The military soldiers allegedly searched private rooms of the priests ahead of the visit of the Vice President
By Jacobus E. Lato Published: April 29, 2026 12:11 PM GMT
However, officials confirmed the military inspection was a routine security exercise, “not a part of intelligence activities.” In such security exercises, the officers were supposed to “wear casual clothing, not military uniform," Munir reportedly said.
During the raid, soldiers from the Timika Papua Military District Command entered the premises of the church, sneaked into the private rooms of three priests, and questioned local Catholics.
It came ahead of a visit by Indonesian Vice President Gibran Rakabuming, popularly known as Raka, the son of former president Joko Widodo, in Timika.
The raid happened because "perhaps they suspected the church of supporting and harboring the rebels of the Free Papua Movement," the priest said.
Andreas Hindom, a leader of the Tiga Raja parish, said the news about the raid triggered unease among local Catholics.
This prompted the parish priest to express disappointment and issue directives during the Sunday Mass on April 26.
The military inspection also prompted the parish to tighten rules on meeting priests. Guests must report to the security guard if they wish to meet the priest, Hindom said.
Yoseph Temorubun, a rights activist and chairman of the advocacy group, Central Papua Legal Aid Foundation, said the soldiers’ actions were “disrespectful, unethical, and intimidating.
“The military has intruded into a personal matter, seriously endangering the church's prophetic role amid the recurring Papuan conflict, which has caused trauma for the community,” he told UCA News.
He wanted the Church leaders to write letters of protest to various institutions, including President Subianto, so that such incidents would not repeat.
Another human rights activist, Emanuel Gobay, said the military action should be viewed through the lens of the successive Indonesian governments’ focus on resolving the Papua conflict militarily instead of through dialogue.
"Military operations remain the Indonesian government's primary focus. Since the annexation of Papua in 1961, the massacre of indigenous Papuans has continued,” he told UCA News.
As of 2025, the government deployed approximately 83,177 members of the armed forces, including 56,517 soldiers in Papua, according to Project Multatuli, a Jakarta-based journalism initiative focused on marginalized communities and human rights.
What is striking is that the minister’s statement was delivered in the context of a “firefight” between the TNI and the armed resistance.
Meanwhile, the TNI, in a clarification on April 21, offered a different narrative. According to the TNI source, there were two separate incidents: first, a shootout that killed four members of the Free Papua Organisation (TPNPB/OPM), and second, a massacre of civilians carried out by the OPM itself.
With that statement, the TNI implicitly denied that its troops had fired on civilians. Sorrow splits between the official version and the cry for truth rising from the earth.
When survivors speak: ‘They were in uniform’
The contradiction peaked when the media interviewed survivors in hospitals. One survivor stated unequivocally that people in military uniforms shot him and other villagers. This is no mere rumour.
The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), which conducted an initial investigation, found that several survivors consistently identified state security forces as the perpetrators.
Even more troubling, a report by the Papua People’s Assembly (MRP) for Central Papua stated that TNI soldiers from the Habema, Maleo, and Damai Carstenz units chased and attacked civilians in Makuma, Milome, and Kembru villages. The assault involved four helicopters, drones, firearms, and grenades.
One father, whose child was among the victims, told the Governor and Vice Governor at the hospital that villagers were attacked from the air around five or six in the morning, with grenades dropped from helicopters and drones. Some grenades, he said, were thrown directly into honai — traditional Papuan houses.
“They threw grenades by hand from above,” he said, cradling his wounded child.
Civil society reports indicate the military operation actually began on April 13, when the TNI attacked a TPNPB base in Pogoma District — previously acknowledged as a battlefield.
Two days later, the assault expanded to refugee camps in Kembru District, where thousands of civilians were sheltering. The result: innocent civilians became targets.
The MRP recorded at least nine civilian deaths, including a baby in the womb whose mother was also killed, plus 14 wounded. Komnas HAM reported 12 civilian deaths, while the Ministry of Human Rights said 15.
The discrepancy reveals a lack of coordination and verification at the central level, let alone the difficulty of accessing isolated locations.
More harrowing is the testimony of a woman seven months pregnant, treated at Dian Harapan Hospital in Jayapura. She was shot in the lower jaw.
In a soft but firm voice, she said the perpetrators were state security forces. She described troops attacking the village with helicopters and ground forces, using grenades and firearms. Even after the shooting, she said, uniformed soldiers posed for photos with the victims.
If true, this incident can no longer be called a mere “firefight” — it is a potential gross human rights violation. Physical wounds can be treated, but the trauma of being betrayed by those who were supposed to protect you lasts a lifetime.
Local government’s fast action amid the controversy
Amid the deadlock, the local government moved with noteworthy speed. The Governor of Central Papua, Meki Nawipa, together with Vice Governor Deinas Geley, visited Mulia Regional Hospital on April 17.
The governor declared that the provincial government would cover all medical costs and guarantee education for children who lost parents. An integrated emergency team, including the Indonesian Red Cross, was formed for data collection, evacuation, and psychosocial support.
The Regent/Mayor of Puncak Regency, Elvis Tabuni, unable to hold back tears, distributed aid and condolence payments. Yet challenges remain because access to the Kembru sub-district is difficult, isolated and prone to armed clashes.
The villagers’ sorrow was somewhat eased by the presence of local leaders, but the root wound — the uncertainty of justice — remains embedded.
Yahukimo, different pattern, same grief
Almost simultaneously, Yahukimo Regency was rocked by the shooting of a state civil servant, Yemis Yohame, head of the Housing Subdivision. He was found dead from gunshot wounds on April 21.
Unlike in Puncak, the response was relatively clearer. The Regent/Mayor of Yahukimo quickly stated that the shooting was a criminal act by an “armed criminal group (KKB)”, with no political agenda. The TNI and police launched an operation to hunt the perpetrators.
The contrast is stark. In Puncak, a large scale armed clash caused widespread civilian harm, with strong allegations of state human rights violations. In Yahukimo, the action was a targeted assassination.
For Yemis Yohame’s family, the grief is just as deep. The problem of violence in Papua is not homogeneous. But the most alarming case is Puncak, because it involves potential gross human rights violations by state forces.
If state troops shot civilians, that is not merely “imprecise fire” — it is a serious violation of the right to life and safety.
Komnas HAM stressed that any attack on civilians — by state or non state actors — violates international humanitarian law, and urged the TNI commander to evaluate operations by the Habema Task Force and pursue transparent legal action.
Without such steps, the wounds of Puncak will remain open.
Church leaders also condemned the violence. Father Yanuarius Yance Yogi criticised both sides for sacrificing innocent civilians.
“Both parties have sophisticated equipment. Yet why must civilian lives be sacrificed?” Reverend Dominggus Pigai said the situation in Papua is a military and humanitarian emergency zone. Reverend Benny Giay said the indiscriminate attack on civilians proves the state does not want Papuans to live on their own land.
Displaced grief: A humanitarian emergency
Reports indicate the military operation has triggered a massive wave of displacement. Of the twenty-five districts in Puncak Regency, only two have not seen their people flee.
Thousands of civilians are scattered in forests, neighbouring villages, and other regencies such as Timika, Nabire, and Jayapura. They live in fear, lacking food, clean water, and health services.
The Indonesian Red Cross has carried out cremations, but medical care on the ground remains extremely limited. The displaced endure an uncertain existence: driven from their own villages, stripped of shelter, and haunted by the trauma of grenade blasts and helicopter roars.
The hope of Papuans
The tragedy in Puncak presents the administration of President Prabowo Subianto with a profound test of the state’s commitment to protecting its citizens and upholding human rights. In addressing this complex situation, the government is respectfully encouraged to consider a series of measured and transparent steps that prioritise truth, justice, and the welfare of all Papuans.
First, the administration may wish to break from the pattern of contradictory official narratives by publicly acknowledging the credibility of survivor testimonies and the preliminary findings of Komnas HAM and the Papua People’s Assembly.
Rather than denial or ambiguity — which risk deepening perceptions of a legitimacy gap — the government could demonstrate leadership by establishing an independent, joint fact finding mission.
Such a mission would ideally include Komnas HAM, respected Papuan civil society leaders, church representatives, and, where appropriate, international observers, all operating with full access to affected villages and operational documents.
The objective would be to uncover the factual truth about what transpired, why civilians became victims, and who bears responsibility, without prejudging outcomes. Should evidence confirm gross human rights violations, the administration is respectfully urged to ensure that legal proceedings move forward genuinely.
Beyond the investigative track, the administration is encouraged to recognise that Puncak has already entered a humanitarian emergency. The displacement of thousands of civilians from nearly all districts demands a coordinated, large scale response that goes beyond the commendable but limited efforts of local authorities and the Indonesian Red Cross.
The government could consider declaring a temporary humanitarian corridor to enable the unhindered delivery of food, clean water, medical supplies, and psychosocial support to displaced populations hiding in forests and neighbouring regencies.
Evacuation plans, with special attention to pregnant women, children, the elderly, and the injured, would offer immediate relief. Working in partnership with the provincial government, the central administration might also commit to documenting every displaced family and restoring their basic rights to shelter, health, and education before any discussion of return.
Without such humanitarian action, broader peace and development efforts risk being seen as hollow.
Concerning the security sector, a diplomatic but firm reassessment may be timely. The administration could consider ordering a temporary suspension of offensive military operations in civilian populated areas of Puncak pending the outcome of the independent investigation.
The current approach — relying on aerial surveillance, drones, and ground manoeuvres — has, according to multiple testimonies, failed to consistently distinguish between armed group members and non-combatants, as illustrated by grenade attacks on honai homes and the wounding of a pregnant woman.
A review of rules of engagement, with specific prohibitions on the use of air delivered explosive weapons in or near civilian settlements, would align security practices with international humanitarian law.
Furthermore, the administration might explore a gradual shift from a military dominated posture toward a strengthened civilian led security framework that places the protection of civilians at its centre. Allegations that soldiers posed for photographs with victims, if substantiated, point to serious breaches of military ethics; in such a case, transparent court martial proceedings would help restore public trust.
Equally important is a broader political and developmental strategy that addresses the root causes of recurring violence. The administration is respectfully encouraged to initiate a genuine, inclusive dialogue process that brings together not only security forces and armed groups but also traditional leaders, church authorities, women’s organisations, and civil society representatives from across Papua.
Such a forum would be empowered to discuss not merely ceasefires and humanitarian access, but also longstanding grievances related to economic exploitation, land rights, political representation, and historical injustices.
In parallel, the government could reconsider the scale and nature of development spending in Papua, shifting from large scale extractive projects that often displace communities toward locally controlled economic initiatives that create tangible benefits for Papuan families.
Education, healthcare, and infrastructure built in genuine partnership with Papuan communities would likely build more trust than any number of military operations.
Finally, the administration may find value in engaging other stakeholders constructively. Komnas HAM deserves enhanced resources and political protection to conduct long term monitoring of both the investigation and the humanitarian response. Church leaders across Indonesia can be important moral partners in demanding accountability while accompanying Papuan communities in their grief.
International partners, while respecting Indonesia’s sovereignty, could be invited to offer technical assistance for independent investigations and humanitarian operations, and to continue diplomatic dialogue on civilian protection in Papua.
The media, too, has a role in connecting past and present violence to hold power accountable, rather than treating each tragedy as an isolated event.
Ultimately, what happened in Puncak and Yahukimo in April 2026 shows that the cycle of violence in Papua has never truly stopped. The discrepancy between survivor testimony and official statements cannot be left unresolved.
A purely security based approach has never been enough. A humane approach, dialogue, and equitable economic development must become mainstream. As the Regent of Puncak, Elvis Tabuni, said through his tears, they are citizens who should be protected — not turned into targets.
The wounds and sorrow left by this tragedy may never fully heal — at least, not as long as the truth remains hidden and justice is not upheld. Time will tell whether the state can uphold its constitutional mandate, or whether it will allow the land of Papua to remain soaked in the blood of its innocent children.
And for those who survived — who every night still hear the screams of their fallen friends — that wound will continue to sing in the silence: a sorrow that remains unhealed.
Laurens Ikinia is a Papuan lecturer and researcher at the Institute of Pacific Studies, Indonesian Christian University, Jakarta. He is also an honorary member of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) in Aotearoa New Zealand, and an occasional contributor to Asia Pacific Report.
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4) Wenda calls on Indonesia to halt crackdown on peaceful Papua protests
Asia Pacific Report
A leader of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) has called on Indonesian security forces to halt their crackdown on peaceful protest in the wake of this month’s massacres in Dogiyai and Puncak.
Interim president Benny Wenda accused Indonesian authorities of suppressing peaceful action in order to “stoke a cycle of violence in West Papua in order to strengthen their colonial grip over our land”.
“intensified militarisation serves Indonesia’s economic interests,” he said in a statement.
Wenda said the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) had organised “numerous peaceful demonstrations against Indonesian colonialism” since the military (TNI) had “murdered 15 West Papuans in the Puncak massacre” on April 15.
In response, the TNI and Indonesian police had launched a brutal crackdown, dispersing protesters with water cannons, tear gas, and beatings.
“The latest crackdown occurred [on April 27], after protesters gathered in front of the Mimika Dormitory in Waena, Jayapura,” Wenda said.
“They were met by a heavily armed TNI squadron, who broke up the peaceful protest by firing tear gas canisters and blasting activists with water cannons.”
Part of strategy
Wenda said violence committed against the KNPB and allied student protesters was part of Indonesia’s strategy in West Papua.
“By deploying additional troops and establishing new checkpoints, Indonesia protects their investment and creates a pretext for new destructive economic developments,” his statement said.
“Chaos and violence are good for business: this is Indonesia’s reason for keeping hold of West Papua,” he said.
This crackdown demonstrated that democracy did not exist in West Papua.
“We have never been allowed to peacefully voice our demand for self-determination, whether under the Suharto dictatorship or so-called democratic rule,” Wenda said.
“West Papuans will never achieve justice through colonial systems.”
The ULMWP appealed to solidarity groups and their parliamentary allies to apply pressure on Indonesia to “stop this crackdown, withdraw their military, and facilitate a visit to West Papua by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights”.
“Our own actions are not enough — international pressure is the only language Indonesia understands.”
Indonesian authorities have not responded to these comments by the ULMWP.
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5) Papua Rights Groups declare ‘Human Rights Emergency,’ urge end to Military Operations
IN PACNEWS READING TIME: 2 MINS READ APRIL 29, 2026 0
Author : Harjuna Pademme Editor : Nuevaterra Mambor
Jayapura, Jubi – A coalition of civil society organizations under the Papua Solidarity Network said on Wednesday that human rights conditions in Papua have worsened since Indonesia assumed the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council in January 2026.
The network, which includes Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), Amnesty International Indonesia, Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI), Greenpeace Indonesia, Alliance of Independent Journalist (AJI), Commission for the Disappeared and Victim of Violence (Kontras), and Asian Justice and Rights (AJAR), cited an increase in armed conflict, civilian shootings, arbitrary arrests and alleged torture.
Incidents were reported in several regions, including Tambrauw in Southwest Papua, Yahukimo and Tolikara in Highland Papua, and Dogiyai, Puncak and Puncak Jaya in Central Papua, the group said.
The coalition also pointed to alleged land seizures and the displacement of Indigenous communities linked to government-backed development programs, including National Strategic Projects and the deployment of territorial military units.
Between January and April 2026, the group recorded at least three alleged violations of Indigenous rights, 20 cases of arbitrary detention in Tambrauw and Yahukimo, and one alleged misuse of firearms in Tolikara. It also documented two cases of internal displacement due to armed conflict and two alleged cases of serious human rights violations in Dogiyai and Puncak.
Based on these findings, the network declared the situation in Papua a “human rights emergency.”
“The President of the Republic of Indonesia must immediately halt all military operations in Papua and open space for dialogue to resolve the political issues between Indonesia and Papua, which are the root cause of the armed conflict leading to human rights violations in Papua over the past 60 years,” the Papua Solidarity Network said in a press release on Wednesday (April 29, 2026).
The coalition also called on the president of the United Nations Human Rights Council to urge Indonesia to ensure justice for victims of alleged serious abuses in Dogiyai and Puncak.
In addition, it urged Indonesia’s parliament to review the country’s security-based approach in Papua and called on the military and police leadership to prioritize a humanitarian approach, halt arbitrary arrests, and hold accountable those responsible for alleged abuses.
The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) was urged to immediately establish an investigative team under Law No. 26 of 2000, involving the National Commission on Violence Against Women and the Indonesian Child Protection Commission, to investigate alleged gross human rights violations in Dogiyai and Puncak regencies.
It also urged the Witness and Victim Protection Agency to expand its presence in Papua and ensure protection and legal rights for victims and witnesses.
The governors of Central Papua and Southwest Papua, together with the regents of Puncak and Tambrauw, were urged to immediately establish a protection team for internally displaced persons affected by armed conflict, and to ensure the provision of basic needs, education, and healthcare for displaced communities in Puncak and Tambrauw regencies. (*)
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6) Papua accounts for over 90% of Indonesia’s malaria cases, Vice Health Minister calls for integrated response
IN PACNEWS READING TIME: 2 MINS READ APRIL 29, 2026 0 Author :
Alexander Loen Editor : Nuevaterra Mambor
JAYAPURA, Jubi – More than 90% of Indonesia’s malaria cases are concentrated in Papua, underscoring the region as the country’s most critical hotspot for infectious diseases, Vice Health Minister Benjamin Paulus Octavianus said Tuesday.
Speaking at a technical coordination meeting on accelerating the elimination of infectious diseases, Octavianus said Papua’s malaria burden far exceeds that of other regions, each contributing less than 10% of national cases.
“Malaria cases in Papua account for more than 90 percent. This is something we must resolve together urgently,” he said.
Beyond malaria, Papua also faces disproportionately high rates of tuberculosis (TB) and HIV/AIDS relative to its population of about 5 million. The region contributes roughly 4% of Indonesia’s TB cases and 12% of HIV/AIDS cases.
Octavianus said addressing the issue requires an integrated approach, including strengthening healthcare systems and improving infection control measures. He emphasized that TB patients should be treated in isolation rooms to prevent transmission.
He also highlighted concerns over leprosy in Jayapura, which ranks among the five areas with the highest number of cases nationwide, noting the added risk of its spread in urban settings.
Meanwhile, Prima Yosephine, director of communicable diseases at the Health Ministry, said the meeting was convened in response to Papua’s significant contribution to the national disease burden.
She cited geographic challenges, limited healthcare access and uneven distribution of medical personnel as key obstacles.
The meeting brought together representatives from six provinces and 14 high-burden districts, along with government agencies, development partners and private sector stakeholders. Officials aim to accelerate disease elimination efforts and strengthen cross-sector coordination ahead of Indonesia’s 2030 target. (*)
Alexander Loen
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