Thursday, June 11, 2026

1) Chicken heads sent to Indonesian news outlet after threats over coverage of Papua documentary


2) Rooster-head terror of Floresa threatens press freedom
3) Govt supports accelerated national food, energy hub in South Papua 

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1) Chicken heads sent to Indonesian news outlet after threats over coverage of Papua documentary
 June 11, 2026 5:40 AM ED


Jakarta, June 11, 2026—The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the repeated harassment of Indonesian news site Floresa following its coverage of an investigative documentary about deforestation in Papua province caused by aggressive agribusiness expansion.

On June 5, a Floresa journalist discovered three rotten chicken heads outside the outlet’s office in Labuan Bajo, East Nusa Tenggara, in an act of intimidation that echoed the severed pig’s head delivered to leading independent news outlet Tempo last year. On the same day, eggs were thrown at a coffee shop operated by Floresa next door.

The incidents followed threatening text message sent last month to editor-in-chief Ryan Dagur Flores, Floresa said.

“The threats against Floresa are a frightening reminder of the intimidation Indonesian journalists regularly face,” said CPJ’s Asia-Pacific Regional Director Beh Lih Yi. “Authorities must take action to show this type of harassment is unacceptable, and ensure a free and tolerant environment for the press that’s consistent with the country’s reputation as a vibrant democracy.”

Floresa editor Anno Susabun said he suspected the threats were related to recentstories about the documentary film “Pesta Babi: Kolonialisme di Zaman Kita” (Pesta Babi: Colonialism in Our Time), which spotlights indigenous communities resisting the environmental and cultural impact of state-backed agricultural projects in Papua.

The documentary, which has been viewed more than 13 million times on YouTube, has triggered backlash and censorship from Indonesian authorities, while the filmmakershave faced intimidation and harassment. Screenings of the film have been held in about 800 locations around Indonesia and at least 50 of them have been disbanded, mostly by the military.

Susabun told CPJ that, on May 13, Flores received a threatening WhatsApp message from someone claiming to be from the National Police’s Cybercrime Directorate. The message contained Flores’ personal data, including his home address and recent location, and demanded that all social media content related to the Pesta Babi articles be taken down. Fearing for his safety, Flores temporarily relocated from Labuan Bajo, Susabun said.

In March last year, a pig’s head and decapitated rats were delivered to a Tempo journalist after her critical reporting on revisions to the Indonesian Military (TNI) Law.

The East Nusa Tenggara Police and the Indonesian National Police did not reply to CPJ’s emailed requests for comment.


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A google translate.
Original Bahasa link


2) Rooster-head terror of Floresa threatens press freedom
June 11, 2026 Press Release Reading Time: 2 mins read 
0
Author: Jubi Admin - Editor: Jean Bisay

Jayapura, Jubi – Teras.id and 29 partner media outlets across Indonesia strongly condemn the acts of intimidation and terror against the editorial staff of Floresa.co. The terror and intimidation against Floresa.co constitute a real threat to the freedom of the press, the safety of journalists, and democracy in Indonesia.
On Friday, June 5, 2026, around 08.00 WITA, one of the Floresa.co journalists found five broken chicken eggs scattered on the floor of the cafe managed by Floresa. The cafe is located right next to the editorial office of Floresa.co. Twenty minutes later, around 08.20 WITA one of the Floresa.co editors found a plastic bag right in front of the Floresa.co office door.

Meanwhile, this editorial staff ignored him. At around 11.30 WITA, one of the Floresa.co journalists picked up a plastic bag that was in front of the door and only came to know that it turned out to contain three rotting chicken heads.

It is still unknown who sent the chicken head and broke the egg because the cafe and the editorial office of Floresa.co are not installed surveillance cameras. However, the allegedly strong delivery of the chicken and egg head is a form of terror against Floresa.co’s editorial staff. Especially earlier, on May 13, 2026, one of Floresa’s editors received an intimidating-toned message from someone claiming to be a member of the Police Bareskrim Cyber ​​Criminal Action Directorate.

In the message, the individual sent personal data information, including a home address, and requested the removal of three pieces of content on Floresa’s social media related to the movie Pig Feast. The person wrote: "We assess the contents could potentially cause confusion and negative situations both in the digital order and on the ground later. Given the current national situation in a negative condition, we hope you would like to take down the post in question as good in Indonesia's efforts to maintain political morality. The person also said: “If in the near future the content in question has not been removed, then the process will be escalated to the next stage in accordance with the required national mitigation handling efforts provisions.”

The intimidation and terror are real forms of threats against the journalistic work that Floresa.co does. So far Floresa.co is renowned as one of the media outlets at NTT that is critical and vocal in responding to public issues. The act can also be categorized as a form of obstruction of journalistic work that can be threatened with a penalty of imprisonment for a maximum term of two years and a fine of a maximum of Rs 500 million as regulated in Article 18 paragraph (1) of Law No. 190 of the Year

The terror toward Floresa.co editorial threatens the function of the press as an instrument of control and supervision of power. Further, such actions may undermine the public’s interest and right to obtain quality news and information.

Teras.id is a local journalism ecosystem that has a vision of strengthening the foundation of independent and quality local journalism, as well as ensuring broader access for the public. Currently Teras.id partners with 30 local media distributed in different parts of Indonesia namely: Daily Analysis, Bandung Moving, Bali News, Beselang, Women's Conversation, Bollo, Deductive, Ekora NTT, Floresa, People's Hope, Daily Keleo, June Borne Fiber, Solider, Voice of Papua, Sukabumi Update, Sultra Current, Times of Indonesia, Tita Story, and North Zone. (*)

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3) Govt supports accelerated national food, energy hub in South Papua  
June 11, 2026 20:35 GMT+700

Jakarta (ANTARA) - Deputy Minister of Home Affairs Ribka Haluk reaffirmed the commitment of the Ministry in supporting acceleration of the development of the National Food, Energy, and Water Production Hub (KSPEAN) in South Papua Province.

"With the Regional Spatial Plan, the governments together with relevant ministries and agencies could begin to move more quickly in terms of spatial planning, regulations, and other technical aspects," Haluk said in a statement received here on Thursday.

Haluk explained the Ministry has undertaken various preparatory and synchronisation measures with regional governments, as a follow up to Presidential Instruction Number 14 of 2025 on the Acceleration of KSPEAN Development, particularly in South Papua.

One of the key achievements completed is the formulation of Regional Spatial Plan for South Papua for 2025-2029 period, which serves as the primary foundation for directing integrated regional development.

Related news: Papua pushes blue economy through fisheries downstreaming

According to Haluk, the Regional Spatial Plan will provide certainty regarding development directions, while accelerating coordination among ministries, agencies, and regional governments, in supporting the development of food and energy production centers in South Papua.

In addition to planning and regulatory aspects, Haluk emphasised the importance of a social approach that prioritises active communication with local communities, particularly customary land rights holders.

She stressed the success of development is determined not only by technical readiness, but also by the government's ability to build trust and mutual understanding with local communities.

"When communication does not run well, then various misunderstandings may arise and potentially hinder program implementation," she remarked.

Furthermore, she expressed hope the synergy among the central government, regional governments, and communities would accelerate the realisation of KSPEAN development, as one of the national strategic projects supporting food and energy security and development in eastern Indonesia.

Related news: Papua's local wisdom key to sustainable forest management: Ministry

Translator: Fianda, Kenzu
Editor: Fransiska Ninditya

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‘Pig Feast’: a test case for alternative media, Papua, and Indonesian democracy



https://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/pig-feast-a-test-case-for-alternative-media-papua-and-indonesian-democracy/

‘Pig Feast’: a test case for alternative media, Papua, and Indonesian democracy 

BY HELLENA SOUISA

11 JUNE 2026 


This may be the most controversial film in Indonesia right now.


After being screened offline at nearly 2,000 locations across Indonesia and abroad, the documentary Pig Feast: Colonialism in Our Time (Pesta Babi: Kolonialisme di Zaman Kita) was officially released online on May 22.

Within just 14 days of release, Pig Feast had already been viewed more than 13 million times on the YouTube channel JubiTV.


Jubi is a West Papua-based media outlet and one of the documentary’s production collaborators, alongside Greenpeace Indonesia, Watchdoc, Koperasi Indonesia Baru, Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, and LBH Papua Merauke.

The title Pig Feast (Pesta Babi) is taken from a tradition of the Muyu people in West Papua known as Awon Atatbon. This is a customary ritual involving pigs as social and cultural symbols used to mark the continuity and preservation of Papua’s forests and natural environment.

The 90-minute film, directed by Dandhy Dwi Laksono and Cypri Jehan Paju Dale, is set in South Papua. It follows Indigenous communities resisting the loss of their land and livelihoods due to a government-backed National Strategic Project (Proyek Strategis Nasional, or PSN).


The documentary argues that Indonesia’s food estate project is merely a cover for a large-scale bioethanol venture benefiting particular groups, while exposing the broader web of political and economic interests behind it, including alleged military involvement.


Filling the information drought on Papua


There are several reasons that may explain the widespread public enthusiasm for independently organised community screenings and discussions of Pig Feast at thousands of locations across Indonesia and abroad, as well as its millions of YouTube views.


First and foremost is the information and content the film offers about what is happening in Papua. It describes it as the world’s largest ongoing deforestation project carried out in the name of a PSN, the clearing of 2.5 million hectares of tropical rainforest, and the displacement of 107,000 people, all taking place amid continuing armed conflict in the region.


Second, it is no secret that the ownership structure of Indonesia’s mainstream media, particularly broadcast media, which is controlled by a small group of conglomerates, has affected the diversity of its content.


Because of this ownership structure and the entanglement of political and economic interests behind it, the content of Indonesia’s mainstream television media, as I have previously written, tends to be uniform, elite-centric, Jakarta-centric, Java-centric, and urban-centric.


As a result, there is little or no space for the voices of marginalised groups, communities outside Java, or critical issues that do not generate significant advertising revenue, such as environmental conservation, human rights abuses, and attacks on environmental defenders.


This means that information from and about Papua is rarely seen on mainstream national broadcast media screens. Meanwhile, in the digital sphere, we also know there have previously been attempts to shut down internet access in Papua.


Against this backdrop, Pig Feast, which offers in-depth and comprehensive information about the issues faced by Papuans, emerges to fill the void and address the drought of crucial information about Papua.


Even in an era when media consumption and distribution patterns are increasingly governed by algorithms, Pig Feast’s grassroots community screening model has managed to overcome the dominance of those algorithms.


It is therefore important to view Pig Feast as a success story for alternative media, which Downing, and Hackett and Carroll, define as media that are ‘progressive, explicitly opposed to particular axes of domination (corporate capitalism, heterosexism, racism, state authoritarianism) and openly assume a stance of advocacy rather than pseudo-objectivity, experiment with new aesthetic styles, and address issues marginalised in hegemonic media.’


Pig Feast, like most of Laksono’s documentaries, rarely includes interviews with authorities.


The aim is to balance narratives in the public sphere by giving a platform to communities whose voices are nearly absent from mainstream media.


By doing so, the filmmaker rejects the notion of giving equal voice to those who perpetuate injustice, and critiques the idea of journalistic ‘objectivity,’ which is often seen as serving entrenched commercial or political interests that maintain relations of domination.


This is both a reminder and a reaffirmation of the role and principles of alternative media.


Screenings disrupted, branded ‘foreign agents,’ and reported to police


Because of the issues raised in Pig Feast, including the names and institutions mentioned in the film, the documentary has been met with intense backlash.


Ekspedisi Indonesia Baru, one of the documentary’s production collaborators, reported that of more than 2,000 screenings held so far, at least 50 had been dispersed, cancelled, or subjected to intimidation.


The reasons varied, ranging from claims that the ‘title is provocative,’ and the need to ‘maintain public order’ and ‘anticipate security concerns,’ to allegations of ‘failure to coordinate permits.’


Some screenings were also accused of ‘not possessing a Film Censorship Pass Certificate (STLS) from the Indonesian Film Censorship Board,’ even though Pig Feast, as a film with a ‘non-commercial purpose’, falls into an exempt category.


Off-screen, director Dandhy Laksono has also become the target of black campaigns on social media, where he has been labelled a ‘foreign agent’ and ‘provocateur’.


Most recently, Laksono and LBH Papua Merauke director John Teddy Wakum were reported to the Jakarta Metropolitan Police by one of the figures featured in the documentary, Yasinta Moiwend.


Before filing the report, Moiwend, who in Pig Feast firmly rejected the PSN and criticised the government, later appeared to reverse her stance and express support for the project through social media posts.


Moiwend said she objected to her face being shown in the documentary and subsequently, while also demanding that screenings of the film be stopped.


However, members of Moiwend’s family viewed her sudden change of attitude and police report as suspicious, suspecting that she acted under pressure and intimidation from certain parties.

A new chapter for Pig Feast: a test for Papua, alternative media, and democracy


Efforts to drag the film’s director and one of its collaborators into legal proceedings, following waves of intimidation, repression, screening dispersals, disinformation, and accusations of being ‘foreign agents’, amount to a test on three fronts at once.


First, this is a test for future information and reporting about Papua. What Pig Feast is experiencing recalls the case of Indonesian human rights defenders Fatia Maulidyanti and Haris Azhar in 2023 and 2024.


Both were charged after being reported for defamation by then Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment Luhut Binsar Panjaitan over a video in which Azhar and Maulidyanti discussed research by nine civil society organisations alleging Panjaitan’s involvement in mining businesses and military operations in Papua.


Although the court eventually acquitted Azhar and Maulidyanti, the recurring pattern of criminalising the messengers of Papua-related information, while leaving the substance of the information itself untouched, represents an attempt to obscure problems in Papua that deserve national attention.


Second, this is also a test for future collaborative work between alternative media and civil society. What Laksono and Wakum are experiencing, like Azhar and Maulidyanti, creates a chilling effect not only for those who amplify marginalised voices, but also for the marginalised voices themselves and for issues neglected by mainstream media, particularly civil society perspectives confronting elite dominance.


Third, this new chapter in the story of Pig Feast is ultimately also a test for democracy itself. Can Indonesia be a democracy where freedom of expression and opinion are guaranteed, and where diversity of information, sustained in part by alternative media, remains a crucial pillar of its society?


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Wednesday, June 10, 2026

1) IDP Update June’26: Government neglect drives West Papua’s spiraling displacement emergency

2) Participatory Mapping Seen as a Solution to Agrarian Conflicts in Southwest Papua

3) Puncak Legislator Calls for Justice After Civilian Deaths



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(Photos/Video in Report)





Human Rights Monitor

1) IDP Update June’26: Government neglect drives West Papua’s spiraling displacement emergency

Human Rights News, Reports / Indonesia, West Papua / 10 June 2026 
Between April and June 2026, new security force raids in the regencies Puncak, Yahukimo, Nduga, Mimika, and Intan Jaya caused new waves of internal displacement, where indigenous communities witness an increasing presence of military personnel. HRM received reports from various areas where the military (TNI) claimed customary land for the construction of new military posts without prior consent by its customary land rights holders. As of early June 2026, more than 122,931 civilians across multiple regencies remained internally displaced due to military operations and armed conflict (see table below). The most significant event marked a widespread military operation in Kembru, Pogoma and Magebume (Puncak) reportedly displaced an estimated 14,000 people. Alarmingly, HRM did not receive updated information about IDPs in other conflict affected regencies such as Pegunungan Bintang or Nduga, where IDPs continue to live in isolated camps in the jungle without humanitarian access. 
General developments point to a contested and still-deteriorating outlook. Church leaders have explicitly linked the crisis to state policy, arguing that the development-through-security approach codified in Presidential Instructions No. 9 of 2017 and No. 9 of 2020 on the acceleration of development in the Papuan provinces has legitimised militarisation and deepened the humanitarian emergency in West Papua. the DGP’s demands an immediate halt to military operations in civilian areas, concrete civilian protection, unimpeded humanitarian access, an independent investigation into alleged rights violations, and access for foreign journalists.
The Papua Council of Churches (DGP) stated on 21 April 2026 that the humanitarian crisis can be traced back to late 2018, linked to escalating violence and intensifying military operations in civilian areas. These operation had reached alarming levels pointing at various incidents involving excessive police or military violence in the regencies Lanny Jaya, Intan Jaya, Puncak and Dogiyai between March and June 2026. IDPs continue facing dire conditions, including acute shortages of food, healthcare and protection, compounded by the encroachment of military activity into villages, churches, schools and markets that should be civilian safe spaces.
Papuan parliament members have repeatedly brought the humanitarian crisis in West Papua to the attention of the central government (see video below). On 7 June 2026, the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) publicly offered to guarantee humanitarian access for neutral organisations operating under the supervision of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). As of writing, Jakarta yet refuses to enter into a dialogue for a peaceful resolution of the conflict and continues to block humanitarian access to IDPs, as displacement in the conflict zones ware likely to climb so long as a security-driven approach prevails………….
Full update

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2) Participatory Mapping Seen as a Solution to Agrarian Conflicts in Southwest Papua
IN PACNEWS READING TIME: 4 MINS READ JUNE 10, 2026  0 Author : Arjuna Pademme Editor : Nuevaterra Mambor

Sorong, Jubi – Head of Research and Innovation at the Southwest Papua Provincial Development Planning, Research, and Innovation Agency (Bapperida), Frengky Albert R.M. Saa, said participatory mapping is a strategic approach to resolving various agrarian conflicts in Southwest Papua Province.

He said agrarian conflicts in the newly established autonomous province are closely related to natural resource management, recognition of customary territories, and development dynamics.

According to Saa, investments in plantations, forestry, mining, and infrastructure development often create disputes involving the government, companies, and Indigenous customary law communities.

In such circumstances, participatory mapping is considered an important approach to fostering dialogue, clarifying customary territorial boundaries, and creating fairer and more sustainable conflict-resolution mechanisms for local communities in Southwest Papua.

Saa said Indigenous communities in Southwest Papua maintain strong historical, spiritual, and social ties to their customary lands.

Land is not merely viewed as an economic asset but also as a cultural identity and ancestral heritage that sustains Indigenous communities across generations.

As a result, when land is taken over without the consent of Indigenous communities, conflicts that arise concern not only ownership rights but also dignity, cultural existence, and the sense of justice of Indigenous peoples.


“Therefore, participatory mapping is a strategic tool to ensure that the voices of Indigenous communities are accommodated in the regional development process,” Saa said on Wednesday.

According to Saa, participatory mapping allows Indigenous communities to be directly involved in identifying their customary territories and customary lands.

These include village boundaries, customary forests, sacred sites, and community livelihood resources such as rivers, sago groves, and hunting grounds.

The involvement of Indigenous communities in the process provides social legitimacy to the resulting maps because they are based on local knowledge and collective history.

“With participatory maps of customary territories, the potential for conflicts arising from unilateral claims can be minimized through deliberation and mutual agreements among relevant parties,” he said.

Saa explained that many agrarian conflicts in Southwest Papua have been triggered by weak formal recognition of customary territories that Indigenous communities have occupied and managed for generations.

This situation has led to social tensions, community resistance, and prolonged conflicts that hinder regional development.

Participatory mapping is therefore considered an important instrument for bridging the gap between the state’s administrative system and customary land tenure systems that have been practiced for centuries.

Participatory mapping is also viewed as a means of strengthening customary territorial governance and supporting sustainable development in Southwest Papua.

Through mapping, Indigenous communities can establish spatial zoning based on customary values and ecological functions. Areas designated for customary conservation, water-source protection, community farming areas, and settlements can be clearly identified, enabling more planned and sustainable regional development.

“This approach is in line with sustainable development principles that place local communities as the primary actors in natural resource management,” he said.

Saa added that geospatial technology offers significant opportunities to strengthen participatory mapping in Southwest Papua. The use of GPS, drones, satellite imagery, and Geographic Information System (GIS) applications can help Indigenous communities produce more accurate territorial maps that can serve as supporting documents in the recognition of customary land rights.

At the same time, involving Papuan youth in mapping technologies is an important step toward transforming customary knowledge into digital formats that are more adaptable to technological advancements.

According to Saa, the success of participatory mapping depends on support and collaboration among multiple stakeholders, including local governments, customary institutions, academics, civil society organizations, and churches.

“Local governments have a strategic role in providing policy legitimacy to community mapping results through regional regulations, recognition of customary villages, and integration of customary territorial maps into spatial planning frameworks,” he said.

Academics and research institutions can contribute by providing data, technical assistance, and capacity-building support for communities engaged in participatory mapping.

However, Saa acknowledged that several challenges remain before participatory mapping can fully function as an instrument for protecting Indigenous rights.

These challenges include limited human resources, inadequate funding, conflicts of interest among groups, and the lack of policy synchronization between central and regional governments regarding the recognition of customary territories.

In some cases, community-generated maps have yet to receive full legal recognition, making them vulnerable to being overlooked in development decision-making processes.

For that reason, he said, strong political commitment is required to ensure that participatory mapping becomes a genuine instrument for protecting Indigenous rights rather than merely an administrative formality.

Participatory mapping, he stressed, is not simply about drawing territorial boundaries but also about advancing social justice and recognition of Indigenous customary law communities in Southwest Papua.

“Amid the rapid flow of investment and development expansion in Southwest Papua, recognition of customary territories can no longer be treated as a mere administrative complement,” he said.

He emphasized that Indigenous communities must become the primary subjects in all decision-making processes concerning their customary territories.

Without clear recognition of customary territorial boundaries, the potential for social conflict will continue to recur and become a serious obstacle to sustainable development.

“Agrarian conflict across Papua demonstrate that development which ignores the rights of Indigenous communities only leads to distrust, resistance, and prolonged social tensions.”

Saa said participatory mapping should therefore be regarded both as an instrument for protecting Indigenous rights and as a crucial foundation for creating legal certainty for all stakeholders.

Local governments, he added, need to strengthen their political commitment through regulations that provide genuine recognition of participatory mapping outcomes.

Without strong policy support, community-generated maps risk becoming little more than archived documents, lacking the authority to shape development policies or resolve territorial disputes.

“Participatory mapping is an important step in ensuring that development proceeds in harmony with the protection of Indigenous Papuans’ rights, environmental sustainability, and the strengthening of peace and social stability throughout Papua,” Saa said. (*)

Nuevaterra Mambor
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3) Puncak Legislator Calls for Justice After Civilian Deaths

IN PACNEWS READING TIME: 3 MINS READ JUNE 9, 2026  0 Author : Larius Kogoya Editor : Nuevaterra Mambor

Jayapura, Jubi – Melince Magai, a member of the Puncak Regency Legislative Council (DPRK) in Central Papua appointed through the Special Autonomy (Otsus) mechanism, said women endure nine months of pregnancy, the pain of childbirth, and years of raising children, only to see them killed at a young age.

Magai made the statement following a meeting between a special committee (Pansus) of the Puncak DPRK and Indonesia’s National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) in Menteng, Central Jakarta, on Monday.

Her remarks were a response to the situation in Puncak Regency and Papua more broadly, where civilians, including children, have become victims of the armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the West Papua National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement (TPNPB/OPM).

“As women, we are tired of giving birth to children only to see them killed while they are still minors. Some are teenagers, some are six or seven years old, and even those still in the womb are being killed,” Magai said.

She stressed that the children who become victims have no involvement whatsoever in the armed conflict.

“Through Komnas HAM, we ask that the Kembru tragedy be thoroughly investigated. We demand that those responsible be prosecuted and that justice be delivered for us, our families, and our communities in Puncak Regency. Papuans are living on their own land in fear and trauma,” she said.

Magai also alleged that much of the reality on the ground has not been accurately reflected in media coverage.

“Therefore, we ask Komnas HAM to protect us and bring these aspirations before the courts. Those responsible for these crimes must be prosecuted. All non-organic military personnel should be withdrawn from Puncak Regency so that we can live peacefully and prosperously like our brothers and sisters elsewhere,” she said.

Emanuel Gobay, legal counsel for victims of the alleged human rights violations in Kembru District, said he, members of the Puncak DPRK special committee, and students had come to Komnas HAM to seek clarification regarding the commission’s handling of the April 14, 2026 tragedy in Kembru.

“Twelve people were killed, more than 1,000 residents were displaced, and others were injured as a result of the incident. We have submitted the data to Komnas HAM and relevant government ministries. This shows that the incident created a humanitarian emergency,” Gobay said.

According to Gobay, the emergency situation has persisted since April 2026, yet there has been no clarity regarding follow-up action. He said witnesses and victims had provided testimony, and information from multiple sources pointed to the alleged perpetrators.

“The victims themselves have informed the Puncak Regent, Komnas HAM’s Papua office, the Governor of Central Papua, and the Deputy Governor about who they believe was responsible. This indicates that the alleged perpetrators have been clearly identified and point to security personnel deployed from outside the region. In this case, spent bullet casings have also been submitted to Komnas HAM as evidence,” he said.

Gobay explained that the special committee was established by the Puncak DPRK at the request of victims and affected communities. Its members traveled to Komnas HAM headquarters to demand progress on the victims’ calls for justice.

The victims are demanding that Komnas HAM identify those responsible for the incident and forward the case file to the Attorney General’s Office for prosecution through a human rights court.

“They are also calling for the withdrawal of all non-organic security forces from Puncak Regency. Those are the two main demands. We hope these concerns are heard by the President of Indonesia, so that Komnas HAM can receive the support necessary to conduct a professional investigation into the alleged human rights violations,” Gobay said. (*)

Nuevaterra Mambor

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Tuesday, June 9, 2026

1) Editorial Colonialism in Papua

2) TAPOL's 2nd Quarterly Update 2026


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1)  Editorial 
Colonialism in Papua 
Reporter  Tempo  June 9, 2026 | 03:59 pm


The attempt to pit an actor and the filmmakers of the Pesta Babi against each other only proves that there is colonialism in Papua. It is a brazen divide-and-rule tactic.

THE police report filed against the filmmakers of Pesta Babi (Pig Feast) by Yasinta Moiwend validates the main thesis that forms the subtitle of this documentary: colonialism in our time. A primary characteristic of colonialism is the pitting of native people against each other, as was done by its most popular figures, Snouck Hurgronje in Aceh and C.C. Berg di Java.


Both were scholars dispatched by the Dutch colonial government to study the Nusantara (archipelago) in order to subdue it. Hurgronje was an anthropologist and Islamic scholar, while Berg was a philologist. Hurgronje’s research in Aceh birthed the divide et impera strategy that fractured the ulee balang (secular nobility) from the ulema. Meanwhile, Berg engineered the myth of historical enmity between the Sundanese and Javanese traditions through his analysis of the Bubat War.

The result of their “work” was a never-ending cycle of internal friction across the archipelago. Yet, what is happening in Papua today is far more barefaced than the divisive tactics of the Dutch colonial administration. In Papua, Mama Yasinta is being “used” to delegitimize the main message of Pesta Babi: how military operations and food estate projects are ravaging the region’s ecosystem.

A person who from the very beginning opposed the food estate project, a mother who fought to defend the customary lands as a living space, a woman who spoke out loudly about the critical importance of Papua’s forests for Indonesia, has suddenly turned around to dismantle everything she stood for. It is too vulgar to call the sequence of activities from when she lost contact with her family on May 24, 2026, visited an Indonesian Military (TNI) post, and then was flown on a private jet to Jakarta to report the activities of civil activists to the police a coincidence.


Mama Yasinta’s U-turn goes to show even more clearly that the food estate project in Papua is no trivial project. As well as being run by a company belonging to Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad, a tycoon close to President Prabowo Subianto, the project is being backed by the military and the police. This boundless state power is suppressing the voices of indigenous Papuans. Mama Yasinta is simply a devious tool to silence them.

Consequently, expecting the police to investigate allegations of intimidation against Mama Yasinta is a fool’s errand. The police are inherently part of the script to delegitimize the message of Pesta Babi. As both an actor in the documentary and an indigenous figurehead who symbolized resistance against the 2.7-million-hectare mega-project, Mama Yasinta is the perfect weapon to dismantle the barriers threatening President Prabowo’s flagship project.

Food and energy self-sufficiency are Prabowo’s main programs. After the failure of a similar project in Central Kalimantan while he was Defense Minister, Prabowo shifted his attention to Papua. He has ordered his ministers to transform the wetlands of South Papua into paddy fields and convert forests into oil palm plantations to feed his biodiesel ambitions. The film Pesta Babi could become a stumbling block to achieving these goals.

In truth, Pesta Babi is neither the first nor the only journalistic work to expose the exploitation of Papua to the global community. A series of investigative reports by Tempo and the documentary films Dines Lingkungan (The Environmental Patrol) on YouTube had repeatedly brought these issues. Mama Yasinta even first came to public attention through an interview in this documentary.

Therefore, trying to shut down Pesta Babi by delegitimizing its key figures is like building castles in the air. Whatever lies behind Mama Yasinta’s motives only hardens civil resistance. Indonesia has a long history of fighting colonialism.


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2) TAPOL's 2nd Quarterly Update 2026

09 June 2026




Indonesia has not been immune to the currents affecting the world’s politics so far this year. It seems to be increasingly jumping on to the bandwagon with the US, eroding years of carefully-cultivated neutrality in the process. Meanwhile, the intimidation of activists has reached a new shocking milestone, with prominent human rights activist Andrie Yunus being attacked with acid, after protesting against increased military power in Indonesia. Yet, despite these moves by authorities, a coalition of human rights organisations, churches and sections of the national parliament are making increasingly loud calls for urgent action against abuses in West Papua. These efforts show that despite an atmosphere of pessimism felt across civil society, new actors are now adding their voices to a chorus crying out against injustice, showing that hope against abuses by those in power remains possible……………

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