Sorong, Jubi – The Papua Special Committee of the Regional Representative Council (DPD RI) says it will use its institutional political authority if police fail to promptly identify those responsible for the alleged shooting of three residents in Maybrat Regency, Southwest Papua Province.
The statement was made by Papua Special Committee member Filep Wamafma after a meeting at the Southwest Papua Governor’s Office in Sorong on Monday (14/9/2026).
“We, the Papua Special Committee, will recommend to the leadership that if the Southwest Papua Police and its officers, including the Maybrat Police, do not quickly identify the perpetrators, the DPD RI, through the Papua Special Committee, may summon the police chief for the purposes of the committee’s investigation,” Wamafma said.
Three residents were allegedly shot in Ainot Village, East Central Aifat District, Maybrat Regency, Southwest Papua Province, on 13 August 2026.
The victims were Silvester Assem, 25, Anike Fatie, 47, and Selfiana Sorry, 66.
Wamafma said the committee’s role was to gather information and data, hear directly from residents and ensure that the state provided legal certainty and protection to the community.
“The committee is not seeking to determine who is right or wrong. We are in the process of gathering information and data. The community is still waiting for certainty from the police, the Southwest Papua Police and the Maybrat Police, about who carried out the shooting. That is the main issue,” he said.
He said law enforcement authorities should provide the public with an update on the case, as the shooting had occurred a month earlier.
He added that the investigation should continue based on the evidence already collected.
“Whoever the perpetrator is must be fully identified, and this must be done through a transparent and accountable legal process. The community needs certainty,” he said.
Wamafma said the committee had also received complaints about residents in several parts of Maybrat who were living in fear because military posts had been established in every village and operated under strict procedures.
He said the presence of security personnel should remain focused on protecting the community and should not create a situation in which residents felt their freedom of movement was increasingly restricted.
The Papua Special Committee will therefore recommend an evaluation of the deployment of troops in areas that continue to experience conflict.
“We will also make further recommendations so that the TNI commander and the national police chief can evaluate and develop better methods for deploying troops in conflict-affected areas,” Wamafma said.
He said the evaluation was important to ensure that the presence of security personnel genuinely provided a sense of safety for residents rather than increasing fear. (*)
The attack was claimed by the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM). According to reports, the armed group stopped the convoy and separated indigenous Papuans from non-native people, who were then killed.
Fr Rangga condemned the killings, stating that the situation of civilians in conflict-affected areas of Papua has deteriorated, as they face attacks by separatist groups (TPNPB-OPM) on the one hand and are often caught up in operations by Indonesian security forces on the other.
Alongside the exploitation of natural resources by major multinational corporations – through concessions granted by the central government, but with little tangible development benefiting indigenous communities – another source of conflict in recent years has been the government’s policy of demographic resettlement, known as transmigrasi. The policy involves the migration of people from Java and other Indonesian islands and has made indigenous Papuans a minority in their own territory, while increasing social tensions.
The Franciscan expressed “deep concern over the situation in Papua” and reiterated the approach shared by the Franciscans and members of the local Church: “As citizens who uphold the values of humanity and justice, we feel it is our duty to denounce the suffering of our fellow citizens in Papua. We reject every form of violence that harms human life in Papua, and we reject an approach to Papua based on security measures or militarisation.”
“We denounce every form of development policy and practice that plunders, damages and exploits Papua’s natural resources, destroying the lives of Papuans, and we encourage peaceful dialogue in order to find solutions to the conflict in Papua.”
“True peace can be built only on a foundation of justice and recognition in the name of humanity,” he noted.
The troubled region of Papua has also recently been addressed by local Catholic bishops.
Yanuarius Teofilus Matopai You, Bishop of Jayapura, condemned the “grave violations of human rights” taking place in the region and stressed the importance of peaceful dialogue between Jakarta and Papua “in order to break the cycle of violence that generates nothing but suffering.”
“A military approach cannot resolve the conflict, and all forms of killing are unacceptable, because life is a gift from God. As a Catholic community, we must continue to protect humanity and promote a dignified life for all,” he said.
Bishop Bernardus Bofitwos Baru of Timika launched an appeal, calling on President Prabowo Subianto and Armed Forces Commander Agus Subiyanto to “seek dialogue” after “the blood of so many innocent civilians has been shed.”
(PA) (Fides News Agency, 15/9/2026)
JAKARTA: One of nine women and children abducted by Free Papua Movement (OPM) rebels in Central Papua province during Independence Day last month has escaped her captors, while another died while trying to flee, police said.
Senior Commander Yusuf Sutejo, a spokesperson for the Cartenz Peace Operations Task Force, said the survivor, identified as Demerina Uamang, 23, was found by local residents on Sept. 7 in a forested area of Agimuga district in Mimika regency.
“Initially, the residents did not know who the victim was. We then conducted an investigation and confirmed that she was one of the victims abducted on Independence Day,” Yusuf said on Monday (Sept 14).
According to Yusuf, Demerina was found alongside the body of 18-year-old Yosina Stenawatme, who had died of starvation. The two had fled their captors and travelled through the forest for about 20 days without food or water.
Demerina was found in a weakened condition and given initial treatment by residents of Bela village in Alama district.
On Monday police evacuated her from the village and took her to Bhayangkara Hospital in Timika, the capital of Mimika regency, for medical examinations and treatment, Yusuf said.
“We took her to Bhayangkara Hospital in Timika for a health examination and to provide medication to help restore her physical condition. She is now in recovery,” Yusuf said.
He added that police had been preparing the evacuation for four days, but earlier attempts were thwarted by bad weather in the mountainous area. Yusuf said Demerina remained in a state of shock and was not yet able to give a statement to police.
“Demerina is not yet able to provide information because she is still deeply traumatised. She may have witnessed Yosina die beside her,” he said. Yosina’s body has been buried according to local customary traditions by residents of Bela village, Yusuf said.
Demerina, Yosina and seven other women and children were abducted by Free Papua Movement rebels from their homes in Jila district on Aug. 17, according to the Indonesian Military (TNI).
Jila is a remote, mountainous district about 90 kilometres from Timika. Located at an elevation of around 2,800 metres above sea level, it has limited road access and can be reached from Timika only by small aircraft or helicopter.
The area has seen recurring clashes between TNI personnel and OPM-affiliated groups in recent years. Mimika Military District Commander Lt. Col. Jozanda said last month, the incident began when members of the armed separatist group allegedly attacked an Army post and the Jila Military Subdistrict Command (Koramil) on Independence Day.
The attackers allegedly shot and killed one soldier and wounded two others during the assault, Jozanda said. Security forces returned fire, forcing the armed group to retreat.
As they fled toward a forested area, the rebels allegedly abducted nine local women and children along the way. Jozanda said that during the abduction, OPM rebels allegedly shot and killed a local woman who tried to prevent her daughter from being taken. Another mother was allegedly pushed into a ravine but survived with broken bones.
Yusuf said security forces would continue efforts to rescue the seven victims who remain in captivity: Alin Mesawarol, a sixth-grade student, Miante Nibilingame, 13, Nopi Aim, a fourth-grade student, Opinte Mesawaro, a third-grade student, Meria Nibilingame, 15, Wena Katagame, 18 and Ilimin Onawame, 18.
“We urge people in Timika and surrounding areas to remain calm. We will continue efforts to evacuate the remaining victims,” Yusuf said. He urged anyone with information about the whereabouts of the seven victims to report it immediately to security forces or other authorities.
He also urged residents not to attempt to rescue the victims themselves, saying such actions could put the lives of the hostages and other civilians at risk. - The Jakarta Post/ANN
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Two years after the country was put on notice by the international Permanent People’s Tribunal (PPT) for its abuses of the environment and indigenous communities of West Papua, and one year after being inundated by mass protests, Prabowo’s regime has proceeded to double down on forcing through his agenda. With the currency continuing its freefall to new record lows, blatant corruption at Prabowo’s flagship projects, and an increasing tide of violence in West Papua, alongside national and international advocacy against it, there is a distinct feeling among civil society and some external analysts that the situation is similar to the condition of Indonesia heading up to 1997-98, where the economic crisis for the country couldn’t be dealt with properly by the central government leading to regime change. With Suharto's former son-in-law replicating elements of the New Order regime, and contributing to the conditions of a burgeoning economic crisis, it could likewise mean Prabowo meets the same end.
Making a meal of the economy through corruption
The economic crisis continues with the Indonesian Rupiah continuing to depreciate against the US Dollar and breaking new record lows (1 USD: IDR 18,200) on 29th May. This represents a worrying trend towards rising costs for international goods due to the weakening currency. Despite this continuing negative trend in Indonesia’s economy, Prabowo has continued his flagship costly Free and Nutritious Meals (Makan Bergizi Gratis (MBG)) programme aimed at students and the government roll-out of state-led cooperatives at the village level (Koperasi Desa/Kelurahan Merah Putih (KDKMP)). Prabowo continues to believe these projects are the basis of economic development. They have been plagued with spiralling costs and criticism, not only from civil society, but also by global economic institutions and businessmen, particularly the ethnic-Chinese business community, citing the weakening currency, lack of trust in government finances due to the large expense of MBG and KDKMP and the response needed to the fuel crisis and lack of trust in Danatara’s ability to brokerage over key commodities.
The MBG program has also experienced problems and corruption. Hundreds of students in Jayapura got food poisoning on the 4th and 5th August, the latest in the crisis-ridden programme which has seen at least 33,626 students poisoned from January 2025 until April 2026, according to the Indonesian Education Monitoring Network (Jaringan Pemantau Pendidikan Indonesia). Furthermore, two former security force personnel, head and two deputy heads of the National Nutrition Agency (Badan Gizi Nasional, BGN) were named as suspects in corruption cases. The BGN runs the ambitious MBG scheme, and the two three individuals were named suspects alongside three other administrators of the programme. The head was accused of corrupt practices behind the halal certification process of the MBG meals. In a further display of administrative chaos, the deputy who replaced the first chairperson, then quickly resigned herself.
Corruption cases have been coming thick, which has also been complicated by factional disputes that are arising between the police and prosecutors. In response to the criminalisation of the former police general, the National Police Force named the Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes, Febrie Adriansyah, as a suspect in a money laundering case, after seizing hundreds of gold bars weighing a total of 74 kilograms and cash from his house. It seems that this feud has triggered a long running conflict between police and prosecutors, each of which enjoys backing from competing political actors. It was reported that police support has come from Dasco (Prabowo’s right-hand man for political affairs in Gerindra), whilst Sjafrie Syamsuddin (Minister of Defence), backed prosecutors. This would make the war between the two law enforcement agencies also an extension of political rivalry between the two powerful Prabowo aides, Dasco and Syamsuddin which has been brewing since the mass protests last year, which we covered in the September-December 2025 Quarterly Update.
The tightening economic situation has even led to knock-on impacts on civil servants as well. The Minister of Home Affairs says some 39 local government administrations failed to pay salaries to their fixed-term contract civil servants, due to the proportion already paid to employees ‘breaching safe fiscal limits’ caused by austerity policies. This led to protests by civil servants, including one in Ternate, North Maluku Province, where the Governor had said that fiscal relaxation, or a loosening of austerity policies, alone would not rectify the pay issue, as they did not have “enough cash flow”.
Meanwhile, the foreign debt taken on by the Indonesian government continues to balloon, as it reaches $439.8 billion in April. The Ministry of Finance travelled to China to try and work on reducing this and to attract Indonesian corporate investment in Chinese government bonds, called Panda bonds. The visit didn’t go well, with the Finance Minister having to counter claims of being forced to visit Beijing due to the weakening state of the Indonesian economy. This is in addition to the replacement of Bank Indonesia Governor Perry Warjiyo on 27th June, who had been at the helm of Indonesia’s central bank for eight years, and deputy governor for five years before that. Amidst rumours of being forced out by palace intrigue, a government spokesman wanted to make it clear that the resignation was for personal reasons. Nevertheless, it represents another tremor which has hit confidence in the stability of the Indonesian economy and financial system.
The lawmakers amended the Finance Law in June, but legal experts say that the new law weakens financial oversight and public accountability mechanisms, leaving it more vulnerable to abuse. Lawmakers within a very short period have amended the finance law, but the weakening of accountability undermines Indonesia’s financial credibility on the world stage. The amendments allow investors to put money into debt issuances by Danantara, which itself has been given a BBB credit rating by S&P Global, citing an ability to pay back obligations, but highlighting the poor economic situation for investors currently.
Military targets LGBTIQ+ communities as a ‘national security threat’ whilst buying long range missiles
Since the 2025 Governmental Regulation about the National Defence Strategy stated that LGBTIQ+ were a non-military national threat, there has been an increase in harassment and attacks against LGBTIQ+ communities. This puts the LGBTIQ+ community in the same company in the eyes of the defence strategy as those promoting separatism, terrorism, riots, theft of natural resources and those who distribute and use drugs. However, it came to more recent attention during Pride Month in July and because of the hate campaign against the LGBTIQ+ community after prominent Muslim politicians accused Prabowo of being gay. 2025 saw a 135 per cent increase in violent incidents against the community, according to LGBTIQ+ activist group, Arus Pelangi. Meanwhile, the Vice Minister of Religion called on education practitioners to create material that will ‘eliminate the spread of LGBTIQ+ behaviour’. The brunt of fear has been felt mostly by the transgender community, due to their increased visibility.
Meanwhile, in more traditional military matters, Indonesia imported long range missiles from India in July. The BrahMos missile systems were built as a joint venture between India and Russia, including many Russian components, which could make Indonesia a target of sanctions from the USA and European countries. At least by the US, Indonesia may be exempted from sanctions, in order to keep Indonesia on side in the US’s broader strategy of containing China. Indonesia has been pursuing a procurement strategy for its strategic defence system that mixes competing global powers. For example, their radar system is Western in origin, but Indonesia have purchased planes from Russia. The move to buy the missiles likely chimes with Prabowo’s wider strategy of wanting to be seen as adhering to a traditional non-aligned position in international affairs, making this purchase more political than defence-based in nature.
Unlike many other ministries, the Ministry of Defence is enjoying a much increased state budget, increasing by at least double from 2025, with the Minister even pushing for a maximum quadruple budget increase, all for ‘operational reasons’. This starkly shows that the Ministry of Defence seems to be exempt from austerity affecting other government ministries, and that money that is hard to find for other ministries is always available for Prabowo’s pet projects and militarisation.
Pacific and Church Pressure for West Papua
At the 62nd Regular Session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), Vanuatu, on behalf of other Pacific countries, challenged Indonesia to fulfil their pledge to invite a UN observation mission to West Papua, as promised by then President Jokowi to the then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in 2018. There is a desire to pressure Indonesia as it currently serves as the President of the HRC, so offering a good opportunity to challenge Indonesia to do better for human rights. In addition, the Secretariat of the Melanesian Spearhead Group attended the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP), echoing the same call. However, Indonesia issued a reply statement that rejected the demand for the mission. Nevertheless, the publicity surrounding this and their presidency of the Council has attracted further international attention on West Papua. The World Council of Churches has planned a second mission to Papua, by August 2027, to keep attention on the region.
Meanwhile, in mid-July, a coalition of different Christian churches, including the Protestant Communion of Churches (Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Indonesia (PGI)), the Catholic Bishop’s Conference of Indonesia (Konferensi Waligereja Indonesia (KWI)), the Orthodox Church, among others, issued a joint statement through the Forum of Indonesian Christian Community (Forum Umat Kristiani Indonesia (FUKRI)) criticising the government’s response to the armed conflict and humanitarian crisis in West Papua. In the joint statement, the churches also called for de-militarisation of the region, urged the government to give priority to helping Internally Displaced People (IDPs) who have fled the increasing conflict in the region, to prioritise dialogue and to give a greater role to Papuan churches in working to manage the crisis. It displays some new energy and boldness on the part of some of Papua’s religious leaders to speak truth to power and call out the major continuing problems that continue to affect thousands of their community members across the region.
The KWI themselves issued a pastoral note on Indonesia’s Independence Day on 17th August, which, on top of the issues highlighted in the joint statement, emphasised the humanitarian tragedy in West Papua, also pointing out issues caused by National Strategic Projects (Proyek Strategis Nasional (PSN)), the marginalisation of indigenous communities and the environmental catastrophe caused by widespread deforestation. The Conference has had a history of being moderate on West Papua issues, but have decided to up the pressure on the government after two new indigenous Papuan bishops raised their concerns internally.
Other Big Stories
- In early July, a local Papuan armed group shot dead an American pilot and burned the plane belonging to an airline partially owned by the Catholic Church (Associated Mission Aviation (AMA)). The armed group spokesperson publicly claimed that the company had brought military personnel in the past, a claim that the Catholic Church has denied, though our source has said that they are covering for a case of mistaken identity. More can be read about the incident in TAPOL’s statement. The killing of the pilot adds to a death toll begun in Boven Digoel in February with the killing of two commercial plane pilots, carried out by the same armed group. Papuan activists have stated that the armed group did not respect Papuan religious institutions.
- The national parliament led by Gerindra (Prabowo’s) Party suddenly re-tabled a draft law on indigenous peoples which has been stuck in the legislative process for more than 10 years. Prabowo has already contacted leaders of indigenous peoples’ CSOs to discuss the draft law, but they have been cautious, as they do not trust Prabowo’s intentions in this matter. It seems like Prabowo is trying to mirror Jokowi’s strategy of being a populist leader, by trying to offer concessions to make his policies - those related to PSN and military action that harm indigenous communities - more palatable.
- The second anniversary of the historic session and verdict of the Permanent People’s Tribunal on West Papua has prompted a renewed retrospective of the decision and the continuing abuses noted there that still plague the region today. TAPOL had a role coordinating the witnesses for the event, and produced a pre-Tribunal summary setting the scene before the hearings. A total of 29 witnesses gave testimony of the abuses of indigenous rights and environmental destruction across West Papua. The Tribunal found that:
- Indigenous communities had indeed faced displacement, which infringed on their basic rights;
- Consultation procedures were manipulated by the Indonesian government;
- Human rights violations by the State have created a “shadow of fear”;
- Effects on land, water and forest have been severe, with particular damage caused by natural gas projects, and deforestation caused by land grabs for food estates and palm oil plantations;
- These projects, enabled by corporate-State collaboration, is obliterating local indigenous communities, amounting to a ‘slow genocide’;
- This collaboration allows for campaigns of terror, militarisation and legal impunity from abuses, a dominant pattern across the region;
- The Indonesian army has been instrumental in carrying out and defending this State-corporate collaboration on the ground, including creating conflict to displace people from their land and persecuting those who oppose or call out abuses;
- Freeport McMoRan, British Petroleum and its partners, and eleven palm oil corporations are directly implicated in these abuses, and Western governments are implicated in the training of Indonesia’s security forces.
Arguably today, with the expansion of Prabowo’s PSN and their devastating impact on indigenous communities and vast tracts of rainforest in West Papua, on wider spatial scales than ever before, the verdict is as important as ever. This is particularly noted with Prabowo’s increasing militarisation of West Papua in particular, and displays of crony capitalism whereby senior military personnel themselves are awarded lucrative deals to protect and run these projects for their own benefits. Yet in the aftermath of the PPT, there have been much more vocal calls against Indonesian government policy in the region by civil society, religious groups and the international community, and so there has been a tangible increase in awareness and advocacy to try and right the issues that were brought into stark relief by the Tribunal and its verdict.
TAPOL Publications
- Urgent Appeal: Reverse the Death Sentence of Indigenous West Papuan Political Prisoner Karel Fatem
- Joint Appeal: Urgent Appeal to Free the Five Imprisoned Mother Nature Cambodia Activists
- Papuans Behind Bars: Papuans Behind Bars 2025 Annual Overview
- TAPOL Statement: The Indonesian Government must respect free speech as mass intimidation surrounds viral film Pig Feast's launch
- TAPOL Statement: On the Recent Killings of a US Pilot and Communities in West Papua
- Papuans Behind Bars: Quarterly Update January–March 2026
Other Links
- Itineranio journal article by Emma Kluge entitled ‘West Papuans between Transnationalism and Internationalism’, focussing on the history of Papuan independence activism
- Human Rights Watch Report entitled ‘Grabbed Land, Silenced Justice’, detailing the persecution of environmentalists and indigenous leaders in Indonesia.
- New book released entitled “Buried in Practice: Freeport in West Papua, Indonesia—and the State Department Human Rights Report That Disappeared”. A book review can be found on Green Left
- Human Rights Monitor releases its Q2 Papua Monitor report covering the major conflict and human rights developments in the area.
- Project Multatuli’s latest report details the growing costs, troop numbers and displacement of peoples that are caused by the policy of increased militarisation by the Indonesian government in West Papua.
- Project Multatuli releases short documentary called “Sound Guardians”, documenting activists taking recordings of the rainforest that is being cleared to make way for Indonesia's new capital city on Borneo, Nusantara
- Project Multatuli’s latest investigation details the intricate details of the military tracking and acid attack again Kontras’ Andrie Yunus
- One Inside Indonesia article shows that the attack on Andrie Yunus brought to the surface a simmering conflict that exists between some of Indonesia’s intelligence agencies
- Another Inside Indonesia article shows an expanding military presence throughout Indonesia and draws a strong comparison with the ‘dwifungsi’ doctrine from the Suharto era.
- Pusaka issues a press release from the Merauke Solidarity campaign, taking aim at the military and defence industry’s build-up in the region and its disruption of the livelihoods of indigenous communities
- Nusantara Atlas release article looking at what satellite imagery tells us about the development of the 2.4 million-hectare PSN in Merauke, South Papua
- On Michael West Media, Duncan Graham writes on the twin developments of an increase in militarism along with increased censorship in West Papua
Sorong, Jubi – Moi Indigenous youth blocked several government offices in Sorong Regency, Southwest Papua Province, on Monday (14/9/2026), as a form of protest against development and investment policies and National Strategic Projects (PSN) that they say are increasingly threatening the land, forests and livelihoods of the Moi Indigenous community.
At least seven government offices were blocked by Moi Indigenous youth who are members of the Confederation to Save the Land, Forests and People of Papua (KSTHMP). The blocked offices were marked with red crosses as a symbol of resistance.
The offices included the Sorong Regency Investment and One-Stop Integrated Licensing Agency, the Sorong Regency Land Agency, the Sorong Regency Industry, Trade and Small and Medium Enterprises Agency, the Sorong Regency Agriculture Agency, the Sorong Regency office of the National Land Agency (BPN), the Sorong Regency Public Works and Spatial Planning Agency, and the Southwest Papua Provincial Indigenous Peoples Council (MRP).
Moi Indigenous youth said that investment had entered their customary territory for decades but had failed to improve the welfare of Indigenous communities. Instead, pressure from land and forest conversion had continued to increase.
“Our enemy is an oppressive system. Our symbol of resistance is the Red Cross. Move now or we will become extinct,” the Moi Indigenous youth said during the protest.
KSTHMP likened PSN projects to vampires that “suck the blood” of Indigenous Papuans, saying large-scale projects could take over land, clear forests, threaten food sources and undermine Indigenous communities’ livelihoods.
KSTHMP said the customary territory of the Moi people covers Sorong City, Sorong Regency, Raja Ampat Regency, parts of South Sorong Regency and parts of Tambrauw Regency.
Protest coordinator Jimmy Nibra said the problems in Papua were not only about development and investment, but also concerned the future of Indigenous communities, who had depended for generations on their customary lands, forests, rivers, traditional gardens and other natural resources.
“This action is a form of resistance against extractive industries that threaten the living spaces of Indigenous Papuans. Land and forests are not merely economic commodities, but part of the life, identity and future of Indigenous communities,” Jimmy Nibra said.
He said the Moi Indigenous community had been exposed to investment since 1935. However, after decades of investment, the community had yet to achieve greater prosperity. Investment had instead left behind agrarian and environmental problems.
“Instead, customary land is under increasing pressure, and the environment is suffering further damage,” he said.
According to Nibra, oil palm plantations have had some of the most damaging impacts on the lives of the Moi Indigenous community.
Oil palm plantations in Sorong Regency include PT Henrison Inti Persada, which is described as a subsidiary of Capitol Group, as well as three subsidiaries of Ciliandry Anky Abadi (CAA): PT Inti Kebun Sejahtera, PT Inti Kebun Sawit and PT Sorong Global Lestari.
“Oil palm plantation companies in Sorong Regency have contributed significantly to deforestation and violated the rights of the Moi Indigenous community,” he said.
KSTHMP also urged the Sorong Regency Government not to issue any documents that could legitimise the activities of three oil palm companies until Indigenous rights issues had been resolved.
The three companies are PT Papua Agri Mandiri (PAM), PT Sorong Agro Sawitindo (SAS) and PT Papua Lestari Abadi (PLA).
Nibra said the central issue was how the state could ensure that development and investment policies did not come at the expense of Indigenous peoples’ rights.
“Customary land must not be treated as if it were empty land. It contains history, ancestors, life, food sources and the future of the next generation,” he said.
KSTHMP representative Ronal Timle also raised concerns about a government program to establish around 12,000 hectares of rice fields in Sorong Regency. He said the program could potentially alter the traditional food system of the Moi Indigenous community.
“We view the rice-field development program as a form of gastro-colonialism, or colonisation through food. When local food systems are forcibly replaced by food models brought from outside, what is threatened is not only the land but also the food sovereignty of Indigenous communities,” Ronal Timle said.
He said the Moi Indigenous community already had its own food system, which had developed through its relationship with forests, gardens, rivers and the surrounding environment.
Therefore, the rice-field development program did not provide sufficient space for Indigenous communities to determine for themselves how they should manage their territory and food sources.
“Food security must not be used as a justification for destroying local food systems. Communities could lose the food sources that have enabled them to survive,” he said.
According to Timle, the PSN program in Merauke Regency, South Papua Province, showed that customary land was in an extremely vulnerable position.
When large-scale projects entered an area, Indigenous communities often became the weakest party in determining the future of their own land.
Timle said there was a fundamental difference between the way corporations and Indigenous communities viewed land and forests. Corporations viewed natural resources in terms of profit.
For Indigenous communities, however, forests are life, land is identity, rivers are sources of life, and the entire customary territory is connected to the history of their ancestors.
“Extractive industries in Papua have become a serious threat to Indigenous communities who have long depended on forests and natural resources for their livelihoods,” he said.
As a result, development was seen as measuring success primarily through investment value and economic growth while overlooking the social and ecological costs borne by Indigenous communities.
During the protest, KSTHMP presented nine demands to the Sorong Regency Government and other relevant parties.
Among other demands, they urged the Sorong Regency Government to accelerate the recognition of customary territories and called on the Sorong regent to establish a monitoring and evaluation team for oil palm plantation permits.
They also called on the Sorong Regency Government to halt all processes that could legitimise the activities of PT Papua Agri Mandiri, PT Sorong Agro Sawitindo and PT Papua Lestari Abadi.
They rejected the activities of the Task Force for the Enforcement of Forest Areas in the Malamoi customary territory. They also rejected the PSN in Merauke and throughout Papua.
They expressed support for the struggles of Indigenous communities in Papua and Indonesia to defend their customary lands and forests against various attempts to take them over for what they said were investment interests.
They rejected the establishment of the Sorong Special Economic Zone (SEZ) and urged the government to immediately halt plans to clear 98,824.97 hectares of customary forest for PSN-related interests in Southwest Papua.
They also called on the government to halt plans to clear the 98,824.97 hectares of customary forest, urged regional governments to accelerate recognition of customary territories, and called on the state to immediately pass the Indigenous Peoples Bill into law.
They rejected the government’s Red-and-White Cooperative program if its implementation did not involve Indigenous communities and obtain their free consent. (*)
