1) Merauke Food Estate: Indigenous Land Disputes, Police Investigations and Court Ruling Intensify Opposition to National Strategic Project
23 September 2026 / 6 minutes of reading
Indigenous communities in Merauke Regency, South Papua Province, continue to oppose the implementation of Indonesia’s National Strategic Project (PSN) for food security amid reports of encroachment on customary land, intimidation of Indigenous land defenders and environmental destruction. Between August and September 2026, several incidents in Ilwayab District highlighted growing tensions between Indigenous landowners, companies and security forces. Meanwhile, the Jayapura State Administrative Court rejected a legal challenge brought by five Indigenous Malind representatives against the environmental approval for a 135-kilometre access road through their customary land.
Customary land dispute in Ilwayab District leads to police investigation
On 23 August 2026, members of the Moiwend Buako clan discovered forest-clearing activities on their customary land during a patrol in Ilwayab District, Merauke Regency. According to Solidaritas Merauke, the activities were carried out by EIKA AMS KSO, a company involved in infrastructure development associated with the food security PSN and the construction of the new Wanam airport.
The clearing reportedly extended beyond customary land boundaries between the Moiwend Buako and Samkakai clans, affecting Indigenous communities in Bibikem and Yulili villages. The Moiwend Buako clan maintains that neither the company nor the local government had informed or consulted the customary landowners before the activities began. Community members suspect that the company obtained permission from selected individuals without securing the consent of all affected clans.
On 24 August, clan members returned to the site and found that construction activities were continuing. According to the community, they damaged sand-and-cement structures to stop the work and compel the company to negotiate with the customary landowners. Following the incident, the Ilwayab police chief requested that clan member Mr Ariston Moiwend Buako report to the police station. His family refused and instead demanded that the police identify those who had authorised construction on the disputed land.
At approximately 1:00 am on 26 August, a joint delegation of security personnel and local government representatives reportedly arrived at Mr Moiwend Buako ‘s residence. According to Solidaritas Merauke, the delegation included the Ilwayab police chief, a military commander, the district head, 15 Indonesian Army soldiers, nine armed men in civilian clothing and eight individuals suspected of belonging to the state or military intelligence agencies.
Feeling intimidated, Mr Moiwend Buako subsequently went to the police station to provide his account. He was not detained. Merauke Regency Police later issued two summonses for clarification and questioning concerning the alleged destruction and burning of sand-and-cement materials.
The organisations called on the police to discontinue the investigation against Mr Ariston Moiwend Buako, examine the legal basis for the company’s activities and prevent further intimidation of the Moiwend Buako family. The solidarity group also urged the provincial and regency governments to protect the affected community and requested monitoring by Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM).
Indigenous community reports removal of eight black crosses
On 2 September 2026, the Moiwend Buako clan erected eight black crosses at Molu, Babong, Yapel, Kelepi, Kakobodol, Ongabuk, Esrum and Obub. The crosses symbolised the community’s opposition to the PSN and signified a customary prohibition on further activities within its territory. During a patrol on 5 September, community members discovered that all eight crosses had been removed. Coconut trees planted by the community had also reportedly been uprooted and discarded.
Solidaritas Merauke alleged that unidentified individuals supporting the PSN were responsible and described the incident as part of a broader pattern of intimidation. The identity of those responsible remains unknown. The coalition called on the Indonesian President, the Governor of South Papua Province and the Regent of Merauke Regency to establish a fact-finding team. It also demanded the suspension of government and corporate activities on the clan’s customary territory until the underlying land dispute is resolved.
Administrative Court rejects Indigenous Malind challenge to 135-kilometre access road
The plaintiffs, Simon Petrus Balagaize, Sinta Gebze, Liborius Kodai Moiwend, Kanisius Dagil and Andreas Mahuse, filed the lawsuit on 5 March 2026 under case number 9/G/LH/2026/PTUN Jayapura. They argued that construction had begun approximately one year before environmental approval was granted and that the project had proceeded without the free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) of the affected Indigenous communities.
The court dismissed the lawsuit, concluding that the environmental approval had complied with applicable legal requirements, including environmental impact assessment and public consultation procedures. The plaintiffs retain the possibility of appealing the decision.
According to the plaintiffs’ lawyers, construction continued throughout the proceedings despite an instruction from the presiding judge to halt the works on 9 June 2026. Greenpeace’s satellite monitoring indicated that the road had reached approximately 135 kilometres by September.Affected communities reported declining availability of traditional food sources and game animals, increased dust, higher temperatures and deteriorating water quality following forest clearance.
International scrutiny and unresolved human rights concerns
The government responded in May 2025, rejecting allegations that the project violated human rights and environmental requirements. Solidaritas Merauke criticised the response as inadequate and called for direct monitoring by the relevant UN mandate holders.
The project’s security dimension has also attracted criticism. The Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) reported that approximately 2,000 Indonesian military personnel arrived in Merauke in November 2024 to support the food security programme. Civil society organisations have expressed concern that the deployment of security forces in areas affected by unresolved customary land disputes may contribute to intimidation.
Period of incident: 23/08/2026 – 22/09/2026 Perpetrators: Republic Indonesia > Government Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Military (TNI) Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Police > Indonesian National Police (POLRI) Issues: business, human rights and FPIC, indigenous peoples Sources: Suara Papua Jubi Nadi Papua Suara Papua Related Cases:
2) Death sentence against Karel Fatem prompts protests and demands for protection at Sorong Prison
23 September 2026 / 3 minutes of reading
Papuan human rights activists and civil society organisations have called for the protection of Mr Karel Fatem (see photo on top, source: LBH Kaki Abu), a Papuan prisoner allegedly affiliated with the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB), following a death sentence imposed during cassation proceedings before Indonesia’s Supreme Court in early August 2026. On 12 August 2026, demonstrators gathered outside Sorong Class IIB Prison, where Mr Fatem was being held, demanding that prison authorities guarantee his safety, prevent intimidation, facilitate family visits and refrain from transferring him to a prison outside West Papua.
According to Suara Papua, Mr Fatem was prosecuted in connection with two separate incidents: an attack in Kisor Village, Maybrat Regency, on 2 September 2021, and the shooting of an Indonesian military member in Fankahrio Village on 20 January 2022. Prosecutors had sought the death penalty in the Fankahrio case, but the trial court imposed a life sentence. The sentence was reportedly upheld on appeal before prosecutors pursued cassation proceedings before the Supreme Court, which subsequently imposed the death penalty.
On 12 August 2026, members of the Domberay People’s Front Against National Strategic Projects and Militarism in West Papua organised a spontaneous demonstration outside Sorong Class IIB Prison. Protesters urged prison authorities to guarantee Mr Fatem’s physical safety and protect him against intimidation, threats and other forms of violence. The demonstrators also opposed any transfer to Makassar, arguing that relocation could restrict access to his family and legal representatives.
Human rights analysis
The death sentence raises questions under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which protects the right to life and strictly limits the circumstances in which states that retain capital punishment may impose it. Under the interpretation adopted by the UN Human Rights Committee, the death penalty may be imposed only for crimes of extreme gravity involving intentional killing. Any death sentence must also comply with the stringent fair trial guarantees established under Article 14 of the ICCPR. A death sentence resulting from proceedings that violate these guarantees constitutes an arbitrary deprivation of life under Article 6.
The concerns raised about Fatem’s treatment in Sorong Class IIB Prison also engage Indonesia’s obligations under Articles 7 and 10 of the ICCPR, including the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and the requirement that persons deprived of their liberty be treated with humanity and respect for their inherent dignity. The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Nelson Mandela Rules) further establish that prisoners should be able to maintain regular contact with their families, have confidential access to legal advisers and, to the extent possible, be accommodated in prisons close to their homes. Although a transfer to another detention facility is not automatically unlawful, any decision concerning Mr Fatem’s relocation should take account of his safety, access to legal representation, family contact and the availability of effective legal remedies.
Protest in ffront of Sorong Prison on 12 August 2026
Period of incident: 08/08/2026 – 08/08/2026 Perpetrator: Republic Indonesia > Government > Prosecution Issues: indigenous peoples Sources: Suara Papua Related Cases:
3) Security forces open fire at a group of indigenous Papuans in Yahukimo – Six evacuated in critical condition
23 September 2026 / 7 minutes of reading
Security forces reportedly open fire at a group ofsix indigenous Papuan civilians near Samboga Village, Yahukimo Regency, on 18 September 2026, while returning from a local gold-panning site. Personnel from the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and the Indonesian National Police (Polri) allegedly released shots without prior warning. All six sustained gunshot wounds during the incident. Mr Pilatus Porpom, 25, and Mr Daniel Timuka, 19, were evacuated to the Yahukimo Regional General Hospital (RSUD) in Dekai on 22 September 2026. Four other men could be located and subsequently evacuated with gunshot wounds on 23 September 2026.
According to local sources, a group of six indigenous Papuan men left a gold-panning site near Samboga Village on 18 September 2026. The men were reportedly returning to their homes after completing their work. All are local civilians relying on farming and small-scale gold panning for their livelihoods.
The sources allege that security personnel had been monitoring the group’s movements through aerial surveillance using drones. Members of the Indonesian military and police were reportedly deployed near the end of a paved road and a river crossing along the route towards Samboga Village. The reports identify personnel from the Habema Task Force, Operation Damai Cartenz, the Rajawali Task Force and the Indonesian Marine Corps as having participated in the security operation. The precise composition of the units present at the shooting location and the involvement of individual personnel have not been independently established.
At approximately 12.15 am, the group allegedly encountered security personnel near the end of the paved road. The officers reportedly opened fire without issuing a warning or attempting to establish the men’s identities. Mr Pilatus Porpom and Mr Daniel Timuka, sustained serious gunshot injuries, while four others reportedly fled into the surrounding forest (see photos below, source: indepndent HRD). The precise circumstances and extent of the injuries suffered by the four missing men remain unclear.
The injured men reportedly remained without adequate medical assistance for several days. According to local sources, Indonesian military personnel had restricted overland access to Samboga Village from 18 September 2026, preventing relatives and humanitarian responders from reaching the victims and transporting them to hospital.
On 22 September 2026, a joint humanitarian team comprising representatives of the Yahukimo Churches’ Association (PGGY), traditional leaders, relatives, village heads and humanitarian activists conducted an evacuation operation. The team succeeded in evacuating Mr Porpom and Timuka to the Yahukimo Regional General Hospital in Dekai (see photos below, source: independent HRD).
Both men were reportedly in critical condition when they reached the hospital. According to the latest information received, they required intensive medical treatment, with the presence of retained bullets reported in their bodies. Their subsequent medical condition and the precise nature of their injuries have not yet been independently verified. The remaining victims were evacuated to the Yahukimo General Hospital on 23 September 2026. All of them sustained gunshot wounds and needed intense medical care.
Alleged intimidation of civilians and damage to a church
The reported shooting occurred in the context of a wider security operation affecting Samboga Village and its surrounding areas. Local sources alleged that military and police personnel intimidated residents, restricted their movements and interfered with civilian activities. During the operation, security personnel allegedly beat a young man.
Residents also reported that security personnel entered and damaged the GJRP Amal Samba Church in Samboga Village. According to the accounts received, the church doors, pews and pulpit were severely damaged. (see photos below, source: Kingmi Papua) The alleged destruction of the church and intimidation of residents have heightened concerns about the protection of civilian infrastructure, religious facilities and witnesses during security operations in Yahukimo Regency.
Responses from religious and traditional leaders
Religious leaders condemned the reported shooting and the alleged destruction of the GJRP Amal Samba Church. They emphasised that security operations must not target unarmed civilians and called for the Indonesian authorities to take responsibility for the damage reportedly caused by their personnel.
Traditional leaders stressed that security personnel operating in West Papua must understand the livelihoods and cultural practices of indigenous communities. He explained that many residents depend on farming, hunting, fishing, sago harvesting and other subsistence activities, frequently requiring them to travel through forests and remote areas. He cautioned against treating civilians as members of armed groups merely because they are travelling through such areas or carrying traditional hunting equipment. Given the ancestral relationship between indigenous communities and their customary lands, security personnel must respect the rights of local communities and exercise restraint when conducting operations in areas inhabited by indigenous peoples.
Community representatives called upon the Yahukimo Regency Government to facilitate unrestricted humanitarian access to the affected communities. They urged Regent Didimus Yahuli and the leadership of the Yahukimo Regency Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRK) to ensure that residents could resume their normal activities without being indiscriminately treated as members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). Relatives of the victims similarly rejected the alleged indiscriminate identification of local residents as members of armed groups. They emphasised their status as civilians and their longstanding connection to the affected villages.
Church representatives and traditional leaders also called for dialogue between the Indonesian Government and the TPNPB as a means of addressing the continuing armed conflict and preventing further civilian casualties.
Human rights analysis
Alleged unlawful use of lethal force and violation of the right to life. The reported shooting raises serious concerns under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which protects the right to life and prohibits arbitrary deprivation of life. Under the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, intentional lethal force may be used only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. If the six men were unarmed civilians returning from their workplace and did not pose an imminent threat of death or serious injury, the reported use of firearms would raise serious concerns regarding necessity and proportionality. If the incident occurred in connection with the conduct of hostilities during an armed conflict, the applicable rules of international humanitarian law would additionally prohibit directing attacks against civilians and require compliance with the principles of distinction, proportionality and precautions in attack. The mere presence of civilians in a conflict-affected area or their engagement in traditional subsistence activities does not, in itself, make them lawful military targets.
The reported restrictions on humanitarian access, which allegedly prevented the timely evacuation of the two seriously injured men, raise additional concerns regarding the rights to life and health under Articles 6 of the ICCPR and 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). International humanitarian law requires parties to armed conflict to take all possible measures to search for, collect and care for the wounded and sick without adverse distinction. If military personnel deliberately prevented medical assistance from reaching injured civilians without a lawful justification, their actions could constitute a serious violation of applicable international obligations. The continuing uncertainty surrounding the whereabouts of four men also requires an urgent and effective search, including verification of whether any of them have been apprehended by security forces.
The reported beating of a potential witness raises concerns under Article 7 of the ICCPR, which prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. If the alleged assault was intended to prevent the disclosure of information about the shooting, it would also raise concerns regarding witness protection and interference with efforts to establish accountability. The reported damages to the GIDI church requires investigation under Article 18 of the ICCPR, which protects freedom of religion, as well as the applicable rules of international humanitarian law concerning the protection of civilian objects and places of worship. Furthermore, the reported restrictions on movement and subsistence activities should be assessed in light of the rights of indigenous communities to maintain their traditional livelihoods, cultural practices and relationship with their ancestral lands, including the protections afforded by Articles 17 and 27 of the ICCPR and Articles 10, 20 and 26 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).
The Indonesian authorities have an obligation to conduct a prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigation into the reported shooting, the alleged obstruction of medical assistance, the reported assault on a potential witness and the destruction of the church. Investigators should establish the identities and command structures of the security personnel involved, obtain operational orders and deployment records, preserve relevant surveillance and ballistic evidence, and document the injuries sustained by the victims. The investigation should determine whether the use of firearms complied with the applicable legal framework and whether any individual or command responsibility arises from the conduct of the operation. Effective safeguards must be established to protect victims, witnesses and their relatives against intimidation or retaliation. Where evidence establishes criminal responsibility, those responsible should be prosecuted in accordance with international fair-trial standards, and victims should receive appropriate medical care, rehabilitation and effective remedies.
Mr Pilatrus Porpom and Mr Daniel Timuka received medical treatment at the Yahukimo Regional General Hospital in Dekai, 22 September 2026
4) Kadepa calls for political action to address Papua’s problems
News Desk September 23, 2026
Jayapura, Jubi – Papua needs practical action rather than political disputes and heated debate, according to Papuan political figure Laurenzus Kadepa.
Kadepa said too much energy was being spent building political narratives and personal popularity while longstanding problems facing communities remained unresolved.
He said Papua was not short of people willing to speak, political platforms, conferences, political statements or media coverage.
“What remains a major task is ensuring that the fundamental problems facing communities are actually addressed. For me, politics must return to substance and putting people’s interests first,” Kadepa told Jubi via a messaging application on Tuesday (22/9/2026).
Kadepa said success should not be measured by how often a politician appeared in the media, but by how far government policies improved people’s lives.
He said communities in remote areas still needed greater attention to education. Papuan children were entitled to proper schools, enough teachers, adequate educational facilities and equal opportunities to build their futures.
“In healthcare, communities need medical workers, medicines, health facilities and services that genuinely reach villages. Problems such as malnutrition, stunting and endemic diseases cannot be solved through slogans alone,” he said.
In the economic sector, Kadepa said Papuans should play a central role in development. Local commodities should be developed, community businesses strengthened, and Papuan entrepreneurs given fair access, opportunities and space to grow.
He said the same applied to Indigenous rights and customary land disputes. Development should not disregard the rights of Indigenous communities who live on and have customary ties to their land.
Every policy, he said, should be based on transparency, dialogue, respect for customary rights and legal certainty.
“I believe Papua needs the courage to solve problems, not simply the courage to talk about them. We need politics that is calm but firm,” he said.
Kadepa said criticism should be aimed at improving conditions rather than simply attracting attention. Dialogue should provide a space for finding solutions, rather than becoming a platform for people to blame one another.
He said humanity, justice, education, healthcare, the people’s economy, customary rights and peace should be the key measures of government policy in Papua.
“We should not become so focused on winning arguments in the media while people are still struggling to make a living and get through their everyday lives. Papua does not need political noise. Papua needs practical action, commitment to its people and consistency,” Kadepa said. (*)
1) Director Dandhy Laksono: ‘What is happening in West Papua is pure colonialism’
22 September 2026 • 14 minutes reading time
The documentary Pesta Babi is causing quite a stir in Indonesia, and even far beyond the country’s borders. Yet co-director Dandhy Laksono remains as determined as ever. ‘The Papuan people deserve our full attention.’
This article was translated by kompreno, which provides high-quality, distraction-free journalism in five languages. Partner of the European Press Prize, kompreno curates top stories from 30+ sources across 15 European countries. Join here to support independent journalism.
This year saw the release of Pesta Babi (literally translated as ‘Pig Festival’), the new documentary by directors Dandhy Laksono and Cypri Paju Dalu. The film is set in Papua, the western, Indonesian part of the island of New Guinea. The region is rich in gold, copper, nickel and gas, but also in vast areas of forest land which, according to the Indonesian government, are suitable for large-scale agriculture.
Since 2020, forests in South Papua have been cleared on a massive scale to make way for food and energy plantations. Pesta Babi highlights the consequences of these ambitious projects whilst raising fundamental questions about land grabbing, militarisation and the rights of indigenous communities. The documentary sparked a national debate in Indonesia that ultimately extends beyond deforestation alone: what is the relationship between the Indonesian state and the people of Papua? And to what extent does the country still bear the scars of its own colonial past?
In the Indonesian capital, Jakarta, we speak to Dandhy Laksono, co-director of the film and one of the country’s best-known investigative journalists and documentary-makers. For more than twenty years, he has been exposing environmental problems, corruption, social inequality and human rights violations throughout the Indonesian archipelago. He gained recognition for, amongst other things, Sexy Killers (2019), about the close ties between the coal industry and the political elite, and Dirty Vote (2024), about the fraudulent use of campaign funds by the then presidential candidate and current president, Prabowo.
Laksono grew up in a small town in East Java during the authoritarian rule of President Suharto. At school, he was taught that Indonesia was a free country, with a democracy and a constitution. But at home, he saw a very different reality. In the early 1990s, his mother sent him to a political rally to record the speech by Guruh Sukarnoputra, the son of the Indonesian independence leader Sukarno. Laksono smuggled a recording device into the venue, whilst his mother waited for him at home.
‘When I got back, she was lying under her pillow, listening to the recording in secret, like a criminal,’ says Laksono. ‘She said: “Even the walls can hear us”. I felt that there was something fundamentally wrong with our system. That fuelled the rebellious spirit within me.’
During the first public screenings, the local authorities and the army tried to intimidate the organisers and visitors. This had the opposite effect, as it only served to draw more attention to Pesta Babi.
Dandhy Laksono: ‘The government is trying to manipulate the population and is selectively using the film’s message. It focuses exclusively on food and energy sovereignty and self-sufficiency. It is not interested in human rights, nor in the rights of the population or their right to determine their own development model and goals.’
‘Unfortunately, that approach has worked to some extent. Many people accuse us of being against the food project and of collaborating with a foreign organisation that wants to import food into Indonesia. However, our film is about much more than food and energy sovereignty. It also addresses West Papua’s right to self-determination and independence, as well as the armed resistance.’
West Papua was a Dutch colony until 1962, after which Indonesia took control. Seven years later, that takeover was ratified through a controversial vote, which many Papuans do not recognise as a genuine referendum.
Dandhy Laksono: ‘The southern part of West Papua is known for being very loyal to Indonesia. But I get the impression that the residents are reconsidering or revising their stance. The impact of the large-scale land development projects has given them a new political perspective on Indonesia. I have also met people who fled to Papua New Guinea in the 1980s. Upon their return, they realised that the military operations are extremely drastic and that the large-scale projects are incredibly destructive.’
With your subtitle, ‘Colonialism in our time’, you offer a contemporary interpretation of the concept of ‘colonialism’. Do people understand what you mean by this?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘Yes, I think they do understand that we are now dealing with a local coloniser. At least, that is the reaction they give after watching the film. The subject is very sensitive. In the film, we refer to occupation, to being ruled by an “outsider”. In Indonesian, we also have another term: ‘penjajahan’. That also means colonialism, but it’s more direct and leans towards ‘exploitation’. Our term is neither provocative nor academic. It’s not meant to offend anyone.’
‘Let’s not forget that this is the first time “colonialism” has been used in such a prominent and popular way in a journalistic report on Papua. But the funny thing is that, at many public screenings – or even in reactions on social media – people are more sensitive to the word “pig” in the subtitle (Pesta Babi) than to the term “colonialism”.’
‘But despite the play on words (the “pig festival” also refers to the Indonesian elite who have turned the exploitation of West Papua into a “pig’s mess”, ed.), the documentary does not shy away from reality. What you see in Papua is neo-colonialism. In some debates, people challenge me with questions such as: what is actually happening in West Papua? Is it just a flawed version of development thinking? Or is it genuine colonialism? To me, it’s clear: it goes further than a flawed version of development thinking. It is genuine colonialism.’
Why did you feel it was important for the documentary to be set in Papua?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘I want the spotlight to remain on West Papua, because that is where military operations are taking place, and where there are internally displaced people and refugees. And at the same time, land grabbing is also taking place there. There is no other place in Indonesia where abuses of this kind occur on such a large scale.’
‘When the film went viral, the wider public across the whole of Indonesia made the connection with the broader issues of militarisation, top-down governance and oppression. These issues therefore apply to the whole country, and as a result, the specific focus on West Papua became somewhat overshadowed. The Papuans, however, deserve our full attention and solidarity.’
Food supply
Under the previous president, Joko Widodo, there was a strong emphasis on public infrastructure. The current president, Prabowo, appears to be focusing once again on state-led economic projects, such as food and energy plantations.
Dandhy Laksono: ‘Nationalism is high on the political agenda. Thanks to his military background, Prabowo has learnt that there are two basic needs: food and energy. According to his ideology, people will be happy if you can provide both in abundance. That is the key to keeping the population under control, so that he can do as he pleases. It is his trump card for pursuing a populist agenda. Every dictator will commit to securing food and energy.’
Self-sufficiency in rice, petrol and gas has become an obsession for the political parties. As I travelled through the country, I saw long queues of cars at petrol stations. Is there actually an ‘energy crisis’?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘From time to time, there are queues like that. Certainly following the unrest in the Strait of Hormuz, you’re seeing more people at the pumps again. That’s the paradox: Papua is full of natural resources, but oil and gas are currently a real problem. Let’s not forget that oil and food are linked to the financing of political parties or candidates. Imports are being restricted; companies wishing to import food and energy must apply for a licence, and that has always been a source of corruption and political financing in Indonesia. Control over food and energy means control over your opponent.’
‘Last year, I and several other authors published the book Reset Indonesia, in which we addressed various issues that were also raised by the students during the protests in August and September 2025. It covered food and energy, but also the situation in Papua.’
Gen Z
Do you feel that Gen Z and the students can relate to your documentaries?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘Yes. I am absolutely convinced that I have reached a new audience. This film was screened in secondary schools, and even in primary schools. And after watching it, many teachers tried to spark a discussion. The younger generations often draw parallels with Avatar. For them, this is, as it were, the Indonesian version of that film.’
Are you confident that this generation can contribute to ‘a different’ future for Indonesia?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘Absolutely. Even though their activism mainly takes place online, we can see that they also take to the streets. Last year’s massive demonstrations did not happen by chance. In June 2026, there were a few smaller demonstrations. Let’s not forget, either, that these are taking place against a backdrop of very harsh repression and severe intimidation at universities.’
‘These young people have their own approach and resilience. They also learn from previous generations, for example in terms of leadership and internal organisation. They prefer a decentralised organisational structure. We call these small cells “rimpang”, which refers to plants with strong roots. The students prefer a strong, small structure rather than a “big-tree movement”.’
‘In the 1990s, the protest movement united as one large tree, capable of withstanding a great deal of pressure. But nowadays, “big-tree movements” are made vulnerable by large-scale surveillance. If you remove key figures, the tree will die or change. That is why today’s student groups unite in diversity. Should a number of the small trees disappear, the forest will still stand.’
‘One consequence of this “decentralised” approach is that, according to the Alliance of Independent Journalists, the number of cities joining the demonstrations rose to more than 150 last August. This was unprecedented.’
Isn’t that what a civil rights movement does?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘Yes. But they are also learning that mobilisation alone is not enough. Their struggle must align with other movements, which are likewise well-organised and set out an alternative agenda. We are now at that stage.’
Could you tell us a bit more about that?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘One of the major challenges today is that the opposition in Indonesia is hardly represented at all within formal politics. That is why new initiatives are emerging that seek to bring together critical voices and give them a public face. One such example is the Kabinet Bayangan (Shadow Cabinet, ed.), a new concept in Indonesia that develops alternative policy proposals and critically monitors the government.’
‘I myself am involved with Reset Indonesia, a movement that has put forward 22 alternative political figures. Together, they form a sort of shadow parliament, with representatives from different regions and socio-economic groups. The aim is not to set up a new political party straight away, but to highlight credible alternatives and bring together people who enjoy the public’s trust.’
Are you seeing any concrete results from this yet?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘For the time being, we’re still finding our feet. The recent waves of protests show that there is a great deal of social discontent, but there is still no clear link between these new political initiatives and the broad-based street movements, trade unions, student organisations and other mass organisations. Those movements have the power to mobilise, whilst we are trying to develop alternatives and representation. The challenge is to bring all of that together.’
‘We hope that the next major mobilisation will create a shared momentum, in which social movements and these new political initiatives reinforce one another. This requires trust, shared values and credible figures who not only possess expertise, but can also demonstrate that a different political project is possible. The shadow cabinet therefore consists of young people selected on the basis of their expertise, integrity and commitment to the public interest.’
What was the most significant event during the making of the film?
Dandhy Laksono: ‘The death of my wife. It may sound strange, but somehow I felt freer to devote myself fully to this dangerous project. I was less concerned about the risks, which meant I could venture into a very harsh environment in West Papua without hesitation. I had nothing to lose.’
‘With every new film or story I produce, I feel that something profound changes. I’m not talking about a magical or fundamental change, because ultimately it’s just a film. We can’t fight the system with this film on its own, but it can spark confrontation, foster a network and build collective resilience.’
Kris Vanslambrouck is an Asia expert at 11.11.11. This contribution is independent of the MO* editorial team.
This article was originally published in Dutch on september 19.
It was translated from Dutch by kompreno, which provides high-quality, distraction-free journalism in five languages. Partner of the European Press Prize, kompreno curates top stories from 30+ sources across 15 European countries. Join here to support independent journalism.
The translation is AI-assisted. The original article remains the final version. Despite our efforts to ensure accuracy, some nuances of the original text may not be fully reproduced.
2) Police officers reportedly detained two minors without legal representation in Dekai, Yahukimo
22 September 2026 / 4 minutes of reading
On 18 September 2026, Indonesian police reportedly apprehended two minors, Hariel Sengket, 17, and Peniel Magayang, 17, at the Telkomsel complex in Dekai town, Dekai District, Yahukimo Regency, Highlands Papua Province. The arrests reportedly followed a stabbing incident involving a non-Papuan resident on the evening of 17 September 2026. According to information provided by the relatives, both detainees were subsequently taken to the Yahukimo District Police Station, where they remained in custody without legal representation as of information received on 18 September 2026. Given that both detainees are reportedly under the age of 18, the case raises particular concerns regarding the protection of children deprived of their liberty, access to legal assistance and compliance with procedural safeguards under Indonesian and international human rights law.
On the evening of 17 September 2026, a non-Papuan resident, identified Mr Ita, was reportedly stabbed in the Dekai area of Yahukimo Regency. According to the families, Hariel and Peniel had lived together for approximately two years in a house or kiosk owned by Mr Ita in the Telkomsel complex. At the time of the stabbing, the two young men were reportedly in the vicinity of the scene, using Wi-Fi facilities at a location regularly frequented by youth for recreational and social activities. Following the stabbing, police officers conducted a search operation and detained several residents.
Relatives are concerned that the two young men have been detained because they were present near the crime scene. At approximately 8:35 pm on 18 September 2026, police reportedly apprehended Hariel and Peniel at the Telkomsel complex and detained them at the Yahukimo District Police Station. The available information does not establish whether the officers presented an arrest warrant or informed the detainees of their procedural rights.
Police officers initially indicated that the two young men were being questioned as witnesses. However, subsequent information suggested that they might be implicated as suspects. Their families stated that they had not received a clear explanation of the detainees’ legal status or the evidence allegedly linking them to the stabbing. Their families did not receive sufficient information concerning their physical condition or treatment during police questioning. Both were eventually released without charges due to lack of incriminating evidence.
Human rights and legal analysis
The circumstances surrounding the arrests of Hariel Sengket and Peniel Magayang raise concerns regarding their right to liberty and protection against arbitrary detention under Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The authorities must clarify the legal grounds for their arrest and continued detention, promptly inform them of any allegations and ensure that any criminal proceedings are based on verifiable evidence. Their presence near the scene of the stabbing alone does not establish criminal responsibility. Any deprivation of liberty must comply with the requirements of legality, necessity and protection against arbitrariness.
Given their reported ages of approximately 17, both detainees are entitled to special protection under the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and Indonesia’s Law No. 11 of 2012 concerning the Juvenile Criminal Justice System. Article 37(b) CRC requires that the detention of a child be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period. Under Article 30 of Law No. 11 of 2012, the initial arrest of a child for investigative purposes must not exceed 24 hours. Any continued deprivation of liberty would therefore require a separate lawful basis for detention and compliance with the applicable child-specific procedural safeguards.
The reported absence of legal representation raises further concerns regarding compliance with Article 40 CRC and Article 23 of Law No. 11 of 2012, which guarantee children in conflict with the law access to legal assistance and appropriate accompaniment during criminal proceedings. Article 40 of the Indonesian law requires officers to inform children and their parents or guardians of their right to legal assistance, with failure to provide such notification rendering the arrest or detention legally invalid. The authorities must ensure that both minors receive qualified legal representation, are informed of their legal status and are afforded appropriate contact with their families. Any questioning must respect the presumption of innocence, the right against self-incrimination and the procedural guarantees applicable to children suspected of criminal offences.
The families’ inability to obtain reliable information concerning the detainees’ physical condition and treatment during detention raises additional concerns regarding their protection from torture and other forms of ill-treatment under Article 7 ICCPR and Article 37(a) CRC. Although allegations of physical violence have not been independently verified, the authorities remain responsible for safeguarding the minors’ physical and psychological integrity throughout their detention. Both detainees should be granted confidential access to legal counsel, appropriate family contact and an independent medical examination where necessary.
Period of incident: 18/09/2026 – 18/09/2026 Perpetrator: Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Police Issues: indigenous peoples, women and children Related Cases:
3) Security forces detain 24 Papuan activists during peaceful Independence Day protest in Timika
22 September 2026 / 3 minutes of reading
Security force members reportedly detained 24 activists of the West Papua Independent Student Forum (FIM-WP) during a silent protest in Timika, Mimika Regency, Papua Tengah Province, on 17 August 2026 marking Indonesia’s Independence Day. The demonstrators were intercepted near the SP2 Roundabout while attempting to participate in a peaceful protest march. Joint police and military personnel reportedly detained the activists at two police stations in Timika. They were questioned for approximately seven and a half hours before being released at around 4.30 pm.
On the morning of 17 August 2026, hundreds of FIM-WP activists and supporters reportedly gathered at different locations across Timika to participate in a silent protest march on Indonesia’s Independence Day. Participants began moving towards the designated gathering point at the SP2 Roundabout at approximately 8.00 am. At around 9.00 am, police personnel intercepted a group of demonstrators blocked their route.
According to information provided by FIM-WP, joint security forces comprising the Indonesian National Police (Polri), the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) deployed a substantial number of vehicles to the protest location, including police trucks, military trucks, patrol vehicles and vehicles equipped for the deployment of tear gas. The demonstrators were reportedly detained without prior negotiations and forced into security vehicles.
During the operation, security personnel confiscated a megaphone, a FIM-WP organisational flag, and a mobile phone. Security personnel subsequently transported the 24 activists to the Timika Police Headquarters (Mapolres Timika). The activists were subsequently subjected to police questioning. All 24 activists were released on 17 August 2026 at approximately 4.30 pm. All seized items were returned.
Human rights & legal analysis
The reported arrests raise concerns under Articles 9, 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which protect the rights to liberty and security of person, freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Article 9 prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention and requires that individuals be informed of the reasons for their arrest. Although the 24 activists were released on the same day, their detention for approximately seven and a half hours requires independent examination of its legal basis, necessity and proportionality.
The restrictions imposed on the demonstration must also be examined against Indonesia’s domestic legal framework. Article 28E(3) of the Indonesian Constitution guarantees freedom of association, assembly and expression. However, Article 9(2)(b) of Law No. 9 of 1998 on Freedom to Express Opinions in Public prohibits public demonstrations on designated national holidays, including 17 August. Article 15 permits the dispersal of assemblies that do not comply with specified provisions of the law. The authorities may therefore invoke the national holiday restriction as a domestic legal basis for dispersing the protest. Nevertheless, the existence of a statutory restriction does not automatically establish that its application, or the subsequent arrest and detention of individual demonstrators, complied with Indonesia’s international human rights obligations.
Under Article 21 of the ICCPR, restrictions on peaceful assembly must pursue a legitimate purpose and satisfy the requirements of legality, necessity and proportionality. The United Nations Human Rights Committee emphasises in General Comment No. 37 that blanket restrictions on peaceful assemblies are presumptively disproportionate and that restrictions should be based on an assessment of the specific circumstances. The reported immediate arrest of 24 demonstrators, without prior negotiations or an apparent individual assessment of their conduct, therefore raises questions about whether the security forces adopted measures that went beyond what was necessary to maintain public order. The reported confiscation of protest equipment also warrants examination, particularly whether the seizure of the organisational flag and megaphone served a lawful and proportionate purpose.
24 Papuan activists were arbitrarily detained in Timika on 17 August 2026 (see photos below & video on top). All were released on the the same day in the late afternoon (see video below)
Jayapura, Jubi – The Jayapura Administrative Court (PTUN Jayapura) has rejected a legal challenge brought by Malind Indigenous representatives against a decision by the Merauke regent approving the environmental feasibility of a 135-kilometre road project in South Papua.
Five Malind Indigenous representatives challenged Merauke Regent Decree No. 100.3.3.2/1105/2025, which concerns the environmental feasibility of the 135km access road. The road forms part of a food security project being carried out by Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence under the National Strategic Projects (PSN) program.
The case, registered as No. 9/G/LH/2026/PTUN Jayapura, was filed on 5 March 2026.
The five plaintiffs are Simon Petrus Balagaize, Sinta Gebze, Liborius Kodai Moiwend, Kanisius Dagil and Andreas Mahuse.
After six months of proceedings, the Jayapura Administrative Court in Jayapura City rejected the lawsuit. The ruling was published through the e-court system on 18 September 2026.
Tigor Hutapea, a lawyer with the Merauke Solidarity Advocacy Team from Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, which represented the plaintiffs, criticised the ruling, describing it as “very poor and unjust”.
He said the judges had failed to consider any of the evidence, or the testimony of witnesses and experts, concerning alleged violations of Indigenous rights arising from the 135km road project.
“The plaintiffs chose the difficult path of seeking justice through the courts, but what they received was injustice,” Hutapea said in a written statement on Monday night (21/9/2026).
The five plaintiffs challenged the Merauke regent’s decision approving the environmental feasibility of the road between Wanam and Muting.
Hutapea said the decree was issued a year after construction had already begun, including the clearing of forests and Indigenous customary lands belonging to the Malind people, and without the free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) of customary landowners.
He said the road was not intended to connect villages but to support the National Strategic Project in Merauke, which has faced criticism over alleged environmental and Indigenous rights violations.
Hutapea said the court found that the process for issuing the environmental feasibility decree had complied with legal requirements, including the environmental impact assessment (AMDAL) process and public consultations.
However, he said five fact witnesses and one expert presented by the plaintiffs had provided evidence to the contrary.
Four Malind Indigenous witnesses said they had directly witnessed road construction and the clearing of customary forests before the defendant had conducted any public consultation.
“One witness from Nakias Village testified that around three kilometres of his clan’s forest had already been cleared on 2 September 2025, even though the customary landowners had rejected the project and blocked the area by erecting a red cross,” Hutapea said.
Another witness from Wanam Village gave similar testimony. According to the witness, excavators entered the village and began clearing the forest in August 2024.
The plaintiffs also called environmental law expert I Gusti Agung Made Wardana from Gadjah Mada University. He highlighted the importance of participation and FPIC in preparing environmental impact assessments for development projects, particularly where communities are directly affected.
Hutapea said that, in this case, objections from clans opposing the project had not been adequately considered, allowing the project to proceed. He said FPIC-based public consultation should recognise the collective rights of Indigenous communities, follow their internal decision-making mechanisms where representatives are involved, and involve genuine two-way dialogue.
Asep Komarudin, a lawyer with Greenpeace’s Merauke Solidarity Advocacy Team, said the court’s reasoning failed to address substantive issues raised by the witnesses.
He said testimony about the road construction, its impacts on Indigenous communities and the environment, and other concerns had not been adequately addressed in the ruling.
“The ruling appears to simply repeat the administrative evidence and consider it sufficient, without directly examining what happened on the ground,” Komarudin said.
One of the plaintiffs, Simon Balagaize, said he was deeply disappointed by the decision.
“The law no longer guarantees us anything in this country, whether through legal challenges or the facts on the ground. We will continue fighting and defending these lands. The truth will side with us Papuans. This lawsuit is not the only way; there are a thousand other ways,” Balagaize said.
During the six-month court proceedings, the defendant continued construction of the road, despite presiding judge Merna Cinthia ordering the project to be suspended on 9 June 2026.
Greenpeace satellite monitoring showed that construction continued, with the road now extending 135km from Wanam to Muting.
The road project has also reportedly affected local communities, including by reducing food sources and affecting livelihoods as the number of game animals available for hunting and sale has declined.
Residents have also reported environmental impacts, including hotter weather, dusty air and declining water quality.
Communities have additionally reported intimidation by security personnel deployed around the road project, which forms part of a National Strategic Project covering 2.7 million hectares. (*)