Friday, June 19, 2026

1) Prabowo Orders Expansion of Papua Agriculture Programs Backed by Record Funding



2) Prabowo Orders Higher Palm Oil Prices for Farmers Amid Global CPO Rally 

3) Buried in Practice Reconstructs the Record on West Papua, Human Rights, and a Missing US Investigation



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1) Prabowo Orders Expansion of Papua Agriculture Programs Backed by Record Funding
 Celvin Moniaga Sipahutar  
June 18, 2026 | 8:17 pm

Jakarta. President Prabowo Subianto has instructed the government to continue and strengthen agricultural development programs in Papua, citing their direct benefits to local communities and farmers, Agriculture Minister Andi Amran Sulaiman said on Thursday.

Speaking after a meeting with Prabowo at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta, Amran said the government has allocated the largest agricultural budget in history for Papua, totaling more than Rp 5.5 trillion ($308 million) over 2025 and 2026.

"We reported to the president that agricultural assistance for Papua reached Rp 3.2 trillion this year and Rp 2 trillion last year, bringing the total to more than Rp 5.5 trillion," Amran told reporters. "The president instructed us to continue the program because it directly benefits the people."


The support includes grants for agricultural machinery such as tractors, as well as funding to expand rice fields and increase food production capacity across the region.

Read More:
Indonesia Eyes Papua as National Bioenergy Hub to Cut Fuel Imports

The push forms part of the government's broader effort to strengthen food security while boosting economic development in Indonesia's easternmost provinces.

Amran said the Agriculture Ministry recently met with around 200 representatives from Papua, including governors, district heads, agricultural officials and farmers, to discuss the region's development needs.

During the meeting, several local governments requested additional support for rice field expansion programs.

"We received requests from a number of provinces, including West Papua, to increase the area designated for new rice fields. We will expand the program," Amran said.

The government has promoted agricultural development as a key strategy for improving livelihoods in Papua, where infrastructure gaps and higher poverty rates have long posed challenges to economic growth.

Read More:
VP Gibran Vows Faster Development Push in Papua

Previously, Amran said the government is accelerating efforts to develop downstream agricultural industries in partnership with state-owned food companies.

The initiative focuses on expanding the cultivation and processing of higher-value commodities such as cocoa, coffee, cashew nuts, coconuts and sugar cane to increase productivity and raise farmers' incomes.

The government has allocated Rp 9.5 trillion for the program, targeting the development of 870,000 hectares of smallholder plantations nationwide between 2025 and 2027.

Amran said the program would include Papua and is expected to support local economic growth while creating new income opportunities in rural areas.

"We have started the program together with state-owned food enterprises in 2025, and we will continue it in 2026 and 2027," he said. "The total area targeted for farmers is 870,000 hectares, including throughout Papua."

The government's National Strategic Projects (PSN) in Papua, including large-scale agricultural expansion, have drawn both support and criticism. While officials say the initiatives are essential to achieving food and energy self-sufficiency and boosting local welfare, indigenous groups and environmental activists warn of potential land rights violations and increased deforestation.

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2) Prabowo Orders Higher Palm Oil Prices for Farmers Amid Global CPO Rally 
Celvin Moniaga Sipahutar  
 June 18, 2026 | 9:31 pm

Jakarta. Indonesia is moving to raise farm-gate palm oil prices after President Prabowo Subianto instructed authorities to align fresh fruit bunch (FFB) prices with gains in global crude palm oil markets.

“The president has instructed us to side with smallholder palm oil farmers,” Agriculture Minister Andi Amran Sulaiman said after a meeting with Prabowo at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta.

The directive follows government findings of what Amran described as an anomaly in domestic palm oil pricing. While global CPO prices and the US dollar have strengthened, prices received by farmers for FFB have declined in several regions.

The minister said the issue affects around 15 million palm oil farmers nationwide, making it a significant concern for rural incomes.

To address the situation, the Agriculture Ministry has convened hundreds of palm oil industry players from across the country and requested assistance from the national police to monitor companies that have yet to adjust FFB prices in line with market developments.

Amran said letters had been sent to National Police Chief Listyo Sigit Prabowo and regional law enforcement authorities seeking support in overseeing compliance.

Read More:
Indonesia Cuts CPO Reference Price by $20 as One-Gate Export Nears

According to the ministry, around 1,900 palm oil mills operate across Indonesia. Authorities initially identified 274 companies that had not adjusted FFB purchase prices despite higher CPO prices. Following government intervention, about 90% of those firms have complied, leaving roughly 100 companies still under scrutiny.

The minister expressed confidence that FFB prices would recover fully within the next week and said longer-term reforms could improve transparency and farmer welfare.

An important element of the government's strategy is a new one-gate export system managed by Danantara Sumberdaya Indonesia, which is expected to streamline exports and reduce inefficiencies in the palm oil supply chain. Amran said the centralized export mechanism could help ensure fairer pricing for farmers while reducing leakages in commodity trading.

Last month, the Agriculture Ministry identified 139 palm oil mills suspected of purchasing FFB from farmers below government-set benchmark prices and warned that violators could face sanctions, including possible license revocations.

Officials have linked the recent decline in FFB prices to market uncertainty surrounding the implementation of the one-gate export policy. According to the ministry, confusion among businesses over the new rules contributed to a drop in farm-gate prices, which fell by between Rp 50 and Rp 1,200 per kilogram in some regions.

FFB prices currently range from Rp 2,700 to Rp 3,200 per kilogram, depending on location.

Read More:
Indonesia Warns 139 Palm Oil Mills Over Low Farmer Prices
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/C O R R E C T I O N -- Resource Capital Research/
NEWS PROVIDED BY Resource Capital Research  Jun 18, 2026, 13:36 ET

In the news release, Buried in Practice Reconstructs the Record on West Papua, Human Rights, and a Missing US Investigation, issued June 17, 2026 by Resource Capital Research over PR Newswire, the bullet points have been reformatted. The complete, corrected release follows:

3) Buried in Practice Reconstructs the Record on West Papua, Human Rights, and a Missing US Investigation

New investigative book from Resource Capital Research examines Freeport-McMoRan, West Papua, Indonesia, a vanished US State Department human rights report, FBI interference, and thirty comparative project case studies involving Indigenous rights, environmental harm, and corporate accountability across five continents.

Key Points

West Papua and the US State Department - Key Findings and Questions Raised:

  • Missing US State Department human rights investigation: State Department officials publicly confirmed a human rights investigation in 1995-96.
  • Declassified cables reveal widespread US government concern. Thirty years' later the interim and final reports remain unreleased.
  • Revolving door between key government officials and corporate advisory roles and positions on Freeport's board – including former ambassador J. Stapleton Roy, and secretary of state Henry Kissinger.
  • The unanswered fate of a 1995–96 investigation: Over ten years of FOIA searches and litigation failed to locate key report records, including potential conflict of interest declarations. Human rights concerns persist despite official reassurances.
  • Development aggression: Why Indigenous communities bear development's costs. Indigenous Papuan communities bear substantial social and environmental costs.
  • Public accountability versus national security secrecy: Domestic US and Australian critics reported surveillance, intimidation, and interference, including a former Wall Street analyst who challenged official narratives. 

Additional Findings - Thirty comparative projects reviewed:

  • Accountability can take decades. Comparative cases show that allegations of violence, displacement, and environmental harm can remain legally, politically, and socially significant decades later. 
  • Thirty projects spanning Latin America, Africa, Asia, Australia, the Pacific, and the Arctic, highlighting similar conflicts across diverse political, legal, and cultural settings.
  • Major sovereign wealth funds blacklisted multiple companies examined in the book.

SYDNEY, June 17, 2026 /PRNewswire/ -- Buried in Practice: Freeport in West Papua, Indonesia—and the State Department Human Rights Report That Disappeared is a new work of investigative non-fiction examining a publicly acknowledged US State Department human rights investigation conducted in 1995–96 whose interim and final reports remain missing or unreleased thirty years later. Combining investigative narrative with an extensive documentary archive, the book explores the implications of that absence for human rights, government transparency, and public accountability.


John Wilson said, "A publicly acknowledged US State Department human rights investigation was conducted, yet thirty years later the report remains missing despite more than a decade of FOIA searches."


This is the second installment in Archives of a Wall Street Analyst, a series built around official paper trails, first-person testimony, and the handling of human rights allegations tied to extractive-industry power. Drawing on declassified embassy cables, FOIA records, litigation filings, human rights reports, and eyewitness testimony, Wilson reconstructs the public record surrounding reports of killings near Freeport-McMoRan's Grasberg mine in West Papua, and examines what the missing investigation reveals about accountability, secrecy, and the treatment of dissent.

In a 1996 embassy cable, US Ambassador J. Stapleton Roy, whose embassy was involved in the State Department's West Papua human rights investigation, described the competing forces surrounding the Grasberg project as "a kaleidoscope of greed, venality, high principle and naivete." Roy subsequently joined Freeport-McMoRan's board of directors.

Part narrative and part documentary archive, Buried in Practice assembles FOIA correspondence, embassy cables, litigation filings, human rights reports, and contemporaneous media coverage, allowing readers to examine the record for themselves.

Wilson broadens the subject beyond the missing report, describing a pattern of development aggression in which weak oversight, high-value resource extraction, and remote locations can combine to produce displacement, environmental harm, and contested Indigenous consent.

FOIA attorney C. Peter Sorenson, writes of the State Department's investigation in the book's foreword, "The frame is there. The picture is missing."

Wilson says, "The question is not whether an investigation occurred. The question is why its findings remain absent from the public record."

Comparative cases reviewed

Companies: Comparative analysis spans thirty projects across Latin America, Africa, Asia, Australia, the Pacific, and the Arctic, including case studies involving Freeport-McMoRan, Shell, Chevron, ExxonMobil, Rio Tinto, BHP, Vedanta Resources, Glencore, and others.

Themes: In addition to the Freeport/West Papua material, the comparative cases examine allegations of development aggression involving resource projects and Indigenous communities across multiple jurisdictions. Drawing on controversies associated with projects linked to Shell in Nigeria, Chevron in Ecuador, ExxonMobil in Indonesia's Aceh region, and Rio Tinto and the Panguna mine conflict in Bougainville, among others, the book explores recurring themes of environmental damage, Indigenous displacement, security-force violence, unequal distribution of economic benefits, and the marginalization of local communities in resource-rich regions.

Significance: Several of the comparative cases have seen major settlements, criminal proceedings, civil liability findings, or sovereign-wealth-fund exclusions. These include the 2023 settlement of long-running litigation against ExxonMobil arising from alleged security-force abuses in Aceh, Indonesia, illustrating how unresolved allegations of violence, displacement, and environmental harm can continue to generate legal, political, and public-accountability questions decades later.

Blacklisted by sovereign wealth funds

Major sovereign wealth funds and public pension funds documented in the book, including Norway's Government Pension Fund Global, Sweden's AP Funds, New Zealand Superannuation Fund, and KLP, excluded or divested several companies examined in the book, citing concerns ranging from Indigenous rights and environmental damage to corruption and human rights risk.

Availability

Buried in Practice is available worldwide in paperback, hardcover, and ebook editions through major retailers including Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Kobo, Waterstones, and other online booksellers.

About the Author

John Wilson is a former Wall Street mining analyst and Wharton MBA whose investigative and documentary non-fiction explores the intersection of resource development, state secrecy, human rights, and public accountability. As an analyst, he covered major mining companies, including Freeport-McMoRan, for SG Warburg and SBC Warburg in New York. He is the author of The Untold Story of the FBI: Archives of a Wall Street Analyst, DOJ.

Contact
John Wilson
 Sydney, Australia (+61- 2) 9439 1919
416950@email4pr.com
www.buriedinpractice.com

Title: Buried in Practice: Freeport in West Papua, Indonesia—and the State Department Human Rights Report That Disappeared
Author: John C. Wilson
Publisher: Resource Capital Research Pty Ltd
Publication Date: April 2026 (print and ebook)


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Thursday, June 18, 2026

1) Customary Landowners Block Access to Jayapura Central General Hospital, Demand Rp64 Billion Compensation


2) Papuan Food Festival 2026 Highlights Food Security Rooted in Local Wisdom
3) Vanuatu’s Anna Naupa becomes first woman to lead MSG Secretariat 
4) Why Indonesia’s protests won’t shake Prabowo yet
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1) Customary Landowners Block Access to Jayapura Central General Hospital, Demand Rp64 Billion Compensation
IN PACNEWS READING TIME: 2 MINS READ JUNE 19, 2026  0 Author : Aida Ulim Editor : Nuevaterra Mambor

Jayapura, Jubi – Members of the Indigenous Hebeibulu Tribe from Yoka Village, Heram District, Jayapura City, Papua, who claim customary ownership rights over the land, blocked the entrance gate of the Jayapura Central General Hospital (RSUP Jayapura) in Abepura District on Thursday.

The blockade was carried out as part of a demand for Rp64 billion in compensation for 6.4 hectares of land used for the construction of the vertically managed national referral hospital.

David Onca Mebri, Ondoafi (traditional chief) of the Hebeibulu Tribe, said the action was taken because the tribe’s claims regarding customary land rights had yet to receive a response from the relevant authorities.

“This is the second time we have blocked access. We carried out the first one previously, but there was no response. That is why we are conducting another blockade as a warning,” Mebri said.

According to Mebri, the Indigenous community has submitted its demands to the regional government and participated in two mediation sessions facilitated by the Papua Regional Police. However, no resolution has been reached.

“We have conveyed our demands to the governor and attended two mediation meetings at the Papua Police headquarters, but we have not received a satisfactory response,” he said.

Mebri noted that in 1993, Cenderawasih University (Uncen) paid Rp400 million to elders of the Hebeibulu Tribe. However, the Indigenous community believes the amount no longer reflects current standards and regulations.

“We are demanding Rp64 billion in compensation in accordance with government procedures, based on 6.4 hectares of land valued at Rp1 million per square meter, adjusted to current regulations,” he said.

He further argued that part of the land now occupied by the hospital had previously been returned by Cenderawasih University to the Indigenous community, resulting in what he described as a shift in land ownership boundaries.

“This sago grove area has already been returned to customary ownership. Therefore, we believe the land is no longer under Uncen’s authority. If there is no response, we will carry out a total blockade,” he said.

Mebri warned that if their demands continue to go unanswered, the community will escalate its actions.

“If there is no response after our third notice, we may completely shut down access,” he said.

Meanwhile, the management of Jayapura Central General Hospital (RSUP Jayapura) assured the public that healthcare services remain operational and secure despite the blockade carried out by members of the Hebeibulu Tribe.

In a press statement received by Jubi, the hospital said it remains committed to providing optimal healthcare services while prioritizing the safety of patients, their families, healthcare workers, and all hospital personnel.

RSUP Jayapura Chief Executive Dr. Petronella Marcia Risamasu said that as a national referral hospital operated by Indonesia’s Ministry of Health, maintaining healthcare services remains the institution’s primary concern.

“All measures taken by hospital management are aimed at ensuring the continuity of healthcare services while safeguarding everyone within the hospital environment,” Risamasu said.

According to her, public healthcare services remain the hospital’s top priority under all circumstances.

At the same time, RSUP Jayapura respects the aspirations expressed by various parties and hopes that all issues can be resolved through constructive communication and dialogue.

“Our focus at this time is to ensure that healthcare services for the public continue to operate smoothly,” she said.

The hospital also urged service users and patients’ families to follow information issued through its official communication channels.

“We encourage the public to remain calm and obtain information only from reliable and accountable sources,” she said. (*)

Nuevaterra Mambor
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2) Papuan Food Festival 2026 Highlights Food Security Rooted in Local Wisdom

Jayapura, Jubi – The Papuan Food Festival 2026 has been hailed as an important milestone in strengthening food security based on local wisdom while promoting the preservation of Papua’s forests.

The Sorong City Government, together with the Sago Granary Collective (Kolektif Lumbung Sagu) and the Belantara Papua Foundation, officially opened the festival at Belantara Papua in Sorong City, Southwest Papua, on Tuesday.

The opening ceremony was officiated by Sorong Deputy Mayor for Economic and Development Affairs, Tamrin Tajuddin.

“You may have straight hair, but keep your heart rooted in Papua,” Tajuddin said in his remarks, according to a written statement received by Jubi on Wednesday.

The event opened with a captivating contemporary Papuan dance performance, followed by music and songs presented by Belantara Papua, as well as a solemn rendition of the traditional Kain Kla chant by Mama Thea Gifelem.

The distinctive voices of Papuan women echoed through the venue as a symbol of respect for ancestors and nature.

Papuan Food Festival Committee Chair Salsabila Andriana, who also manages the Sago Granary Collective, said the festival was born out of concern over the gradual erosion of traditional food knowledge amid the growing dominance of industrialized food systems.

“This festival aims to reintroduce and revive collective memory, while reminding us that by keeping local food traditions alive and protecting our forests, we are creating a sustainable future together,” Andriana said.

Markus Wafom, Director of the Belantara Papua Foundation, explained the role his organization plays within the community.

“This place serves as a center for mentoring Papuan children who have dropped out of school and would otherwise spend their time on the streets. Here, they are trained to become independent, choose a quieter path in life, and preserve their cultural heritage,” Wafom said.

For him, the festival reflects years of quiet grassroots work carried out alongside local communities.

The highlight of the event was a talk show moderated by Andriana, featuring two Indigenous Moi women who have become key figures in food security and conservation efforts.

They were Oyang Hana Mili, a custodian of the Waili tradition—a Moi practice of gathering, foraging, and cooking together—and Mama Batseba Mobilala, leader of the Yuluk Malagufuk women’s group from Malagufuk Tourism Village, renowned for its bird-of-paradise ecotourism.

For decades, Hana Mili has traveled throughout Papua assisting women’s groups in various regions, following in the footsteps of missionary sisters. She now focuses on gardening and preserving traditional food practices such as Waili and Menoken, a traditional method of processing sago.

“For Papuans, there are three things that should never be left behind: a machete, a lighter, and sago. One for cutting, one for making fire, and one for food,” Hana Mili said.

She emphasized that these three items are more than simple tools; they symbolize the independence and dignity of the Papuan people.

Mama Batseba Mobilala explained that as a community coordinator, she personally manages bookkeeping, organizes cooking schedules among members, and records all revenue generated from international tourists who visit her village each week.

She said she keeps detailed records of who cooks on which day, how much income is earned, and how the earnings are distributed equally among the women involved.

“By doing this, all the women trust the system and remain motivated,” she said.

Mobilala added that protecting forests is not only important for the environment but also for family livelihoods.

According to her, international tourists continue to visit because their forests remain intact and birds-of-paradise still thrive there—a reality made possible by the community’s conservation efforts.

“If this forest disappears, how will we survive? How will our children and grandchildren find food in the future?” Mobilala said.

Both Indigenous women delivered a strong message to Papua’s younger generation: protect the forests and preserve cultural traditions, because both are the very breath of life.


Following the talk show session, guests were invited to visit an exhibition titled “Oyang Hana: Maestra of Waili,” which offered an in-depth exploration of the Moi people’s traditional food knowledge.

The exhibition featured Oyang Hana’s life story, the philosophy behind the Waili foraging tradition, traditional cooking techniques, and the rituals associated with Waili communal picnics. Various traditional foods were also displayed, showcasing the richness of local Papuan gastronomy.

Two major installations served as the exhibition’s focal points. The first, the Food Granary Installation, displayed local staples such as sago, taro, sweet potatoes, cassava, and noken bags filled with root crops, symbolizing the food self-sufficiency of Papuan communities.

The second, the Interactive Forest Installation, featured a series of tree structures representing forests that have been logged and degraded.

Visitors were invited to write their hopes for Papua’s forests and local food traditions on pieces of paper, which were then hung throughout the installation.

The exhibition space was also inaugurated as a memorial to the late Max Binur, a founding figure of Belantara Papua whose work inspired culture-based conservation initiatives across the region.

The event concluded with a traditional bamboo-cooking demonstration led by Mama Batseba, Mama Thea, and Oyang Hana.

A variety of dishes were prepared during the demonstration, including snakehead fish cooked in bamboo, grilled ikan sembilan cooked in bamboo, ige or kawes—a traditional Papuan preparation of ikan sembilan—along with bamboo-roasted gedi leaves, sweet potatoes, and cassava.

Participants enjoyed the dishes while engaging in informal conversations with the women cooks, asking about ancestral recipes and the cultural philosophies behind each preparation.

The warm and relaxed atmosphere marked the conclusion of a meaningful opening celebration. The Papuan Food Festival will continue through Saturday, June 20, 2026.

Organizers hope the festival will become more than a ceremonial event and instead evolve into a sustained movement to restore the dignity and recognition of Papua’s local food traditions on the global stage.

The Papuan Food Festival is an annual initiative organized by the Sago Granary Collective and the Belantara Papua Foundation. It aims to promote local food wisdom, support traditional farmers and food processors, and advocate for forest conservation as a vital source of life for the people of Papua. (*)


Nuevaterra Mambor

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3) Vanuatu’s Anna Naupa becomes first woman to lead MSG Secretariat, 
By APR editor -

RNZ Pacific

A Pacific politics expert and ni-Vanuatu woman has become the first woman to be appointed to lead the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) Secretariat.

Anna Naupa, described by the Vanuatu government as “one of the nation’s finest minds”, is the new director-general of the sub-regional bloc, which is headquartered in Port Vila.

The MSG is made up of Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands, Fiji and the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of New Caledonia.

In a statement yesterday, Vanuatu’s Office of the Prime Minister said Naupa’s appointment was “a historic moment”.

“Since the MSG was founded in 1986 by the giants of Melanesia — Paias Wingti of Papua New Guinea, Father Walter Lini of Vanuatu, Ezekiel Alebua of Solomon Islands, and our brothers from the FLNKS [Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front] — Vanuatu has waited 40 years to lead this organisation.

“Today, that wait ends,” it said.

It said Naupa’s appointment sends a clear message to every young ni-Vanuatu girl to “aspire for the best, because the highest offices in our region are within your reach”.

Inspiring new generation
Naupa’s leadership will inspire a new generation to dream bigger and serve boldly, it added.

The Vanuatu government said it holds immense confidence in Naupa’s capabilities, leadership, and integrity, and commended the MSG and the selection team for a transparent process “that has delivered the right leader for this moment”.

Vanuatu Prime Minister Jotham Napat congratulated Naupa.

“We know the MSG was born from struggle — its heart has always been the political aspirations of the Kanak people and the big issues facing Melanesia,” the Office of the Prime Minister’s statement said.

“Over the years the organisation has grown, expanding its focus to trade, sports, culture, and other areas of common interest that bind our nations. Vanuatu believes the success of the MSG under Dr Naupa’s leadership will depend on never losing sight of that founding spirit — solidarity, justice, and self-determination for our peoples.

“Anna, you carry not just a title, but the hopes of a region. You carry Vanuatu’s pride, Melanesia’s trust, and the spirit of Father Walter Lini’s vision.”

Naupa replaces Papua New Guinea’s Leonard Louma, who was appointed in February 2022 and finished his term in late 2024.

Solomon Islander Ilan Kiloe, who is the political and security affairs programme manager, was acting in the role following Louma’s departure.

The MSG Secretariat has not made any official announcements on Naupa’s appointment.

This story was first published on

RNZ
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Duncan Graham 

4) Why Indonesia’s protests won’t shake Prabowo yet
 June 18, 2026

Student protests against Prabowo Subianto’s militarised style of government have exposed anger over prices, corruption and civil liberties, but without broader public support or elite pressure they are unlikely to threaten his hold on power.

In Indonesia, it was flagged as the Big One – maybe a prelude to the fall of the arrogant and feared eighth president, Prabowo Subianto busy turning his nation into a barracks. Even parts of the Australian media got excited, though the story wasn’t about a Sydney druggie in Bali.

But last Friday’s rumpus was never going to be a repeat of the 1998 demos that brought down Indonesia’s second president.

Soeharto had been running the world’s fourth most populous nation for 32 years until the currency crashed. Then the discreet oligarchs who run Indonesia slipped him a note. It read: “Go”.

In last century’s Asian economic crisis, Krismon – krisis moneter – the rupiah crumpled from a steady 2,500 to almost 17,000 against the greenback.

There are still cities in the Republic where the see-through rusting skeletons of half-finished office towers scar the streetscape, monuments to a giant failure, a financial system so badly run that clefts in jungle ironbarks would have been safer repositories.

The losses were staggering; 45 private banks collapsed or were liquidated. More than 70 per cent of the Jakarta Stock Exchange-listed companies became insolvent or went bankrupt.

Armageddon didn’t have to be imagined – it was here.

I wrote later in The Jakarta Post: “Indonesia didn’t break down like Egypt or crash like Syria. The gears grated, the engine coughed, but democracy kept edging forward and stayed on the road, a modern miracle of social change insufficiently acknowledged.”

That’s not happening now.

The demos in Jakarta and other big cities this month were never going to have the intensity of Tragedi 1998. Disgust with Soeharto’s mismanagement and corruption had been brewing for years and only needed the right yeast and conditions to ferment.

It also required the guidance of a respected leader. The man of the moment was a US-educated academic, Dr Amien Rais. Another tick – his involvement with the Muslim movement Muhammadiyah.

In the West, the Father of Reform is Martin Luther, the 16th-century theologian who took on the Catholic establishment. In Indonesia, it’s Professor Rais, now 82.

The other ingredient was provocation. This was provided by the army shooting four unarmed undergrads sheltering at the top private Trisakti University, favoured by many elite families.

Although this month’s student demo was reportedly the biggest since last August’s clashes between protesters and security forces left at least 13 dead.

Affan Kurniawan, 21, was a motorbike courier run over by a military vehicle; he became a martyr and a focus for the protests.

At the demo this month, there were no burnings, only two arrests (not students), no deaths, no leader and no plan other than demands that will head straight to landfill. On the winner’s podium, one short, shouty man of 74 is trying to show he’s not past his use-by date.

Undeterred, the protestors threaten to return next Saturday. If they do, they’ll need new tactics to make an impression. This is not a plea for punch-ups.

As the Father of Civil Resistance Mahatma Gandhi said: “What is gained by violence must be lost before superior violence.”

Last week’s street show reportedly featured about 1,500 Jakarta  students in yellow jackets chanting Heading to Bankrupt Indonesia, and getting selfies alongside barricades and cops with shields: “Look, Ibu, I was here.”

Police and military outnumbered the students four-to-one.

Where were the wong cilik, the wee people in a city of 42 million? Where were the TV cameras apart from Kompas?

Are students now so elite they’ve forgotten their roots? The 1789 French Revolution succeeded because it included the sans-culottes.

A theory from Indonesian commentator Jihad Azhar on his blog The Messy Middle:

“Sometimes I think this country survives because its people are too forgiving, too used to suffering, too used to making jokes out of wounds, too used to lowering expectations until neglect starts to feel normal.

“We are so good at enduring that maybe those in power have mistaken our endurance for permission.”

Fortunately, the protestors had the protection of crowds if they chose to mock Prabowo, a dangerous practice for lone critics near CCTV cameras or satpam (security).

Australian political leaders are considered fair targets for public comment. Provided abusers don’t threaten violence or vomit hate, few will care. Not in Indonesia, where a speech deemed insulting to Prabowo, and the “honour and dignity” of his office can cop four years jail.

The bill creating this offence came directly from Prabowo this January, 15 months after the former career general took office and decided his nobility was at risk. (In 1998, he was cashiered for disobeying orders and fled to exile in Jordan. This history is rarely revived.)

It seemed last Friday’s novices’ only plan was to wave banners and demand lower prices for basic goods and fuel. Although bowser premium prices have just risen 30 per cent, the government’s claim that the US-Iran war is impacting imports and limiting opportunities to play with retail prices seems reasonable.

Next demand: end “wasteful state spending” by closing the Free Nutritious Meals (Makam Bergizi Gratis) program. Though driven by public health needs, it has been spoiled by corruption, mismanagement and overspending of the US $28 billion (five-year) budget.

MBG won’t be closed because it’s Prabowo’s pet. He’s sacked some senior staff and promised reform.

Next gripe: The national government is building 80,000 Kop Des Merah Putih (Red and White Village Cooperatives). The colours are on the flag.

The co-ops will compete with privately owned convenience stores and are said to be having problems with staffing and management. This is another Prabowo ideology.

One minister explained the co-ops would “serve the interests of village communities … break the poverty chain in villages and boost villagers’ income.”

Although locals are supposed to be involved, the military is reportedly taking a big role through drafting, getting bank loans and “daily supervision.”

This fits with Prabowo’s intent to militarise civil society by putting serving and retired officers into managing sections of the economy, though many are ill-suited. Another policy that has to go, said the students.

No change coming. Why should there be? The polls seem to show the President has 80 per cent support, so who cares what the activists chant and the elite dislike? Although Prabowo claims he consults widely, the reality is that only he decides policies, and that seems okay with voters.

A Tempo magazine editorial commented: “This effort to govern through threats and spreading of fear moves the country closer to the practices of a military machine. The characteristics of such a model rely on top-down, command-style political decision making …

“The government creates order and stability through coercion, displaying low transparency and restricting civil liberties.”

A few thousand students taking street selfies to show protests can be fun, but it isn’t going to shift Prabowo or electors who like tough guys.

Change awaits a note to the Palace from the oligarchs who run Indonesia.

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

 Duncan Graham 
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.

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