Friday, January 24, 2020

1) MG was in Wamena when Istaka workers murdered, says MRP member




2) New Brimob headquarters faces land and personnel issues
3) Papua Government will find solutions for exodus students
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1) MG was in Wamena when Istaka workers murdered, says MRP member
Published 10 hours ago on 24 January 2020 By Admin1



Papuan People’s Assembly launched a book “Kekerasan tak berujung di Nduga” in Jayapura, Monday Senin (9/12/2019). – Jubi/Benny Mawel

Jayapura, Jubi – Luis Madai, a member of Papuan People’s Assembly (MRP), said the person named for suspect in the murder of sixteen workers of PT Istaka Karya was not in Nduga at the time of the incident. Instead, Madai said, the suspect MG was in Wamena, the capital of Jayawijaya Regency, Papua.
Madai declared his statement on Wednesday (22/1/2020). “During the incident [of murder], MG was in Wamena [with his family]” said Madai.

Therefore, he called the police to act fair and clever in investigating this case of ambush. Madai said the police investigation, in this case, seems to abuse the right of a person who does not have any knowledge about law and Indonesian by accusing him of the suspect.
“The police must see who is the real perpetrator. If they can see it clearly, they can find people who deserved to be arrested and brought to justice,” said Madai.

He then gave an example of Egianus Kogoya, the armed group leader from the West Papua National Liberation Army who had claimed be responsible for the murder. Madai also mentioned that the police should thoroughly examine the testimony given by Jhony Arung as the field supervisor of PT Istaka Karya.
“It is clear that Egianus Kogoya is the master of mind that the police should arrest. But they do not arrest him until now,” said Magai. Furthermore, he asked the police for tracing Arung’s current domicile. Johny Arung was one of the workers who were safe from the ambush.
The sixteen workers of PT Istaka Karya was killed in the ambush on 2 December 2018. The insurgent group from West Papua National Liberation Army under Egianus Kogoya claimed to be responsible towards this incident.
Meanwhile, the legal process against MG has become a controversial issue. MG was arrested by the military Task Force near the murder scene, Puncak Kabo, Yigi Sub-district, Nduga Regency and handed him to the local police of Jayawijaya.
The police admitted that MG is not a member of Kogoya’s group. On 15 August 2019, the Local Police of Jayawijaya held the reconstruction of Nduga ambush at the yard of Jayawijaya Police Headquarters. In the reconstruction, MG demonstrated 30 scenes of the shooting.
After the reconstruction, Jayawijaya Police Crime and Investigation Sub-unit Chief Alexander told Jubi that MG is not a member of Kogoya’s group but a partisan.
On 17 December 2019, Adjunct Police Commissionaire Suheriadi, Jayawijaya Crime and Investigation Unit, declared that MG has sent to Jakarta and would try in Jakarta. At that time he stated MG was named a suspect because he was at Puncak Kabo at the time of the ambush. “MG helped to determine whether the shot victims were already dead or not by stubbing their bodies,” he told Jubi on 17 December 2019.
The trial against MP that held in the Central Jakarta District Court has become a concern of many parties. On 17 January 2020, the Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) sent a letter to the Head of the Central Jakarta District Court asking the panel of judges to consider the teeth examination towards the suspect to estimate the actual age of the suspect. KPAI sent the letter after receiving information that MG is still a child but conduct a trial in a public court.
Meanwhile, the Papuan People’s Representative has published their investigation in a book titled “Kekerasan tak Berujung di Nduga” which means the endless violence in Nduga. This report concludes that the murder of PT Istaka Karya workers did not occur spontaneously, but preceded by a series of events involving the insurgent group from West Papua National Liberation Army and the workers. In their report, the Papuan People’s Assembly reviews the role of Jhony Arung in the series of event that led to the murder of sixteen PT Istaka Karya workers. (*)
Reporter: Benny Mawel
Editor: Pipit Maizier

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2) New Brimob headquarters faces land and personnel issues

Published
  
on
 

Wamena, Jubi – Mobile Brigade (Brimob) headquarters planned to build in Jayawijaya Regency, Papua Province face both land and personnel issues.
Senior Police Commissionaire Godhelp Mansnembra, the Unit Commander of Papua Police’s Brimob, said despite these two issues they still need coordination with the local police chief of Jayawijaya Regency.

“We are not planning to build a big headquarters, but at least it is enough for accommodating a company. So, perhaps we can set a post for a start. It also relates to personnel recruitment,” Mansnembra said in Wamena on Wednesday (22/1/2020).
The Papua Police has formed the Mobile Brigade Detachment D in Jayawijaya with 171 personnel, but they are planning to expand their personnel to 400.

“We have a Brimob detachment here. With more than 400 troopers, they would not only be assigned in Jayawijaya Regency, but also to other regions such as Merauke, Mappi and Wamena,” he said.
If the land is available, we will start to build the headquarters command for a company at least next year.
“Regarding other facilities, we already have vehicles, but considering the expensive fuel and maintenance cost in Wamena, we need to wait until the settlement of the land issue to bring those operational vehicles here,” he said.
Meanwhile, Deputy Regent of Jayawijaya Marthin Yogobi said from the meeting with Brimob Unit Commander there was no discussion concerning the construction of Brimob Headquarters. However, the regional government had facilitated the installation of some Brimob posts in several points to support peace and order in society.
“During the meeting with Brimob Unit Commander, there was no discussion about such plan of extra personnel deployment to Jayawijaya region,” he said.
Further, Yogobi said the commander’s visit to Jayawijaya was also to inspect his personnel’s promptness ahead of local councillor’s inauguration which planned taking place Wednesday (23/1/2020)
“The existing Brimob troop in Jayawijaya is sufficient to support security during the inauguration,” he said. (*)
 
Source: ANTARA
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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3) Papua Government will find solutions for exodus students
Published 11 hours ago on 24 January 2020 By Admin1

Jayapura, Jubi – The Provincial Government of Papua would attempt to address problems facing the exodus students who continue to stay in Jayapura City, Papua.
Papua Provincial Secretary Herry Dosinaen told hundreds of exodus students who wish to meet Papua Governor Lukas Enembe in a meeting facilitated by the Papuan People’s Assembly.

“The governor just called saying he now has a meeting with the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Education. They talk about the possibility listed exodus students for being able to resume their studies at their former educational institutions,” the provincial secretary told hundreds of exodus students on Wednesday (22/1/2020).
Meanwhile, Papuan House of Representatives’ Chairman Jhony Banua Rouw hopes the meeting between the provincial government, local parliament and the exodus students can accommodate both parties to a better solution.

“We are trying to find solutions for these students because it is not easy for them to return to their former cities of study and adapt to it. However, we can find a way to make them feel safe,” he said.
According to him, before the students return to their former cities of study, it is the government’s responsibility for ensuring that the students would be safe and secured. Therefore, there will be no more racism incidents to occur in the future.
“We must take immediate actions before the enrolment begins to avoid late enrolment that can affect their academic result and emotion in the cities of study,” he said. (*)
 
Reporter: Agus Pabika
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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Thursday, January 23, 2020

1) How the world failed West Papua in its campaign for independence


2) Jakarta Six’s lawyer tells court defendants acted according to the law
3) Signs of influx of West Papuans to PNG
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1) How the world failed West Papua in its campaign for independence
Date 1/23/2020 5:33:44 AM
Author: Emma Kluge 


(MENAFN - The Conversation) Activism and protests marked West Papua's 50th anniversary last year of the so-called Act of Free Choice , which formalised Indonesia's control over the territory, with the region's people once again demanding independence from Indonesia. 
In January 2019, West Papuan activists delivered a petition to the United Nation (UN) demanding a referendum on West Papuan independence . 
Six months later, protests broke out after Indonesian police arrested 43 West Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java. Footage of the arrests showed Indonesian soldiers racially abusing the indigenous Papuan students . 
Protesters took to the streets in the months following the incident , demanding an end to racial discrimination against West Papuans within the Indonesian state and calling for a referendum on independence for the territory. 
These recent protests build upon a long history of Papuan activism in response to Indonesian government repression, racism and denial of West Papuan desires for independence.
As early as the 1960s, West Papuan nationalists argued for their right to independence – under the UN's 1960 Declaration on Decolonisation – following the renouncement of Dutch control over Indonesia. However, they ultimately failed.
My recently published paper argues this failure was in part due to international political dynamics, which sabotaged West Papuans' attempts to ride the waves of decolonisation efforts by Asian and African countries throughout the 1940s to the 1960s.
Why West Papua failed in international forums
In the 1960s, West Papuan activists attempted to link their decolonisation campaign to earlier struggles for independence across Asia and Africa. Triggered by instability during the post-war era, colonial countries in Asia and Africa formed connections to end colonialism. 
At the UN, West Papuan activists sought the support of African delegates who they believed were likely allies. They argued West Papua and Africa shared a history of racial oppression and a desire to see the end of colonialism in all its forms.

While African leaders were sympathetic to the cause of West Papuan activists, they were already committed to the Non-Aligned Movement led by Indonesia. 
This bloc supported Afro-Asian solidarity and committed leaders not to interfere in the affairs of other nations. It protected them from intervention by their former European colonial powers and from the raging Cold War politics, as they didn't take side between the US and the Soviet Union. 
Contrary to the name, the Non-Aligned Movement didn't advocate keeping out of the Cold War, but aimed to use its alliance of Afro-Asian nations to exploit Cold War tensions for Third World aims . 
The first conference of the Non-Aligned Movement was held in Belgrade in 1961. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 
Indonesia, for example, made deals with the United States promising access to mine gold and copper in Papua. Indonesia turned down Soviet aid, while also using the Afro-Asian bloc at the UN to gain support for its control of West Papua. 
The Cold War improved opportunities for nations already committed to power blocs. But for the West Papuans, newcomers to international politics, it was another barrier to entry into the international community.

Afro-Asian connections had begun to solidify in the 1950s and Indonesia's prominence within the alliance prohibited Papuan involvement.
By the time Papuan activists entered the political arena in the 1960s, Indonesia had already developed its Cold War strategy.
Alone, isolated and continuously repressed
West Papuans were denied independence also because the UN system failed to heed their calls and instead placed appeasing Indonesia above its commitment to decolonisation and human rights. 
After an interim period of UN administration, the Netherlands and Indonesia signed an agreement to transfer control of West Papua to Indonesia in 1962. The agreement included a provision requiring Indonesia to consult the population of West Papua on whether or not they wanted to remain part of the republic.


After intense campaigning by West Papuans, Indonesia finally announced it would conduct this act of self-determination in 1969 . Yet when the referendum came, Papuans were once again denied a voice in the future of the territory. 
As the UN was excluded from most of the process, Indonesia went unchallenged in allowing just over 1,000 hand-picked individuals to vote on behalf of the entire West Papuan population . Under this rigged system, the men unsurprisingly voted in favour of becoming part of Indonesia.
Papuans were arrested and intimidated by the Indonesian military in the lead-up to the act of self-determination. ULMWP 
At the UN General Assembly meeting to ratify the Act of Free Choice, many African representatives were unwilling to back it without debate as they believed it undermined the UN's principles of decolonisation. 
They highlighted the hypocrisy of establishing the Non-Aligned Movement with the explicit aim of opposing colonialism and then allowing Indonesia to set up colonial-style rule in West Papua.
Despite this debate , no delegate was willing to vote against Indonesia. 
The assembly voted to accept the Act of Free Choice as it was – in a vote of 84 to 0 with 30 abstentions – noting that it fulfilled the requirements and UN responsibilities of the agreement . 
While the West Papuans had convinced African leaders of their desire for self-government and the unjust nature of Indonesia's control, the African representatives were unwilling to openly vote against Indonesia and break their alliance in the Afro-Asian bloc. 
To stand against Indonesia would endanger their political standing and protection in the international community. Delegates instead chose to abstain. 
Will West Papua have another chance?
Several factors have changed in the international community since the 1960s. 
The changes include an increase in membership of leaders from the Pacific and the recognition of rights for indigenous peoples . 
Yet the preference of UN delegates to value state sovereignty over justice and equality remains the same. 
Whether the activists can gain support for a referendum will depend upon their abilities to turn the tide of politics at the UN. 
Current West Papuan activists have gained support from Pacific leaders and had success with officials from the UK . 
However, they still need to win significant support from African and Asian delegates to tip the power balance in their favour.
As in 1969, world leaders would do well to listen to the voices of Papuan activists as choosing to ignore their calls will have dire consequences for West Papuans in Indonesia. In the words of the International Labour Organisation , 'If you desire peace, cultivate justice.'

MENAFN2301202001990000ID1099592012
How the world failed West Papua in its campaign for independence


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2) Jakarta Six’s lawyer tells court defendants acted according to the law
Tempo – January 21, 2020
M Yusuf Manurung, Jakarta – The lawyer representing six Papua defendants, Oky Wiratama Siagian, has criticised a statement by the prosecutor who said that acts of separatism disguised as free speech must be cracked down on.
According to the prosecution, freedom of expression is limited and regulated under Article 28J of the 1945 Constitution.
Siagian responded by stating that the limits on expressing an opinion in public are regulated under Law Number 9/1998 on Freedom of Expression. According to Siagian, his clients obeyed the stipulations of this law.

“The six political prisoners submitted a written notification of the action with the Metro Jaya regional police, meaning they acted in accordance with the law”, said Siagian at the Central Jakarta District Court on Monday January 20.
“If the intent of these comrades was criminal, then why did they submit a prior notification of the action [with the police]”, he continued.
The agenda for today’s hearing was to hear a response from the prosecution to a note of objection or demurrer presented earlier by the lawyers representing the Papua defendants.

The public prosecutor refuted all of the arguments in the demurrer, including the argument on the need to include Article 87 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) in the charges because the indictment is already complete with locus and tempus (time and place of an incident).
Siagian then criticised the prosecutor’s reasons for this, saying that in order that the case be clear, the prosecution must include Article 87 which explains the concrete form that an act of makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) takes.
“It must be in conjunction with this article. Makar is an attack, correct, what was the form [of the alleged attack]”, asked Siagian.

The six defendants in the case are Paulus Suryanta Ginting, Charles Kossay, Ambrosius Mulait, Isay Wenda, Anes Tabuni and Arina Elopere. They were arrested by police for flying the Morning Star independence flag during a demonstration demanding a referendum for Papua in front of the State Palace on August 28, 2019.
The prosecution has charged Suryanta and his colleagues with two alternative articles. Namely, Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) in conjunction with Article 55 Paragraph 1(1) of the KUHP on makar and Article 110 Paragraph 1 of the KUHP on criminal conspiracy.
[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was “Pengacara Kritik JPU: Aktivis Papua Sudah Beritahu Aksi ke Polisi”.]


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3) Signs of influx of West Papuans to PNG
5:10 pm on 23 January 2020 

Johnny Blades, RNZ Pacific Journalist johnny.blades@rnz.co.nz
There are signs of an influx of West Papuans into Papua New Guinea amid a protracted conflict across the border.

Since 2018, there's been a surge of violent exchanges between the West Papua Liberation Army and Indonesian security forces in Papua province.
Thousands of West Papuans have been displaced from the conflict's epicentre in the Highlands regency of Nduga in the Indonesian-ruled province.
Some of the displaced have fled across the border to PNG's West Sepik province, according to Vanimo landowner Dorothy Tekwie.
"The numbers in the camps on the PNG side have increased," Ms Tekwie said.
"On my own particular land the number of young people, young men I've never seen before... there is an influx of people coming in, and they feel they are able to slide back in again."
The main international border entry point at Wutung near Vanimo remains tightly guarded by Indonesian military forces. So too now are access points in Nduga and neighbouring Jayawija regency where many of the estimated 45,000 displaced Ndugans fled to last year when conflict intensified.
However, West Papuans are generally adept at moving and living in jungle, and across mountainous terrain. Long treks are made towards the international border, much of which is too porous for either Indonesia or PNG's security forces to comprehensively monitor.
Some Papuans who slip across the border further inland end up along the north coast in Vanimo, where Ms Tekwie's village is located, less than an hour's drive from Wutung.
"I don't know how they get through, but these are mountain people, they walk and live off the land; they know how to hunt; so if it's getting too much on the other side, they just move over here," she said.
"After all, this is just one island. There is no brick or cement border mark fencing from one end to another, it's just open forest."
West Papuans who end up in villages on the PNG side are generally able to blend in easily, being fellow Melanesians. However, those who are not registered as traditional border crossers, and therefore able to travel back and forth by law, are at risk of detection by Indonesian or PNG security forces.
"I try to control who is on the land because I don't want people to get into trouble and cause trouble for me and other clan members.
"So, I try to know who is moving in and out of my place, but there are so many young men there that I don't know who they are."
Ms Tekwie said that West Papuans from the Highlands region were determined to resist Indonesian rule.
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Wednesday, January 22, 2020

1) Civil groups sue government over Papua internet ban


2) Blackout lacks ‘substance, procedures’: Jokowi sued over govt-imposed internet ban in Papua
3) Sports Minister, Papua Governor Ensure Security for PON 2020
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1)  Civil groups sue government over Papua internet ban
Marchio Irfan Gorbiano The Jakarta Post
Jakarta   /   Wed, January 22, 2020   /  07:55 pm



Papuan students under the Papuan Student Alliance (AMP) rally to commemorate Dec. 1, the day pro-independence activists regard as Papuan independence day, on Dec. 2 in Yogyakarta. (JP/Bambang Muryanto)


Civil society groups have accused the government of misconduct in its decision to restrict internet access in restive Papua last year as part of efforts to contain the spread of hoaxes, according to a lawsuit filed at the Jakarta State Administrative Court (PTUN).
The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) and the Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet) is suing President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the Communications and Information Ministry over the internet access restriction imposed in Papua and West Papua between August and September last year.
Government officials argued that the move was taken to prevent the spread of hoaxes following incidents of racial abuse suffered by Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java, which had heightened tensions in Indonesia’s easternmost provinces.
In their lawsuit, which was read by presiding judge Nelvy Christin, the plaintiffs asked the court’s panel of justices to declare the defendants’ actions unlawful and to order the government to refrain from imposing similar measures in the future, as well as paying the plaintiff’s fees incurred by the case.
“The government’s policy to extend the internet blackout […] was an act against the law [carried out] by government bodies and/or government officials. The acts of the defendants were flawed in their authority, procedure and substance,” said Nelvy in Jakarta on Wednesday.
The government throttled back internet access in parts of Papua and West Papua on Aug. 19, 2019 between 1 p.m. and 8.30 p.m. local time, shortly after the incident in Surabaya, according to the lawsuit. It went on to impose a full blackout between Aug. 21 and Sept. 4, affecting 29 cities and regencies in Papua and 13 cities and regencies in West Papua.
“As a result of the actions the defendants, journalists in Papua and West Papua could not go about their daily jobs of meeting the public’s right to information because of the lack of or limited internet access,” Nelvy said.
The AJI and SAFEnet said in the lawsuit that they considered the internet blackout to have violated stipulations set out in, among other pieces of legislation, the 1999 Human Rights Law and the 1999 Press Law.
Only legal representatives from the Communications and Information Ministry attended the hearing on Wednesday, President Jokowi was not represented at the hearing.
In its defense statement, the ministry said that the decision to limit internet access in Papua and West Papua was made within the existing law and carried out according to principles of good governance.
“The defendants emphasized in their petition that their acts […] were not acts against the law because they were in line with regulations and the principles of good governance,” Nelvy said, reading the ministry’s response to the plaintiff’s lawsuit.
The ministry also filed an exception, arguing that the plaintiffs did not have an interest in the lawsuit and therefore did not have legal standing in the case.
The hearing was adjourned on Wednesday and scheduled to resume on Jan. 29 to hear the arguments from representatives of President Jokowi.
Indonesian Legal Aid Institute Foundation (YLBHI) head of advocacy Muhammad Isnur – who represents the plaintiffs in the case – said after the hearing that the plaintiffs also included their respective track records in advocating the rights of the press and therefore had proper legal standing in the case.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) deputy coordinator of advocacy Putri Kanesia – who also represents the plaintiffs – said the case served as an important lesson for the government to act in accordance with principles of accountability in their policy of restricting internet access.
“When the government said [the internet blackout] was imposed to avoid the spreading of hoaxes in Papua, it meant journalists in Papua were not able to provide clear information to the public, not only those in Papua but also wider Indonesian citizens who are entitled to their right to access correct information on the situation in Papua,” said Putri.
She added that hopefully the government would refrain from unilaterally restricting or throttling internet access in the name of containing the spread of hoaxes without providing accountability and transparency to the public

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2) Blackout lacks ‘substance, procedures’: Jokowi sued over govt-imposed internet ban in Papua
Marchio Irfan Gorbiano The Jakarta Post
 Jakarta   /   Wed, January 22, 2020   /   04:20 pm

Civil society groups have filed a lawsuit against President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration over the internet blackout imposed during the weeks of protests in Papua and West Papua last year, arguing that it was substantially and procedurally flawed.
The plaintiffs — the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) and the Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet) — specifically sued the President and the Communications and Information Ministry over the blackout, lodging the case with the Jakarta State Administrative Court (PTUN).
They demanded the court declare that the internet blackout — which officials argued was to put in place to prevent hoaxes from spreading — was flawed in authority, substance and procedure, asking the panel of justices to order the government to refrain from imposing similar measures in the future and to pay the fees incurred by the case.
“The government’s policy of imposing the internet blackout […] is an act against the law [carried out] by a government body and/or government officials,” the plaintiffs said in their lawsuit, which was read out by presiding judge Nelvy Christin during the first hearing of the case on Wednesday.
“The acts of the defendant were flawed in their authority, procedure and substance,” the lawsuit proclaimed.
The government throttled back internet access in parts of the country’s easternmost provinces on Aug. 19, 2019 between 1 p.m. and 8:30 p.m. local time, shortly after widespread protests escalated in the regions in response to incidents of racial abuse suffered by Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java. 
According to the lawsuit, the government imposed a weeks-long blackout between Aug. 21 and Sept. 4, affecting 29 cities and regencies in Papua and 13 cities and regencies in West Papua.
“Due to the deeds of the defendants, journalists in Papua and West Papua could not do their daily jobs to fulfill the public’s rights to information because of the lack of or limited internet access,” Nelvy said, reading out the lawsuit.
AJI and SAFEnet said they considered the internet blackout to have violated stipulations set out in, among other pieces of legislation, Law No. 39/1999 on human rights and Law No. 40/1999 on the press.
For the defendants, only one legal representative from the Communications and Information Ministry attended the hearing on Wednesday. 
The ministry argued that the government’s decision to limit internet access in Papua and West Papua was done according to existing law and the principles of good governance.
The hearing was adjourned and is scheduled to resume on Jan. 29 when the judges are to hear arguments presented by a representative of President Jokowi.
 
Editor's note: Paragraph seven of this article has been edited.



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3) Sports Minister, Papua Governor Ensure Security for PON 2020
Translator: Dewi Elvia Muthiariny   Editor: Petir Garda Bhwana 22 January 2020 07:02 WIB
TEMPO.COJakarta - The government called on all contingents not to concern about security issues for the XX National Sports Week, or PON 2020, in Papua, which is scheduled to be held from October 20 to November 2, 2020.
Youth and Sports Minister Zainudin Amali said concerns over the security in the country’s easternmost province should not be worried. "There is nothing to worry about. Moreover, the event is directly led by the governor (Lukas Enembe)," said Zainudin at his office, Jakarta, Tuesday, January 21.
According to him, the Papua administration guaranteed the readiness and preparation of the national event both in terms of infrastructure and security.
"This will be the same as PON in East Kalimantan, Riau, South Sumatra," Zainudin added.
Papua Governor Lukas Enembe seconded the minister’s statement, underlining that his region was not much different from Jakarta and Sumatra Province. “We have the largest number of Indonesian Military and National Police personnel. So what are we afraid of? There is no problem,” Lukas remarked.
Lukas went on to say that as a part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, Papua is ready to host PON. "The event implementation in Papua will be a success," he shared optimism.
On Tuesday afternoon, Minister Zainudin received a visit of Papua Governor Lukas Enembe who also served as the Committee Head of the PON 2020. The session was also attended by the National Sports Committee (KONI) chairman Marciano Norman.
IRSYAN HASYIM
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Tuesday, January 21, 2020

1) Papuan activists wear ‘koteka’ to court despite ban


2) West Papua: Sad plight of the Nduga internally displaced children
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1) Papuan activists wear ‘koteka’ to court despite ban
Jakarta   /   Tue, January 21, 2020   /   04:15 pm
Two of the six Papuan activists standing trial on charges of treason wore koteka(traditional Papuan dress) to a hearing on Monday at the Central Jakarta District Court, despite the judges’ ban last week.
The two activists, Dano Anes Tabuni and Ambrosius Mulait, donned the koteka, or penis sheathes made from gourds, wore traditional crowns and sang a traditional Papuan song called “Hidang Makhendang”.
Dano and Ambrosius, along with Indonesian People’s Front for West Papua (FRI-West Papua) spokesperson Surya Anta and students Charles Kossay, Isay Wenda and Arina Elopere, are standing trial for holding a protest in support of Papuan independence in front of the State Palace on Aug. 28.
Central Jakarta District Court spokesperson Makmur denied allegations that the court had discriminated against the activists, who wanted to show their pride and cultural identity.
“We do not want to show discrimination against, or exception to, the traditional culture of our Papuan friends,” Makmur said.
He said he had been in talks with the Jayapura District Court about wearing koteka during the hearing.
“The official statement from the Jayapura District court was that in Papua there had never been any defendant who wore a koteka at a hearing.” he said.
According to Jayapura District Court staffers, Makmur said, koteka were used only during traditional ceremonies. 
“Following this hearing, the judges let the defendants wear koteka only outside of the court. They did not allow them to wear koteka during the hearing. It is the judges’ prerogative,” he said. (gis)
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2) West Papua: Sad plight of the Nduga internally displaced children

  
SPECIAL REPORT: By Arnold Belau, Ligia Giay, Febriana Firdaus and Belinda Lopez of the Voice of Papua newsletter
Everything about what happened in the Papuan provincial regency of Nduga just over a year ago is still a blur and closed off. It remains an elephant in the room, just like another mass killing case in West Papua during the 1970s.
No case has been brought to justice. The killing is still happening until now.
Let us start explaining what happened there by showing this map of where Nduga is located (the red loop marked Papua).

Since December 2018, Nduga has made headlines in national media and some international media after the military attempted to crush Papuan independence fighters who attacked workers of the Trans-Papua Highway construction project (killing at least 17 people).
The Indonesian military bombed the villages and forced 45.000 Ndugans to flee into the jungle and nearby regencies for safety. Many of them are women and children.
Historical background
What makes Nduga so unique as the centre of the rebellion?

In 1969, Indonesia took control of the western half of New Guinea by handpicking only 1,026 people to vote in favour for integration in a plebiscite backed by the United Nations.
It is one of the biggest scandals in world history. The event prompted the Papuan rebels to form the West Papua National Liberation Army (then called Organisasi Papua Merdeka – OPM), which has continued the struggle for independence ever since, including in Nduga.
Nduga is a mountainous area with pristine tropical forests, well-known for its cultural diversity and is part of the World Heritage-listed Lorentz National Park. It is inhabited by indigenous Melanesian people who were largely cut off from the outside world until missionaries arrived well into the 20th century.
They are widely known as the most resistant of Papuans across the region in the struggle against the Indonesian government. The people refuse to admit their region is part of Indonesia and refuse to speak Bahasa Indonesia.
Even for other Papuans – who are suspected of “working together” with the Indonesian government – it is difficult to gain their trust. Therefore, it is hard even for other Papuans to approach them.
Until today, the Indonesian military is still struggling to occupy the region. The challenge for the Indonesian army is to adapt to the weather — the mountains in Nduga are covered by glaciers and it is bitterly cold.
Joining the rebels
But the Ndugans are used to being guerrillas in the mountains. Traditionally, they have followed their elders to join rebels to take revenge on the killing of their parents and family members, and training themselves to survive in the cold weather.
One of the well-known events that have marked the history of violence in West Papua, particularly Nduga, is the Mapenduma Operation in 1996. Then, a group of environmental researchers were kidnapped by the rebels.
The military rescue operation and its aftermath are shrouded with stories of trauma, when the effort to capture Kelly Kwalik and his group allegedly caused numerous deaths among the civilian villagers.

Tirto published a short article (in Indonesian) about this event last week.
However, it is hard to find evidence of anything.
Back to the IDP.
Aside from the difficulties in communicating with Ndugans, fortunately, they still open the door for the Christian church.
One of the Protestant churches in Baliem Valley has managed to distribute food and clothes to them. Even the emergency school has been built just next to the church.
Collecting data
But is that enough to help them survive?
The Voice of Papua’s team is collecting data on the ground because last month marked one year since the Ndugans became refugees. These are important issues for the Nduga IDP (internally displaced people) that need to be addressed soon by local and central government.
So far, 238 people have died. On 10 December 2019, we published a special report on “one year of Nduga Internally Displaced Persons or IDP” by interviewing Raga Kogoya, one of the leading volunteers in the highlands of Wamena.
“At least 238 (of the IDP) have died, some of them suffered from gun wounds, and some of them were ill,” she told us. This number is higher than the one released by the Indonesian Social Affairs ministry (MoSA).
Raga added that the number is higher, but some of the Ndugan IDP people did not report their case to the volunteers. Here are some of the details.
A thousand students were not able to join national exams. Back when one of our editors visited the Ndugan shelter in 2019, there was an emergency school for the children run by churches and volunteers.
The school is built from wood and tarpaulin with students sitting on wooden benches beneath a tin roof.
During the monsoon season, the classroom is flooded by rainwater.
No exams or credits
Even though they can attend the class, the students find it difficult to get access to national exams.
Raga said the volunteers and the teachers are unable or do not have enough legal standing to issue reports for them. Therefore, they cannot get any credit for their hard work studying at the emergency school.
“The government is very ignorant. They don’t want to open their hands and serve these children,” she said.
Also, the local hospital also refuses to serve the children, saying that they only serve Wamena’s residents.
Hence, the children among the Nduga IDPs lack access to education and health services.
Children join rebelsAs many children do not get this access to education and health services, some of them prefer to stay in the jungle and even join the rebels.
Father Jon Djonga called it a “cycle of revenge”. Take a look at the case of the current leader of the West Papua Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement in Nduga, Egianus Kogoya. He is apparently the youngest son of the group’s former leader Silas Kogoya who was killed during the Mapenduma Operation.
Last week on January 11, one police officer was shot and injured when the Kogoya group attacked a security post at Kenyam Airport. The police are now hunting the group – it seems this is far from over.
A trauma healing centre is urgently needed. The Indonesian government, via the Social Affairs ministry, has not yet provided any trauma healing therapy for the Nduga Children’s IDP.
The volunteer has requested the treatment since the first wave of Nduga IDP flooded into Wamena in 2018. Children in Nduga are still traumatised from the incident, as some of them witnessed how the military bombed their village, and how their friends and siblings were shot to death or were starving while fleeing to the forest.
The volunteer told us, if only the government would provide the trauma healing therapy, perhaps we could cut the “cycle of revenge” and prevent the children from joining the rebel army.
The killing is still happening. Residents and human rights activists found a total of five bodies, suspected to be victims of shootings by unscrupulous members of the Indonesian military in Iniye village, Mbua District, on Thursday, 10 October 2019.
The five bodies were three women and two young men. They were found in a hole covered with leaves before being buried in the ground.
The family of Samuel Tabuni, one of the Nduga youth leaders who died, explained that on 20 September 2019 the victim brought food from Wamena, driving a Strada car to Nduga via the Trans-Papua Highway. He was allegedly shot by the Indonesian military.
In another case in Nduga, a driver named Hendrik Lobere was shot dead by the Indonesian military, prompting Nduga’s vice-regent Wentius Nimiangge to resign in protest. Security Minister Mahfud MD denied the accusation that it was the military forces who had killed the driver.
However, a fact-finding team has been formed to investigate the case.
Nduga’s IDP have been living in 23 shelters in Wamena city, Jayawijaya regency, without decent toilets and proper beds.
The latest story we published was about the plan of the regent of Jayawijaya to invite his Nduga counterpart and their officials to talk about the IDP. One of the crucial topics of discussion will be the budget allocation for the IDP which reached Rp 75 billion (about NZ$8.3 million).
The question is where did the money go?

The Indonesian military wields internet “news” as a weapon in Papua. A Reuters investigation found that the Indonesian military funds 10 websites, some of which have been operating since mid-2017. The websites uniformly publish positive coverage of government, military and police alongside articles that demonise government critics and human rights investigators.
The subjects of some stories told Reuters the websites attributed invented quotes to them and published other falsehoods.
Sarawak’s logging tycoons
Over the past 50 years it has been common for certain leaders, particularly in East Malaysia, to criticise past colonial ills while at the same time embarking on their own unprecedented rampage of resource grabbing, first within their own borders and then throughout the region.
The consequences have been described by many victims in Papua New Guinea to Sarawak Reportas “worse than colonialism” – a sentiment echoed by many of the native peoples of Sarawak whose lands were snatched by outside interests aided and abetted by corrupt local leaders.
Arnold Belau is chief editor of Suara Papua; Ligia Giay is a Papuan writer and historian-in-training; Febriana Firdaus is an Indonesian investigative journalist and Voice of Papua newsletter co-founder; and Belinda Lopez is an Australian journalist, researcher and audio documentary maker. Voice of Papua newsletter is a side project of the Papuan-run Suara Papuanewspaper.