1) West Papua’s humanitarian crisis stalls Prabowo’s ‘global peacemaker’ credibility bid

2) Taking the wealth – the plunder and impoverishment of West Papua

3) The National Human Rights Commission and Governor Fakhiri discuss 30,000 hectares of rice fields and customary rights

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https://asiapacificreport.nz/2026/03/10/west-papuas-humanitarian-crisis-stalls-prabowos-global-peacemaker-credibility-bid/

1) West Papua’s humanitarian crisis stalls Prabowo’s ‘global peacemaker’ credibility bid

 By APR editor -  March 10, 2026 0 148 

ANALYSIS: By Ali Mirin

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto has increasingly presented himself on the international stage as a mediator and promoter of peace.

Yet this global diplomatic posture raises a critical question: how credible is Indonesia’s claim to peace leadership while a prolonged humanitarian crisis continues in West Papua?

In late February 2026, Prabowo offered Indonesia’s services to mediate rising tensions involving the United States, Israel and Iran, even stating he was prepared to travel to Tehran if both parties agreed to dialogue.

• READ MORE: Indonesia suspends participation in Trump’s Board of Peace initiative
• Indonesian president’s US ties questioned amid public anger over Iran war
• Prabowo ready to to fly to Iran as a mediator
• Other West Papua reports

The message was reinforced when former Indonesian vice-president Jusuf Kalla met Iran’s ambassador, Mohammad Boroujerdi, on 3 March 2026 to reiterate Indonesia’s readiness to facilitate diplomatic engagement.

In response, Iran publicly welcomed the gesture but tempered expectations.

Iranian officials insisted that any meaningful mediation must include condemnation of US and Israeli military actions, warning that diplomatic initiatives without political clarity may have limited effectiveness.

The exchange highlighted both Indonesia’s aspiration to play a larger diplomatic role and the complexities of international conflict mediation.

Peacebroker limitations
However, Indonesia’s attempt to position itself as a global peace broker has already faced significant limitations. In 2023, Prabowo proposed a peace plan for the war between Russia and Ukraine.

The proposal, which included controversial suggestions such as a demilitarised zone and a referendum in disputed territories, was quickly rejected by Ukrainian officials. The response exposed the limited influence of Indonesia’s mediation efforts in conflicts far beyond Southeast Asia.

While presenting himself internationally as a peacemaker, critics argue that Prabowo has largely paid lip service to human rights at home, particularly regarding the unresolved crisis in West Papua.

While Indonesia promotes its diplomatic role in international conflicts, violence and instability continue to affect civilians in West Papua.

On 11 February 2026, only weeks before Prabowo’s international mediation initiative gained attention, a small civilian aircraft operated by Smart Air came under gunfire shortly after landing at Korowai Batu airstrip in Boven Digoel, West Papua.

A spokesperson linked to the military wing of Free Papua Movement (TPNPB- OPM) later claimed responsibility for the attack, stating that the aircraft had allegedly been used to transport Indonesian security forces.

The roots of the crisis stretch back to the early 1960s, when Indonesia invaded and took control of the territory following the withdrawal of Dutch colonial administration.

Act of Free Choice controversy
The subsequent 1969 referendum, known as the Act of Free Choice, remains one of the most controversial political processes in modern Southeast Asian and South Pacific history.

Rather than a universal vote, approximately 1025 selected representatives voted under significant political and military pressure.

Many Papuans and international observers argue that the process failed to meet internationally recognized standards for self-determination. As a result, the legitimacy of the referendum continues to be contested, and its legacy remains a central grievance fueling decades of political resistance and armed conflict.

For many analysts and human rights advocates, the Papua conflict cannot simply be framed as a domestic security problem. Instead, it represents a protracted humanitarian and political crisis that has yet to find a comprehensive and inclusive resolution.

In this sense, the issue has become what some observers describe as a long-standing wound within the Indonesian state.

Such incidents highlight the tragic reality faced by ordinary Papuans, who often find themselves caught between military operations and Papuan resistance attacks.

Civilians bear the brunt of a conflict that has persisted for decades without meaningful political dialogue capable of addressing its underlying causes.

Rising internal displacement in West Papua
According to reports by human rights organisations and humanitarian groups, displacement in West Papua has increased significantly in recent years.

The number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) has risen dramatically, from roughly 55,000 at the end of 2023 to more than 103,000 by October 2025. Many displaced communities face severe shortages of food, healthcare, education, and basic security.

These figures reflect a broader systemic failure to protect civilians and provide sustainable solutions for affected communities. Despite decades of development initiatives and official rhetoric emphasising stability and prosperity in Papua, the lived reality for many residents remains defined by insecurity and displacement.

Prabowo’s own military history also continues to shape international perceptions of Indonesia’s human rights record. During the Indonesian occupation of East Timor between 1975 and 1999, Prabowo served as an officer in Indonesia’s elite special forces, Kopassus.

Human rights organisations have linked him to operations accused of abuses against civilians during that period.

Following the 1999 referendum that ultimately led to East Timor’s independence, the United Nations supported investigations into violence carried out by Indonesian-backed militias and security forces.

Although Prabowo was never tried or convicted by an international court, activists and some Timorese leaders have long argued that senior Indonesian officers should have faced deeper scrutiny.

Shaping of credibility
In international diplomacy, credibility is often shaped not only by external initiatives but also by a state’s domestic human rights record. When internal conflicts remain unresolved, claims to global moral leadership can face heightened scrutiny.

Prabowo was also involved in military operations in Papua during the 1990s. One of the most widely discussed incidents was the 1996 Mapenduma hostage crisis in the highlands of what is now Nduga Regency.

Human rights organisations have documented allegations of abuses committed by Indonesian security forces during that period.

Additional controversies have surrounded claims that aircraft bearing the emblem of the International Committee of the Red Cross were misused during operations. Such allegations, whether proven or not, continue to raise questions about adherence to international humanitarian law and contribute to lingering distrust among Papuan communities.

Taken together, these historical and contemporary dynamics create a sharp contrast between Indonesia’s global diplomatic ambitions and the unresolved realities within its own borders.

In international diplomacy, credibility is closely tied to domestic consistency.
It is difficult to advocate peace abroad while unresolved grievances and allegations of human rights violations persist at home.

For Indonesia, genuine leadership in global peacemaking would require more than diplomatic offers on the world stage. It would involve confronting the deeper structural issues underlying the conflict in West Papua.

Ensuring accountability
This would include ensuring accountability for past abuses, protecting civil liberties, and opening inclusive political dialogue that allows Papuans to meaningfully participate in shaping their own future.

Without such reforms, Indonesia’s peace diplomacy risks being perceived less as principled international engagement and more as a form of strategic public relations. The gap between Jakarta’s diplomatic rhetoric and the lived experiences of Papuan civilians remains stark.

Ultimately, Indonesia’s credibility as a global peacemaker will depend not only on its willingness to mediate conflicts abroad but also on its ability to address the long-standing humanitarian and political crisis within West Papua.

Until that gap is bridged, Indonesia’s aspirations for global diplomatic leadership will continue to face serious questions about legitimacy and moral authority.

The continued instability in West Papua also has broader regional implications for the Pacific, where several governments and civil society groups have increasingly raised concerns about the humanitarian situation faced by indigenous West Papuans.

Ali Mirin is a West Papuan from the Kimyal tribe in the highlands bordering the Star Mountains region of Papua New Guinea. He holds a Master of Arts in international relations from Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia.

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https://asiapacificreport.nz/2026/03/10/taking-the-wealth-the-plunder-and-impoverishment-of-west-papua/

2) Taking the wealth – the plunder and impoverishment of West Papua

By APR editor - 

  

March 10, 2026

Curse of Gold, by Greg Poulgrain . . . the Bahasa Indonesian edition. Image: Kompas Books

REVIEW: By Lee Duffield

Declining population in West Papua, and critical loss of life through clashes with the Indonesia military raise the question of genocide in a new book by Brisbane writer Dr Greg Poulgrain.

This work, Curse of Gold, published in English by Kompas, as the title indicates traces the roots of subjugation going on in West New Guinea (West Papua) to a cynical grabbing for resources. An Indonesian language edition is forthcoming.

The book is a history beginning with the discovery of huge deposits of gold in 1936, deposits more than twice the gold being mined at Witwatersrand, together with discovery of oil just off-shore.

• READ MORE: Grifting Grasberg. The great Indonesian gold-mining ‘mismatch’

The principal mine now, with an Indonesian billionaire as main owner, has 560 km of tunnels and produces 50 tonnes of gold annually.

The existence of the gold was kept secret, awaiting investment and development opportunities, held up by war with the Japanese, known just to Dutch interests, the Japanese, and significant for the future, the Rockefeller petroleum company Standard Oil in the United States.

The writer details the operation of a “Third Force” in a chain of political intrigues and manipulation over a half century: the US company, sometimes officers of the US government, and at all times an early player since the first discovery, Allen Dulles, who came to head-up the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

Dulles as the lawyer for Standard Oil had already got a petroleum concession in Netherlands New Guinea before 1936, through forming a joint US-Dutch company with majority US interest.

Heyday of CIA operations
In the 1950s heyday of CIA undercover operations across the “Third World”, Dulles is depicted here manipulating political events in Indonesia, whether spreading disinformation, concealing information from governments, even setting up mysterious, destabilising armed skirmishes.

The objective given is always the same, to secure ownership of resources and a free hand for American commercial interests. At one point covert government help would be provided through some disingenuous work by Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State to Richard Nixon, and the always interventionist US Ambassador Marshall Green.

For people of West New Guinea the intriguing saga has been a catastrophe, seeing their rights, interests, existence and even human identity denied and ignored in the struggles over wealth and power.

The story is in two phases:

In wartime the occupying Japanese encouraged the Indonesian independence movement, as a block against any return to influence by European colonial powers, and naturally wanted Papuan resources themselves.

A Japanese intelligence operative, Nishijima Shigetada, familiar with the region, is given a key role. He had found out about the gold, and persuaded the Indonesian nationalists to include West New Guinea in their demands for a republic — the better to get the trove out of the hands of “colonial monopolies”.

The second phase of developments saw an ugly turn of events with the 1965 military coup in Indonesia, marked by large scale massacre across the country and coming to power of Suharto as President in 1967.

The new regime determined to build on the campaign by its predecessor, President Sukarno, to take over West New Guinea. In the calculus of Cold War rivalries, President John Kennedy had sought to keep him “on side” and the Russians provided guns and aid, in part to best their Chinese rivals.

Dutch gave in
The outcome was that the Dutch who had stayed on in the territory gave in to pressure and pulled out by the end of 1963. It was nominally then put under United Nations trusteeship until an “act of free choice” on independence.

But Indonesian forces moved in, violently put down any Papuan resistance, promulgated theories of an Indonesia Raya, a lost island empire to which all of New Guinea had belonged, and declared the decision on independence would be an issue of “staying” with Indonesia. Neither Kennedy nor Sukarno, who had planned to meet in 1964, is believed to have known about the gold in Papua.

Dr Poulgrain recounts the narrative of bullying and deception, including the sidelining of senior UN representatives, whereby the “act of free choice” became notoriously a series of managed gatherings, no plebiscite of the people ever countenanced. He argues that the “Third Party”, having helped to remove the Dutch, then moved in favour of its own preferred candidate, Suharto, no nationalist from the independence movement, a self-declared friend of US commerce and advocate for untrammelled investment:

“It could be argued that the fiery nationalism so characteristic of Sukarno, the tool that won him the right to enter the harbour of Soekarnopura (Jayapura) on board the Soviet warship renamed Irian, proved to be his own undoing. Under the mantle of Sukarno’s presidency, Indonesia ousted the Dutch from New Guinea, the goal of both Nishijima and the ‘Third Party’, finally bringing an end to the European colonial presence there.

“Only 30 months later, Sukarno was facing his own political demise …”

In case the reader considers this might all be a well-worn path, it should be emphasised there is new material and insight into the origins and enactment of cruelty, appropriation and dishonesty that became the pattern in Suharto’s New Order Indonesia and its captive provinces in West New Guinea.

It is a work of thoroughness and industry, especially where covert activity and actual conspiracy appears; extensive documentation has been provided making the case strong. Much of it is original material, such as diplomatic messaging obtained through libraries, and records of interviews or correspondence with leading figures, viz Nishijima or the former US Secretary of State Dean Rusk.

Well defended
The thesis of the book is consistently propounded and well defended:

“This book is about the ownership of the immense wealth of natural resources in Western New Guinea”.

The colonised inhabitants did not get that ownership or any just share of it, with bad consequences for their culture and welfare. It was a bad beginning in 1963 with Indonesia in a dominating frame of mind:

“Papuan culture is the antithesis of life in Java.”

Where the Dutch colonisers are characterised as a very small population hardly penetrating the hinterland, the Indonesians who took over from them have been aggressive with their industry building, immigration and military occupation.

Papuans today make up barely half the population of 5.4-million, steadily outstripped by arrivals. Population growth in the comparable country, Papua New Guinea, since independence in 1975 has been much stronger, now pushing towards 11-million.

• Curse of Gold, by Greg Poulgrain (Jakarta, Kompas, 2026). ISBN 978, ISBN 978 (PDF)

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A google translate.

Original Bahasa link

https://jubi.id/provinsi-papua/2026/komnas-ham-dan-gubernur-fakhiri-bahas-cetak-sawah-30-ribu-hektare-serta-hak-adat/

National Human Rights Commission

3) The National Human Rights Commission and Governor Fakhiri discuss 30,000 hectares of rice fields and customary rights

MARCH 10, 2026 0

Jayapura, Jubi – The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) of the Republic of Indonesia reminded the Papuan Provincial Government that in implementing development programs, particularly national strategic projects (PSN) such as new rice fields, they must respect and protect the rights of indigenous peoples.

This was conveyed by the Deputy Chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission for Internal Affairs, Prabianto Mukti Wibowo, after holding an audience with the Governor of Papua at the Governor's Office on Jalan Soa Siu Dok II, Jayapura City, Tuesday (March 10, 2026).

According to Prabianto, the meeting aimed to coordinate development programs in Papua Province to ensure they align with the principle of respect for human rights.

"We, from the National Human Rights Commission, today held an audience with the Governor of Papua to coordinate development programs in Papua Province that truly respect and protect the rights of the community," he said.

During the meeting, Governor Fakhiri outlined several priority programs currently being implemented by the regional government, one of which relates to strengthening food security through the opening of new rice fields and planting corn.

Prabianto explained that the central government is targeting the opening of 30,000 hectares of new rice fields in Papua as part of the national food security program. Under this program, the provincial government is obligated to provide the land for use.

"The Governor explained several priority programs currently being implemented, particularly those related to food security through the opening of new rice fields and planting corn," he said.

However, he emphasized that the land acquisition process must not ignore the rights of indigenous communities, particularly those related to customary land.

"In relation to this land provision, the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) is concerned and conveys a message to the Governor that land acquisition for national strategic projects, including the creation of new rice fields, must not violate the rights of indigenous communities, particularly customary land rights," he stressed.

In addition to land issues, Komnas HAM also discussed the protection of vulnerable groups in Papua, particularly women and children. Based on their records, there are still a number of public reports of violence against these groups.

"According to our records, there are several complaints related to violence against women and children that have been reported by members of the public," he said. (*)

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1) Malind Indigenous People Defend Their Customary Land Rights Under Intimidation

2) New film on West Papua highlights ‘ecocide’

3) Indonesia seeks suspension of concessions against EU in palm oil dispute

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A google translate. Original Bahasa link

https://jubi.id/animha/2026/masyarakat-adat-malind-pertahankan-hak-ulayat-dibawah-intimidasi/

1) Malind Indigenous People Defend Their Customary Land Rights Under Intimidation

March 6, 2026 in Animha Reading Time: 4 mins read

0

Author: Aida Ulim - Editor: Arjuna Pademme

Jayapura, Jubi – The struggle of the Malind indigenous people in Merauke Regency, South Papua, to defend their customary lands and forests from government land clearing projects for plantation and agricultural investment has not been easy. They have faced intimidation and pressure from the military.

Andreas Mahuse, a Malind indigenous person, said that the community there experienced pressure from the military following the forest clearing. Around a thousand military personnel were stationed in Ilwayab District, Merauke Regency.

According to him, a number of mistakes were made by the central government, provincial government, and Merauke Regency Government in implementing investment projects in the Malind community's customary territory.

"The first is the taking of customary land since 2024 without the consent and notification of the indigenous community," said Andreas Mahuse after the Malind indigenous community filed a lawsuit with the Jayapura State Administrative Court (PTUN Jayapura) in Waena, Jayapura City, Papua, on Thursday (March 5, 2026).

He said there had never been any dialogue or negotiation between the government or the company and the indigenous community regarding land ownership status and the planned transfer of land to the company.

"There should have been a meeting with us, the indigenous people, to discuss who owns this land and whether or not the community agreed to its use. However, such a process never occurred," he said.

Andreas Mahuse stated that the lawsuit filed with the Jayapura Administrative Court (PTUN) was also part of the Malind indigenous people's efforts to defend their customary land.

The lawsuit was filed by five representatives of the Malind indigenous people: Simon Petrus Balagaize, Sinta Gebze, Andreas Mahuze, Liborius Kodai Moiwend, and Kanisius Dagil, under case number 9/G/LH/2026/PTUN Jayapura.

The Malind indigenous people are challenging the Merauke Regent's Decree Number 100.3.3.2/1105/2025 concerning the environmental feasibility permit for the construction of a 135-kilometer road for the National Strategic Project (PSN).

"[This lawsuit] is a form of struggle to defend customary land and forests from the government's National Strategic Project (PSN) for rice paddy development," said Andreas Mahuse.

Andreas Mahuse explained that the 135-kilometer road, part of the rice paddy development project, was forcibly constructed without the community's consent.

The road stretches from Wanam Village, Ilwayab District, passing through several villages and reaching Muting District.

"The villages [through which the road construction passes] include Wanam, Wogikel, Salamepe, Nakias, Tagaepe, Ilhalik, Kapdel, and Solo Village. This project also crosses several districts, namely Ilwayab, Ngguti, and Muting Districts," he said.

The indigenous community ultimately filed the lawsuit, alleging administrative errors in the project. Forest clearing for road construction began in September 2024, but the environmental permit document was only issued in September 2025.

"This is a very serious state administrative error for us indigenous people," he said.

Furthermore, Mahuse continued, the indigenous community has never seen important documents such as the Environmental Impact Analysis (AMDAL) or the technical development planning documents.

The project is also considered to have the potential to damage the indigenous community's culture, as it has changed the community's lifestyle, which has traditionally relied on sago as a staple food, replacing it with rice.

"This is not only an environmental issue, but also a violation of the indigenous community's cultural rights," said Andreas Mahuse.

Another representative of the Malind indigenous community, Sinta Gebze from Wanam Village, said the company entered their customary territory without the community's permission, with a large military escort, which has made the community afraid to resist directly.

According to her, some residents have experienced violence from security forces. They were beaten, resulting in injuries, and some were even paralyzed.

"Furthermore, I experienced intimidation while at a place of worship. I was picked up at the church door. I asked them, 'What did I do wrong? I was just defending my land rights,'" said Sinta Gebze.

He said the company's activities continue day and night, and the indigenous people have been unable to stop the clearing of their forests and gardens.

"The community has been demanding compensation for the cleared crops since 2024, but there has been no response from the company," said Sinta Gebze.

Another Malind indigenous community member, Simon Petrus Balagaize, said the project has also sparked social conflict among the indigenous people, as some accepted the company's offer, while others refused. The conflict culminated in violence and the burning of the homes of residents who opposed the project.

"Initially, the project was carried out by PT Jhonlin Group, then by other companies, but these companies denied their involvement," said Simon Petrus Balagaize.

He said that most of the Malind's customary territory has now been divided into various company concessions. Of the approximately two million hectares of customary territory, the majority has been included in company concessions or designated as production forest areas.

"The last remaining forest is our habitat, along with cassowaries, birds-of-paradise, and many other animals. There's also sago, our staple food," he said.

The Malind indigenous people, according to Balagaize, do not oppose development. Instead, they want to be respected as owners of their customary land. For indigenous people, the forest is a living space that provides all their needs.

"For us, the forest is heaven; God has provided everything there. That's why we defend our forest. Customary land does not belong to the village head, the traditional chief, or the government, but to the clan, passed down from generation to generation," he said.

He stated that if any clan holding customary rights disagrees, the customary land cannot be relinquished. Balagaize called for solidarity and support for the Malind indigenous people's struggle to defend their customary land and forest. (*)

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https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/589054/new-film-on-west-papua-highlights-ecocide

2) New film on West Papua highlights ‘ecocide'

RNZ Pacific reporters

2.28 pm today

Armed conflict is not the only frontline for West Papuans in their struggle against Indonesian rule, according to a new film.

The documentary 'Pesta Babi (Pig Feast)' had its world premiere in Auckland at the weekend to kick off a West Papua Forum organised by the West Papuan solidarity movement in New Zealand.

The film is produced by renowned West Papuan journalist Victor Mambor and directed by Dandhy Dwi Laksono.

Both were in Auckland for the event to discuss their work which looks at how Papuan communities are deeply impacted by development promoted by Indonesia in their homeland.

The impacts of deforestation due to ongoing agri-business development in Papua's southern region, spanning close to the border with Papua New Guinea, are also linked to the foothold of Indonesia's military in West Papua.

Indonesia's military forces are engaged in an ongoing, sporadic conflict with militant groups of the West Papua Liberation Army.

The Indonesian government's National Strategic Project is zeroing in on two million hectares of forest for sugarcane plantations and rice fields.

Jakarta says it will bring much needed develpoment to Papua, but Papuans say the activity is killing their people, their culture and the region's biodiversity.

Following other regional deforestation due to oil palm development, it has caused disruption to the traditional eating habits of indigenous Papua communities and alienation from their land.

Papuan representatives at the forum said criticism or protest about the development from communities was often met with attention from the military who used force to silence dissent

Additionally, the deforestation is adding to climate change and threatrening the precious biodiversity of Papua region.

The weekend's forum included panels on militarisation of the region, environmental destruction, community organising, and human rights abuses.

Former New Zealand MP, Catherine Delahunty, said the forum heard powerful speeches both in person and on line from leaders and organisers from West Papua calling for support from New Zealand to counter the deforestation and militarisation of their country.

Delahunty, who is also West Papua Action Aotearoa's spokesperson, described 'Pesta Babi (Pig Feast)' as a "deeply disturbing film”.

"The film shows the collusion between Indonesian government,corporates and the military destroying 2.5 million acres of forest and undermining indigenous food sources, land rights and futures.

"It's vital for regional neighbours to understand that this creates increased climate risks for everyone on the planet as well being a disaster for West Papua," Delahunty said.

The Forum participants heard that the Pacific Island Forum and New Zealand's Government should "show some moral courage" and challenge the destruction of critical forests and displacement of thousands of people in West Papua, she said.

"It's not a domestic issue inside Indonesia - it's a regional human rights crisis and ecocide.”

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https://www.thejakartapost.com/business/2026/03/08/indonesia-seeks-suspension-of-concessions-against-eu-in-palm-oil-dispute.html?utm_source=(direct)&utm_medium=home_popular

3) Indonesia seeks suspension of concessions against EU in palm oil dispute

  WTO experts in January 2025 largely upheld EU restrictions on the use of palm oil in biofuels following complaints by Indonesia. 

Agencies 

Jakarta         Sun, March 8, 2026  

Indonesia will file for a suspension of concessions against the European Union at the World Trade Organization's (WTO) dispute settlement body over a palm oil case, Trade Minister Budi Santoso said Saturday. The move was taken after the 27-member bloc failed to meet a deadline to adjust its policy based on the WTO body's ruling and recommendation in a palm oil dispute case, the Trade Ministry said in a statement. WTO experts in January 2025 largely upheld EU restrictions on the use of palm oil in biofuels following complaints by Indonesia. Trade Minister Budi Santoso said the suspension of concessions would be focused on goods, but added Indonesia was "open" to asking the dispute settlement body permission to apply the measure to other sectors. "We will ensure that the losses are accurately calculated and the case is handled effectively while simultaneously maintaining bilateral relations with the EU," Budi said in a statement.

The dispute concerns the EU Renewable Energy Directive of 2018 (RED II), which limited the eligibility of crop-based biofuels to count towards member states' renewable energy targets, and phased out the eligibility of palm oil-based biofuels altogether by 2030.
The EU has deemed that the production of palm oil is not sustainable. Indonesia took the move to safeguard its rights in the future if the EU could not adhere to the WTO panel's ruling, Budi said. He did not specify which obligations the EU had failed to comply with. Suspension of concessions is a temporary trade sanction which, under the WTO dispute settlement body, can be filed against another WTO member to enforce compliance with a dispute ruling.

In 2019, Indonesia, the world's leading producer of palm oil, requested an expert panel review of the EU restrictions.

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Review. West Papuan doco Pig Feast exposes oligarchs, food security crisis and ecocide under noses of military

Note . The Documentary  will have its  first Australian screening  in Sydney  on  Friday 13 March. 5-7 PM 

Register for the event here: 

https://dtp.org.au/training/invitation-to-groundbreaking-new-west-papua-film-pig-feast/?fbclid=IwY2xjawQZb1lleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETF3QlBKYWpocnBtSXc1ZE1Rc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHqAh7lgoIxGe4pmRAr8R1JAfwMu6HetLLUUeaqSbqN4rPJOOJ5s0sY6euYQ2_aem_KgE2wDv42IMFPzh8rHCHFg

It's a documentary about the world's largest deforestation project, taking place in West Papua.

Belinda Lopez will be speaking to filmmakers Victor Mambor and Dandhy Laksono after the screening, which will be held at the Amnesty International office in Sydney at  Level 1, 79 Myrtle St, Chippendale.

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https://asiapacificreport.nz/2026/03/08/west-papuan-doco-pig-feast-exposes-oligarchs-food-security-crisis-and-ecocide-under-noses-of-military/

West Papuan doco Pig Feast exposes oligarchs, food security crisis and ecocide under noses of military

By APR editor -  March 8, 2026

Village resisters against the massive destruction of rainforest as portrayed in the new West Papuan documentary Pesta Babi - Pig Feast. Image: Jubi Media screenshot APR

REVIEW: Asia Pacific Report

West Papuan diaspora, academics, students and community activists warmly applauded the screening of the new investigative documentary, Pesta Badi (Pig Feast): Colonialism in our Time, in its pre-launch international premiere in New Zealand last night.

It was shown for the first time back in West Papua at the southeastern town of Merauke, which is centred in the vast denuded rainforest area featured in the film, and also in the capital Jayapura on Friday.

Dramatic footage of scenes of village resisters against the massive destruction of rainforest in one of the three largest “lungs of the world”, shipping of barge-loads of heavy machinery, vast swathes of forest scoured out for rice and palm oil plantations, and of a traditional “pig feast” — the first in a decade — gripped the audience from the opening minute.

• READ MORE:  Pesta Babi – ‘Pig Feast’ . . . a vivid new film exposing Papua’s political ecology
• Indonesia suspends participation in Board of Peace initiative

This is the largest forest conversion project in modern history — turning 2.5 million ha of tropical forest into industrial plantations under the guise of “food security” and the “energy transition”.

“It is a powerful film, rich with data and stories drawn from the lived experiences of masyarakat adat [Indigenous people],” comments Dr Veronika Kanem, a New Zealand-based Papuan academic and researcher, who was at the premiere with a group of her students.

“The film is also grounded in research conducted by Yayasan Pusaka, along with other national and local organisations.” She is pleased that her home village Muyu is featured in the film.

The audience was also treated to Q&A session with the film director, Dandhy Dwi Laksono and producer Victor Mambor, an award-winning investigative journalist and founder of Jubi Media, who first visited New Zealand 12 years ago.

Documented collusion
Investigative filmmaker Laksono gained a reputation for his 2019 documentary Sexy Killers, released just before the Indonesian general election year and documented the collusion between the political establishment and the destructive coal mining industry.

He was arrested later that year over tweets he posted about state violence in Papua.

Laksono and Mambor, along with co-director Cipri Dale, make up a formidable investigative team.

The storytelling focuses on the experiences of five Papuans and their communities:

Yasinta Moiwend was startled when, on a quiet morning, a massive ship docked at her village pier. The vessel carried hundreds of excavators and was escorted by military forces.

It was the first convoy of 2000 heavy machines to arrive in Papua under a National Strategic Project for food production, palm-based biodiesel, and sugarcane bioethanol.

Yasinta, a Marind Anim woman in Merauke, never realised that her village had been chosen as the ground zero for what would become the largest forest conversion project in modern history.

Vincen Kwipalo, from the Yei community, was likewise shocked when his clan’s land was suddenly marked with a sign reading: “Property of the Indonesian Army.” Only later did he learn that the land had been seized for the construction of a military battalion headquarters, at the very moment when a sugarcane plantation company was also encroaching on his ancestral forest.

Red Cross Movement
Threatened by the same project, Franky Woro and the Awyu community in Boven Digoel erected giant crosses and indigenous ritual markers on their land.

Known as the Red Cross Movement, this form of resistance has spread among Indigenous groups across South Papua.

More than 1800 red crosses have been planted to confront corporations and the military—both physically and spiritually. Though a Christian symbol is central to the movement, local Church pastors condemned it as not part of the church.

Dr Kanem says the film could have explored why the Awyu and Marind people chose to use the red cross, a symbol strongly associated with Christian values?

“Why did they not use their own cultural attributes or symbols instead?” she adds.

Laksono says: “Pig Feast combines detailed field recordings with in-depth research to examine the power structures behind the operation.

“It exposes how government and corporate entities — collaborating with military and religious groups — advance international and national goals of ‘food security’ and ‘energy transition’ at the expense of Indigenous communities and landscapes.”

Multinational corporations
The documentary illustrates the networks of Indonesian elites, oligarchs, and multinational corporations that benefit from the project, providing a vivid depiction of the political ecology of Indonesian governance in Papua.

Pig Feast reveals how the system of colonialism remains intact today.

Asked at the screening how dangerous was the film making, Mambor described the hardships their small crew faced to “find the truth” under the noses of the Indonesian military.

He said they walked up to 17 km a day at times to get the exclusive footage obtained for the documentary.

International journalists are banned from West Papua and a 2019 resolution by the Pacific Islands Forum calling for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua to investigate allegations of human rights abuses has been ignored by Jakarta.

The film reveals how 10 companies — all owned by one family — gained the backing of three presidents.

The Jhonlin Group, owned by oligarch Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad (aka Haji Isam), ordered about 2000 excavators from Chinese company SANY, considered one of the largest orders of its kind in the world, to clear one million hectares.

‘Second thoughts’ on Gaza
Q&A moderator Dr David Robie, deputy chair of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN), notes the massive military involved in the operations in West Papua — as shown in the film — and how Israel has been counting on Indonesia forming “the backbone” of the planned “International Stabilisation Force” for the besieged Palestinian enclave of Gaza with about 8000 troops because of its experience in “suppressing rebellion”.

“However, since the start of the US-Israeli war on Iran it seems that Jakarta has now had second thoughts,” he said.

Indonesia has suspended all discussions on the so-called “Board of Peace” initiative launched by US President Donald Trump, citing the military escalation in the Middle East, reports Anadolu Ajansi.

Critics had argued that joining a council led by the Trump administration could undermine Indonesia’s longstanding support for the “free Palestinian” cause.

Indonesia’s Ulema Council, the country’s top Islamic scholar body, had also called for an immediate withdrawal from the Trump initiative.

The filmmakers and documetary will now go to Australia for screenings in Sydney, Melbourne and hopefully Brisbane.

West Papua updates
Earlier in the day, at a two-day West Papua Solidarity Forum at the University of Auckland, several speakers gave updates and an analysis on political and social developments in the repressed Melanesian region.

Among speakers were Papuan environmental campaigner for Pusaka Dorthea Wabiser, longtime Aotearoa and West Papua human rights campaigner Maire Leadbeater, Papuan cultural advocate Ronny Kareni , Hawai’ian academic Dr Emalani Case, Ngaruahine researcher Dr Arama Rata, PNG academic at Waikato University Nathan Rew, West Papuan scholar Kerry Tabuni, Green Party Pacific peoples and foreign affairs spokesperson Teanau Tuiono, and forum organiser Catherine Delahunty of the West Papua Action Tāmaki Makaurau and West Papua Action Aotearoa.

Viktor Yeimo, international spokesperson of the KNPB (National Committee for West Papua) and PRP (Papuan People’s Petition), and several Papuan community spokespeople shared messages by video link.

Yeimo spoke about how many students, activists, journalists, church leaders and communities of faith in West Papua faced risks when they spoke about justice and political rights.

“To ignite a large log, one must first find many small pieces [kindling],” he said. “Each piece alone cannot produce a great fire, but together they create enough heat to ignite something much larger.”

He said one pathway involved meaningful political reform within Indonesia, including stronger protection of Indigenous rights and genuine regional autonomy.

Another pathway involved inclusive political dialogue between the Indonesian government and legitimate representatives of Papuan society, like ULMWP (United Liberation Movement of West Papua).

A third pathway existed within international law, “it is the possibility of a self-determination process supervised by an international institution [such as the United Nations].”

He pointed to the progress of the self-determination processes of Bougainville and Kanak New Caledonia for example.

Yeimo said Papuans wanted to build a Pacific future “grounded in justice and solidarity”.

A Papuan rapper spoke on screen saying he wasn’t afraid of the repression of authorities, “but they seem to be afraid of me and my music.”

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Doco-'Pig Feast, Colonialism in Our Time': The Struggle to Defend Indigenous Land

Note . The Documentary  'Pig Feast, Colonialism in Our Time': The Struggle to Defend Indigenous Land was launched in Jayapura on the 6 March and in Auckland 7 March.

The first Australian screening  in Sydney is on  Friday 13 March at 5PM

Please register for the event here: 

https://dtp.org.au/training/invitation-to-groundbreaking-new-west-papua-film-pig-feast/?fbclid=IwY2xjawQZb1lleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETF3QlBKYWpocnBtSXc1ZE1Rc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHqAh7lgoIxGe4pmRAr8R1JAfwMu6HetLLUUeaqSbqN4rPJOOJ5s0sY6euYQ2_aem_KgE2wDv42IMFPzh8rHCHFg

It's a documentary about the world's largest deforestation project, taking place in West Papua.

Belinda Lopez will be speaking to filmmakers Victor Mambor and Dandhy Laksono after the screening, which will be held at the Amnesty International office in Sydney at  Level 1, 79 Myrtle St, Chippendale.

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A google translate. Original Bahasa link

https://jubi.id/polhukam/2026/pesta-babi-kolonialisme-di-zaman-kita-perjuangan-mempertahankan-tanah-adat/

'Pig Feast, Colonialism in Our Time': The Struggle to Defend Indigenous Land

March 7, 2026 in Politics, Law, and Security Reading Time: 4 mins read

Author: Aida Ulim - Editor: Arjuna Pademme

Pre-launch atmosphere of the investigative documentary film "Pig Feast: Colonialism in Our Time" in Jayapura, Papua, Friday (March 6, 2026) - Jubi/Aida Ulim

Jayapura, Jubi – The investigative documentary film "Pig Feast: Colonialism in Our Time" tells the story of the struggle of indigenous peoples in South Papua Province to defend their customary land from the onslaught of investment.

Pre-launching events for this documentary were held in various regions across Papua, New Zealand, and Australia from March 5, 2026, to March 18, 2026.

In Jayapura City, Papua, Solidaritas Merauke held a pre-launch on Friday (March 6, 2026).

The film, directed by Dandhy Laksono and Cypri Dale, is a collaboration between Jubi Media, Watchdoc, Ekspedisi Indonesia Baru, Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, and Greenpeace Indonesia.

The film "Pesta Babi" captures the dynamics that occur in the southern region of Papua when networks of politicians, investors, the military, and the church confront social movements and indigenous communities defending their customary lands.

Theresia Putri of Greenpeace Indonesia, who was part of the film-making team, said the documentary highlights the struggle of the Marind, Yei, Awyu, and Muyu indigenous peoples who oppose palm oil-based biodiesel projects and sugarcane-based bioethanol designed for vehicle fuel.

"Through these stories, this film depicts the impact of large-scale development projects on customary lands and the living spaces of the Papuan people," said Theresia Putri during the film's pre-launch in Jayapura City on Friday (March 6, 2026).

The film also touches on the broader political context, including issues of separatism and the long history of Indonesian military operations over more than six decades, which are linked to the exploitation of natural resources in Papua.

According to Theresia, the pre-launch aims to bring the film back to the people of Papua before its wider public release.

"The main goal of this activity is to bring the film back to its home, namely Papua, before it is screened widely to the public," she said.

This pre-screening also aims to gather input from the Papuan community, particularly the indigenous communities directly affected by the National Strategic Projects (PSN) depicted in the film.

Theresia Putri explained that the committee provided a space for audiences to provide responses and reflections on the film's content. Audience members wrote down their feedback in notes posted at the screening location.

"These comments from the audience will provide input for the production team and the film's collaborators," he said.

According to Theresia Putri, audience feedback regarding the film's plot will be brought to the production team for discussion with the director and producers.

"We will bring this input to the production team for joint discussion," she said.

She hopes that when the film is released publicly, the content and messages conveyed truly represent the voices, concerns, and experiences of indigenous Papuans who have been directly impacted by various development projects in Papua.

"The official launch of "Pesta Babi: Kolonialisme di Zaman Kita" (Pest of Pigs: Colonialism in Our Time) is planned for next April, although the exact schedule will be announced later by the production team," she said.

She said the film is still in the pre-launch stage in several locations before its official public release.

The pre-launch took place in Mabari Village, Merauke Regency, the capital of South Papua, and will continue in several other locations there.

The production team also held preliminary screenings in New Zealand and Australia.

Cenderawasih University anthropologist Dr. Hanro Lekitoo, commenting at the documentary's pre-launch, stated that the film reflects a new form of colonialism, where the control of indigenous people's living spaces occurs through large-scale development projects.

"This film successfully depicts the realistic living conditions of indigenous people in Papua, especially those facing pressure from various development projects," said Henro Lekitoo.

He also offered input on the film, suggesting it should begin with a pig feast, as the title suggests.

He noted that indigenous groups in Papua, such as the Marind, Yei, and Awyu, have a very close relationship with nature.

Some of them live as gatherers and hunter-gatherers, relying directly on the forest and its surrounding environment for their livelihoods.

According to him, the relationship between Melanesian people and nature is not only economic, but also spiritual and cultural. Nature is seen as part of the relationship with other humans, ancestors, and God.

Therefore, environmental damage not only impacts ecology but also culture and community identity.

"If the forest is lost, people question how they can continue their lives," he said.

Henro Lekitoo stated that environmental damage can trigger leukocide, which is the massive destruction of the environment.

The impact is not limited to nature but also triggers the loss of culture, including language, traditions, local knowledge, and community identity.

If the sago forests, the staple food of indigenous Papuans, are damaged or lost, the community will be forced to rely on external food sources such as rice, which could ultimately lead to dependence on an economic system different from their culture.

Henro Lekitoo continued, land has a very strong political dimension because it is the foundation of community life. He also criticized various development mistakes that have occurred in other regions, such as Kalimantan, which are being repeated in Papua.

"This film should be seen by the wider public, especially students and the younger generation, to gain a more critical understanding of the situation," he said.

This film is expected to raise public awareness about the conditions faced by indigenous peoples in Papua and encourage reflection on the direction of ongoing development.

"Development should bring prosperity to the community, not sacrifice the living space of indigenous peoples and the environment they have protected for generations," he said. (*)

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