in the Yahukimo Regency, criminal proceedings commenced at the Wamena District Court against the four police officers on 24 June 2025. The trial process has sparked significant transparency concerns, as the victim’s family and their legal counsel were not notified of the first hearing. In response to these procedural concerns, the Indonesian Judicial Commission in Papua announced in late June’25 that it would monitor the trial proceedings following a request from the victim’s family’s legal team
On 12-13 June 2025, a coalition of NGOs officially filed the extra-judicial execution and mutilation of indigenous farmer Abral Wandikbo in Nduga Regency to the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), the Military Police (MP), and the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK)  in an attempt to seek justice through formal channels. The formal complaint surrounding Wandikbo’s death represents another critical test of Indonesia’s commitment to human rights accountability in West Papua.
Indigenous communities in remote areas face increasing pressure on their existence from the Government-driven development agendas and natural resource exploitation through private investors. The Indonesian government’s plan to implement another National Strategic Project (PSN) in the Papua Barat Daya Province has sparked resistance from indigenous communities, who understand the massive palm oil development as an existential threat to their ancestral lands and way of life. The Sumuri Indigenous community in the Teluk Bintuni Regency has issued a resolute rejection of the proposed expansion of palm oil plantations on their ancestral land. Plantations and strategic project areas in West Papua are protected by security forces. This has led to a conflicting situation where police officers can no longer fulfil their mandate as law enforcement officers. Police officers in Sorong allegedly intimidated indigenous land rights holders protesting against threats and coercive restrictions to sell their timber freely.
The issue of nickel mining in the Raja Ampat Regency, a UNESCO Global Geopark in 2023 and the heart of the global coral triangle, attracted national attention after Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Bahlil Lahadalia visited the region in June 2025. Following sustained public pressure and international scrutiny, the Indonesian government announced on 10 June 2025, the revocation of mining permits for four companies operating in Raja Ampat. However, this decision has been met with skepticism from environmental groups and indigenous rights advocates who view it as inadequate and potentially reversible. PT Gag Nikel, the largest operation run by state-owned PT Antam, was permitted to continue operations under increased monitoring, raising concerns about the government’s commitment to genuine environmental protection.

Conflict

As of 30 June 2025, more than 97,721 people in West Papua remain internally displaced as a result of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the TPNPB. HRM documented 46 armed attacks and clashes throughout the second quarter of 2025, almost twice as many as in the first quarter of 2025. The figure of IDPs keeps rising due to more security force deployments to the conflict zones and the associated growing number of armed hostilities.  Indonesian security forces intensified operations in the regencies of NdugaYahukimoIntan Jaya, and Puncak between April and June 2025, resulting in the killing of civiliansthe burning of civilian houses, and new internal displacements. A raid in Intan Jaya on 13 and 14 May 2025 was fierce. Some of the bodies were hastily buried without a coffin. An evacuation team found mines near one of the burial sites, intended to harm those seeking to recover their remains. 
Armed hostilities increased significantly in the regencies of Intan Jaya, Yahukimo, and Puncak due to increased military presence, intensified security raids, and attacks against civilians by members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). On 14 April 2025, TPNPB members killed 15 illegal gold miners in the Yahukimo Regency in a single incident. Accordingly, the period between April and June 2025 was marked by a high number of fatalities, particularly among civilians. HRM counted 18 civilians killed and four injured by the TPNPB. Meanwhile, twelve civilians were killed and eight wounded by security force members during armed clashes or counter-insurgency operations. Concerning the combatants, seven security force members were killed, and thirteen were injured during this period. In contrast, the TPNPB reportedly lost 10 combatants, with seven guerrilla fighters being injured during armed clashes.
Considering the continuous intensification of the armed conflict in West Papua and the aggravation of conflict driven displacements, the Forum for Communication and Aspirations of the Papuan People (FOR PAPUA MPR RI), comprising members of both the Regional Representatives Council (DPD RI) and National Parliament (DPR RI), has issued urgent calls for the Indonesian government to abandon its security-based approach. The forum emphasized that the current security-focused approach has “proven ineffective and has exacerbated the conditions of civilian populations,” calling for immediate policy evaluation and cessation of military operations that have only added to civilian trauma and suffering.
The military is expanding its military infrastructure to remote areas in the conflict regions and surrounding regencies. HRM documented about a dozen cases in which indigenous communitiesstudent movements, and CSOs protested against the formation of new military posts against their will in their immediate environment. Many fear that the military presence will rather attract armed violence and human rights violations than bring security for the indigenous communities.  Ironically, Indonesian Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigay, who is a Papuan himself, expressed support for the formation of more military posts in conflict areas. The statement is emblematic of the discrepancy between policies serving the central government’s interests and the aspirations of the people in West Papua.

Political developments

Indonesia has witnessed an alarming resurgence of military influence in civilian affairs, raising serious concerns about democratic regression and the erosion of civilian supremacy since April 2025. On 23 May 2025, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani appointed an active military commander as Director General of Customs and Excise, an institution critical to the integrity of state revenue collection. The pattern includes the controversial deployment of soldiers to secure prosecutors’ offices nationwide, authorised by Presidential Regulation No. 66/2025 and a 2023 MoU between the TNI and the Attorney General’s Office.
The militarisation has extended beyond high-level bureaucratic appointments. The proposal to send “problematic” students to military barracks in West Java for behavioural correction is a stark manifestation of the normalisation of military influence in civilian life. It is even more concerning that the proposal again received support from the Minister for Human Rights, Natalius Pigai. Equally troubling is the Army’s plan to recruit 24,000 new privates for “territorial development battalions”, a move that aims to position soldiers in agriculture, health, and education, which have exclusively been in civilian hands. 
President Prabowo Subianto’s administration has pursued an increasingly militaristic approach. In March 2025, controversial amendments to military law expanded the Indonesian Armed Forces’ (TNI) involvement in civil affairs, sparking nationwide protests. When confronted about these concerns in April 2025, President Prabowo dismissed criticism as “nonsense,” demonstrating his administration’s unwillingness to address human rights concerns and civilian oversight of military operations. Simultaneously, the government has undertaken efforts to rewrite national history textbooks, with Culture Minister Fadli Zon stating the project aims to “reinvent” Indonesian identity while potentially erasing documentation of past human rights violations committed by the Suharto regime.
Indonesia’s current military modernisation program has significant implications for the conflict situation in West Papua, where local observers have claimed that the Indonesian army used war drones and combat aircrafts to fight the TPNPB in the remote central Papuan highlands. The government has diversified its defense partnerships, purchasing 48 KAAN fighter jets from Turkey in June 2025 and participating in South Korea’s fighter jet development program, while also considering the Chinese J-10 aircraft as an alternative to U.S.-made options. Most concerning for regional stability is Jakarta’s deepening defense relationship with Russia, formalized through a strategic partnership declaration signed between President Prabowo and President Putin in June 2025. This agreement includes “military-technical cooperation” and created a $2 billion investment fund. Meanwhile, reports emerged of Russia seeking access to the Manuhua Air Force Base on the island of Biak, Papua Province. The Indonesian Government later assured Australia that Russian aircrafts would not operate from Indonesian territory.
Indonesia’s foreign policy under Prabowo reflects a complex balancing act between major powers. While strengthening ties with Russia and China through high-level meetings and defense cooperation, Jakarta has simultaneously maintained relationships with Western allies, including reaffirming commitments with both the United States and Australia. France and Thailand have also deepened cooperation agreements with Indonesia, providing Prabowo’s administration with diverse international support that may reduce external pressure for human rights accountability in the country and increase pressure on Indonesia’s land and natural resources from additional foreign investors.
These recent political developments collectively indicate a shrinkage in political space for the peaceful resolution of the West Papua conflict under President Prabowo’s leadership. The expansion of military authority through legal amendments and the appointment of military members to strategic government positions, combined with significant arms procurement and diversified defense partnerships, indicates a commitment to maintaining control through force rather than political dialogue. International partnerships prioritise mutual economic benefits, but have not resulted in meaningful pressure for peaceful conflict resolution. The government’s efforts to rewrite historical narratives while dismissing human rights concerns over growing military influence demonstrate a systematic approach to legitimizing state violence and avoiding accountability for past and present human rights violations.

International developments

In late May 2025, Indigenous rights advocates from across Indonesia presented evidence of systematic persecution to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples during a meeting held in the Republic of Congo. The Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) led the delegation that briefed Dr. Albert K. Barume on escalating patterns of criminalization, intimidation, and forced displacement affecting indigenous communities throughout the Indonesian archipelago. Following the May meeting, AMAN and other organisations facilitated a visit by Dr Barume to Jayapura, Papua Province, on 4 – 5 July 2025, in his capacity as an academic expert. As the visit was conducted outside his official role as a United Nations mandate holder, Dr Barume is not authorised to submit findings from the visit to the Human Rights Council. Indonesia continues to restrict access for official visits by UN Special Procedures mandate holders. Its overall record of cooperation with these key UN human rights mechanisms remains extremely poor.

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2) Central Papua speeds up plan to build public university  
August 5, 2025 00:31 GMT+700


Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA) - The Central Papua provincial government is continuing to push its plan to build a public university in the province to provide the local community with better and more equitable access to education.

In a press release received here on Monday, Central Papua Governor Meki Fritz Nawipa said that one of the efforts to accelerate educational development is establishing a public university in the region, which would serve as a beacon of knowledge and culture for locals.

“This is our commitment, and the development of a public university in Central Papua will be based on local wisdom values,” he informed.

According to Nawipa, the purpose of establishing a public university is to ensure that all people in the province, especially those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, can pursue higher education at an affordable cost.

“Central Papua has become its own province, so the commitment to build a public university is our effort to accelerate (progress) in the education sector,” he said.

Meanwhile, acting head of the Central Papua Education and Culture Office, Nurhaidah, said that the establishment of a public university is part of the local government’s vision and mission to make education the main pathway toward a brighter Central Papua.

“Central Papua was born out of the spirit of autonomy and the desire to bring public services closer to the people, so the public university can be established,” Nurhaidah said.

The Central Papua provincial government held a seminar and workshop on the establishment of a public university in Nabire on July 30, 2025. A master document compiled during the workshop will serve as the master plan for higher education development in the province. 



Related news: Southwest Papua races to build Sekolah Rakyat in 6 regions

Related news: Eastern Indonesia gains Rp1.8 trillion critical research support

Related news: Ministry to implement recommendations from Papua higher-ed colleges

Translator: Ardiles, Kenzu
Editor: Azis Kurmala


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3) Indonesian Authorities Hunt for People Displaying One Piece Flag Through RT Leader  
Reporter Dinda Shabrina August 4, 2025 | 07:07 am  

TEMPO.COJakarta - The act of raising the flag of the Japanese animation One Piece in Indonesia is suspected to have been infiltrated by authorities. Kharik Anhar, a student at the University of Riau involved in the act, said there was a warning in a WhatsApp group instructing the head of the neighborhood association (RT) and community association (RW) to report residents who raise the One Piece flag. The report was requested to be forwarded to Babinsa (Non-Commissioned Officer of Village Development) and Bimas (Community Guidance).

Kharik showed Tempo a screenshot containing the warning. He said the message came from his colleague in Bogor, West Java. "This is a clear act of real suppression. Whereas the Jolly Roger flag is a form of criticism against a corrupt system and those within it, why are they angry?" Kharik said when contacted on Sunday, August 3, 2025.

The following is the content of the message in the screenshot, "Good afternoon. Information from the Kodim Intel Agency needs to be delivered to the Babinsa of the South Bogor Sub-District, to be alert to the raising of the One Piece flag which is currently flying in other regions and is being widely reported on social media. Please monitor the news items. Thank you".

The second paragraph of the warning, "Please cooperate with the RT and RW leaders if there are those who raise the flag in the area, please report it to Babinsa and Bimas. Thank you."

Kharik regrets why the government's attitude is excessively prohibitive, even threatening with criminal sanctions. "We reject the subversive labeling against the creativity of the people," he said.

The installation of the animated flag, according to Kharik, was done in accordance with existing regulations and did not neglect to honor the Red and White Flag. "We still respect the national flag. That's why we raised it in accordance with the rules, placing the One Piece flag separately, not higher or parallel," he said.

Kharik is now gathering residents and other students from various regions. He is consolidating the campaign to raise the One Piece flag so that it can be installed massively in front of houses or spread through social media. Currently, there are at least 320 people involved in the campaign to raise the flag of the pirate anime.

Tempo has requested a response from the Head of the TNI Information Center Major General Kristomei Sianturi regarding the directive for sweeping or taking action against residents who raise the One Piece flag. The message sent via WhatsApp on Sunday, August 3, 2025, has not been answered.

Previously, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Budi Gunawan said that raising the One Piece flag before the commemoration of Independence Day on August 17 contained elements of criminal acts. He said that the action was a violation of the honor of the red and white flag.

Budi reminded that the raising of the red and white flag was regulated in Article 24 paragraph 1 of Law Number 24 of 2009 concerning Flags, Languages, and State Symbols, and the National Anthem. The law states that anyone is prohibited from raising the national flag under any other flag or symbol.

The government will take legal action against the act of raising the One Piece flag. "This is our effort to protect the dignity and symbols of the country," he said in a written statement on Friday, August 1, 2025.

Vice Chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly Sufmi Dasco Ahmad urged the public to unite in the face of efforts to disintegrate through the installation of One Pieceflags. He detected attempts to divide unity. "We must resist such things. Let's unite, fight," he said.

The trend of raising the pirate flag (jolly roger) from the One Piece manga has been rampant lately. The flag bearing a skull and crossbones with a straw hat is a symbol of the Straw Hat Pirates group led by Monkey D Luffy, the main character in the Japanese comic.

One Piece is a Japanese manga series written and illustrated by Eiichiro Oda. The manga series that tells the adventure of Monkey D Luffy becoming the pirate king has been published since July 22, 1997 until now.

For its fans, several stories in the One Piece comic represent resistance to injustice. In some of its stories, Monkey D Luffy and his friends have to face a corrupt government, a sadistic military, human rights violations, genocide, racial discrimination, and attempts to manipulate history.

This comic also produces a number of iconic scenes. For example, when the Straw Hat Pirates burned the world government flag. This was to show support for one of their friends, an archaeologist, who has been pursued by the military since the age of 8 just for studying lost history.

Novali Panji Nugroho and Daniel Fajri contributed to this article.


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