Tuesday, July 14, 2026

1) Papuan pastor killed during military operation in Intan Jaya


2) Transmigration residents and Moi Aresi Clan challenge palmoil company over alleged unlawful land use in Sorong Regency
3) Civil Society Groups Oppose Plan to Turn Wanam, Merauke Into Defense Industrial Zone

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1) Papuan pastor killed during military operation in Intan Jaya

On 29 June 2026, security forces reportedly shot dead Rev Elianus Agimbau, 20, a pastor of the Indonesian Tabernacle Church (GKII), whilst travelling through the Mbamogo Village area, located on the border between the Sugapa and the Agasiga districts. According to multiple sources, Mr Agimbau was unarmed and was travelling to Sugapa. His body was recovered one day later. The killing occurred amid intensified Indonesian military operations in Intan Jaya Regency. Church leaders, Indonesia’s Minister for Human Rights, and the Papua office of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) condemned the killing, and called for an independent investigation.
Rev Elianus Agimbau and a relative left Kupia Village on the morning of 29 June 2026 after seeking shelter from the deteriorating security situation in Agisiga District. They travelled towards Sugapa to facilitate the release of village funds. Upon reaching the Mbamogo ojek base at approximately 11.00 am, security personnel reportedly opened fire at them. Mr Elianus Agimbau was reportedly shot and died at the scene, while his relative escaped by jumping down a ravine and subsequently hiding in the forest. The victim’s body was later recovered in the undergrowth and covered with grass (see photos and videos below, source: independent HRD). After Rev Agimbau’s relative reached Sugapa on the following day, he informed the family. Thereupon, members of the local conflict resolution team searched the area and recovered the body on 30 June 2026. Mr Elianus Agimbau’s body was buried on 1 July 2026.
Family members stated that they had not received any official explanation regarding the circumstances of the killing. According to the Ministry of Human Rights, the victim’s body bore five gunshot wounds, multiple cuts and signs of mutilation, including the reported loss of one ear. At the time of publication, neither the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) nor the Indonesian National Police (Polri) had publicly clarified the circumstances surrounding the shooting or announced any criminal investigation into the incident.
The killing occurred during a broader escalation of violence in Intan Jaya. On the same day, Indonesian military personnel allegedly opened fire on a vehicle transporting Catholic clergy and parishioners returning from collecting construction materials for a church and bridge project in Titigi Village, injuring two civilians, Mr Daud Hagismijau and Mr Kiko Hagismijau. Both reportedly remained under the care of the Catholic Church after allegedly being prevented from receiving hospital treatment because security forces accused them of being members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). The military operations allegedly involved helicopters, drones, rockets and ground troops between 26 and 29 June, and resulted in attacks on civilian settlements, church facilities and widespread displacement in Agisiga and Sugapa districts.
The killing of Rev Elianus Agimbau triggered widespread condemnation from church leaders, HGOs and public figures Thousands of residents protested in Sugapa on 3 and 4 July 2026 (see photos and videos below, source: independent HRD), demanding an investigation into all civilian deaths in Intan Jaya, and calling for a review of the Indonesian military presence in Intan Jaya.
The chairman of the Papua Regional Office of Komnas HAM described the repeated attacks against civilians as human rights violations and called on President Prabowo Subianto to comprehensively review security governance and military operating procedures in West Papua. Indonesia’s Minister for Human Rights, Mr Natalius Pigai, publicly urged the Commander of the TNI and the Chief of Police to exercise stricter control over security personnel deployed in West Papua. Church leaders, including the Chairman of the GKII Central Papua Regional Synod demanded an independent, transparent investigation and renewed calls for a humanitarian approach and peaceful dialogue to resolve the conflict.

Human rights analysis

The above-described incident raises serious concerns regarding the arbitrary deprivation of life. Mr Agimbau was an unarmed civilian. Therefore, his killing constitute a violation of the right to life protected under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Even if military operations were ongoing in the area, international humanitarian law requires parties to distinguish at all times between civilians and persons directly participating in hostilities and prohibits attacks against civilians.
The reported mutilation of the victim’s body and the alleged failure to promptly recover the remains further warrant an independent forensic investigation consistent with the Minnesota Protocol on the Investigation of Potentially Unlawful Death (2016). Indonesian authorities are under an obligation to conduct a prompt, impartial and effective investigation, identify those responsible and ensure accountability and effective remedies for the victim’s family.

A rescue team discovered and recovered the body of Rev Elianus Agimbau on 30 June 2026



Detailed Case Data
Document ID: HRM-CAS-103-2026
Location: Mbamogo, Agisiga, Intan Jaya Regency, Central Papua, Indonesia (-3.6708932, 137.0680343) 
Region: Indonesia > Central Papua > Intan Jaya > Agisiga
Total number of victims: 1
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Elianus Agimbau
male20 Indigenous Peoples, Religious Groupright to life, unlawful killing
Period of incident: 29/06/2026 – 29/06/2026
Perpetrator: Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces
Issues: indigenous peoples, security force violence
Sources:
BBC Indonesia
BBC Indonesia
Suara Papua
Related Cases:


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2) Transmigration residents and Moi Aresi Clan challenge palmoil company over alleged unlawful land use in Sorong Regency

Two separate land disputes involving PT Inti Kebun Sejahtera (PT IKS) escalated in June 2026 as former transmigration residents in Klasof Village, Moisegen District, Sorong Regency, Southwest Papua Province, and members of the Moi indigenous Aresi clan sought legal remedies over alleged unlawful occupation and use of their land for oil palm plantations. The disputes concern allegations that the company has cultivated land without obtaining the free consent of landholders since 2007. Community representatives and legal advocates also accused the company of criminalising indigenous people defending their customary land rights.

Former transmigration residents seek compensation for 19 years of land use

On 24 June 2026, transmigration residents from Klasof Village, organised through the Klasof Village Nusantara Community Forum, participated in a mediation meeting facilitated by the Sorong Regency Government and LBH Papua Pos Sorong. The meeting addressed allegations that PT IKS had planted oil palm on privately owned land covered by Certificates of Freehold without the owners’ consent since 2007.
Representing the community, forum chairman Martinus Paru stated that residents had repeatedly protested the company’s activities over the years but had never received an adequate response. Company representatives acknowledged that an internal review had failed to identify any written agreements authorising the use of the residents’ land, although the company maintained that verbal consent had been provided when operations commenced. PT IKS further argued that its current management, which assumed responsibility after 2020, should only be liable for claims arising from that period onwards.
LBH Papua Pos Sorong rejected this position, arguing that changes in corporate ownership or management do not extinguish existing legal obligations. The legal aid organisation argued that using land without the owner’s consent may constitute an unlawful act giving rise to civil liability.
The mediation produced two provisional agreements. PT IKS agreed to coordinate with the National Land Agency (BPN) to conduct a new survey confirming the extent of residents’ land occupied by oil palm plantations. The company also agreed to consult its central management regarding compensation for land use between 2020 and 2025, based on a proposed rate of Rp250,000 per hectare per month. The community formally requested that the Sorong Regent ensure compensation is paid for the entire period from 2007 to 2026 and called for a clear written agreement governing any future use of residents’ land.

Moi Aresi clan alleges occupation of customary land without consent

In a separate but related dispute, LBH Papua Pos Sorong issued a public statement on 24 June 2026 supporting the Moi indigenous Aresi clan. Aresi Clan members alleged that PT IKS has carried out oil palm plantation activities within the clan’s customary land without obtaining their consent since the company’s arrival in 2007.
According to LBH, the Aresi clan never released or transferred its customary land to the company and had publicly rejected the plantation project through a customary oath when PT IKS first entered the area. The organisation further alleged that consultations and boundary demarcation processes failed to involve all members of the clan. The community only became aware of official maps covering their customary territory following a boundary survey conducted in February 2024.
LBH stated that community members had erected traditional barriers on four occasions to oppose plantation activities but alleged that PT IKS employees had removed these barriers and continued forest clearing without the community’s permission. The organisation also questioned whether PT IKS possessed the necessary legal authorisations, stating that during mediation at Sorong Police Station on 22 June 2026, company representatives reportedly acknowledged that the Business Use Right (Hak Guna Usaha – HGU) for the disputed plantation area was still being processed.
The land dispute has also resulted in criminal proceedings against members of the Aresi clan. According to LBH Papua Pos Sorong, PT IKS filed a police complaint on 11 June 2026, registered under STLB/69/VI/2026/SPKT-I/Sorong Police Station/Southwest Papua, alleging criminal fraud by several members of the indigenous community.
LBH characterised the complaint as an attempt to criminalise indigenous people defending their customary land rights and called on the Sorong District Police and Southwest Papua Regional Police to close the investigation against Aresi clan members. LBH also urged authorities to investigate allegations that forest clearing, occupation of customary land and oil palm cultivation had proceeded without the required permits, while calling on the Sorong Regent to establish a dispute resolution team under Sorong Regency Regional Regulation No. 10 of 2017 on the Recognition and Protection of the Moi Customary Law Community.
At the time of reporting, no official response had been issued by either PT IKS or the police addressing LBH’s demands.

Human rights analysis

Both disputes raise concerns regarding the protection of property rights and the rights of indigenous peoples to own, control and use their traditional lands. Allegations that land has been occupied and cultivated without the free consent of landholders for nearly two decades, together with claims that indigenous communities opposing plantation development have been subjected to criminal proceedings, warrant independent investigation. The reported absence of documented agreements, questions concerning land tenure and plantation permits, and allegations of inadequate consultation further highlight the importance of ensuring that commercial activities affecting indigenous territories comply with domestic law and Indonesia’s international human rights obligations.
Detailed Case Data
Document ID: HRM-CAS-102-2026
Location: Klasof, Moisegen District, Sorong Regency Klasof Village, Moisegen District, Sorong Regency
Region: Indonesia > Southwest Papua > Sorong > Moisegen
Total number of victims: hundreds
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.hundreds 
mixedunknown Indigenous Peoples, Peasantcriminalisation
Period of incident: 24/06/2026 – 23/07/2026
Perpetrator: Private Company
Perpetrator details: PT Inti Kebun Sejahtera
Issues: business, human rights and FPIC, indigenous peoples
Related Cases:

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3) Civil Society Groups Oppose Plan to Turn Wanam, Merauke Into Defense Industrial Zone

News Desk July 14, 2026 4:06 pm 


Jayapura, Jubi – Indonesian Army Deputy Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Muhammad Saleh Mustafa, accompanied by senior military officers and representatives of state-owned defense manufacturer PT Pindad, attended a groundbreaking ceremony on Sunday (July 5, 2026) for the construction of the Yonif TP 861/Maleo Kamur Territorial Development Infantry Battalion headquarters and the Merah Putih Propellant Plant in Merauke, South Papua.

According to media reports and information shared on social media, PT Pindad said the Phase III Merah Putih Propellant Plant and an ammunition manufacturing facility will be built on a 226-hectare site at Kilometer 58 in Wanam, Ilwayab District, Merauke Regency.

The facilities are expected to produce 1,250 metric tons of propellant and 170 million rounds of ammunition annually, supporting Indonesia’s goal of achieving self-sufficiency in the production of ammunition for small-caliber weapons within the next two to three years.


Plans to allocate land in Wanam for a propellant manufacturing facility were first disclosed by Coordinating Minister for Food Affairs Zulkifli Hasan in September last year, four days after the issuance of Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs Regulation No. 16 of 2025, which amended the list of National Strategic Projects (PSN).

At the time, Zulkifli said the planned release of 481,000 hectares of forest land would support not only food production but also the construction of a propellant factory.

Since then, however, no detailed planning documents for the project have been made publicly available. Field observations also indicate that many local residents were unaware of the proposed development.

The government is developing Wanam, Merauke, and surrounding areas under the National Strategic Project framework as part of the National Food, Energy, and Water Self-Sufficiency Zone (KSPEAN) in South Papua.

The initiative includes the development of large-scale modern rice fields, sugarcane and oil palm plantations, biodiesel and bioethanol industries, and the expansion of Indonesia’s defense industry, including the construction of the planned propellant plant.

In 2025, the government approved the release of 486,939 hectares of forest land to support KSPEAN projects across South Papua.

“The entire National Strategic Project and KSPEAN area in South Papua lies within the customary territories of Indigenous Papuans and consists of ancestral land belonging to local Indigenous communities,” said Frangky Samperante, executive director of the Pusaka Bentala Rakyat Foundation.

“The planned development will have significant social, economic, cultural, spiritual, and environmental impacts, particularly on the safety and well-being of Indigenous communities and other vulnerable groups living in and around the project area,” he said.


Samperante said previous experiences with extractive industries and military infrastructure projects in Papua have repeatedly caused social, economic, and political disruption within Indigenous communities.

He said such developments have often been accompanied by arbitrary and excessive use of force, violence, suppression of dissent, arbitrary arrests and detention, displacement of residents, and loss of life, with the scale of both the conflict and its human impact continuing to grow.

“Militarization has also been linked to economic crimes and environmental destruction through security-related business activities and involvement in the exploitation of natural resources. It has also enabled the expansion of extractive industries and environmentally destructive projects, displacing Indigenous communities from their ancestral lands and traditional livelihoods while undermining their rights to land and natural resources,” said Teddy Wakum, director of the Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua) Merauke Office.

Teddy said government policies and development projects centered on large-scale food and energy industries, along with the ongoing militarization of the region, should be brought to an end if they continue to fuel injustice, exploit natural resources, deepen social divisions, and undermine the lives and livelihoods of Indigenous communities.

“These policies run counter to the principles of sustainable development and democracy. They also violate Indonesia’s Constitution, national laws, and international human rights and environmental standards,” Teddy said.

Violation of Indigenous rights

Frangky and Teddy argued that the government’s KSPEAN development program, together with plans to expand the defense industry by building a propellant plant and military headquarters on customary land, infringes on the rights of Indigenous communities.

They said the projects conflict with Articles 18B(2) and 28I(3) of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution, which recognize and protect the rights of Indigenous peoples. They also cited Articles 2, 4, and 9 of Law No. 39/1999 on Human Rights, which guarantee fundamental rights, including the rights to life and liberty.

They further argued that environmental degradation and the exploitation of natural resources violate the public’s constitutional right to a healthy environment, as protected under Article 28H(1) of the Constitution and Law No. 32/2009 on Environmental Protection and Management.

According to them, the government’s failure to ensure meaningful participation by Indigenous communities in decisions affecting development projects also contradicts the participatory principles set out in Law No. 2/2012 on Land Acquisition for Public Interest.

“International human rights instruments—including Article 30 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and ILO Convention No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples—make clear that military facilities, including defense industries, propellant factories, military bases, and other military infrastructure, should not be established on Indigenous lands,” Frangky said.

He added that such projects should only proceed when justified by an overriding public interest and only after the government has conducted genuine consultations with affected Indigenous communities through customary decision-making processes and obtained their Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) before using customary land for military purposes.

The two activists also argued that the proposed propellant plant in Merauke conflicts with the humanitarian principle of maintaining a safe distance between military objectives and civilian populations, a concept recognized under international humanitarian law.

Under international humanitarian law, they noted, weapons and ammunition production facilities may be classified as military objectives, making them lawful targets during armed conflict.


Map identifying the proposed National Food, Energy, and Water Self-Sufficiency Zone (KSPEAN) in South Papua – Coordinating Ministry for Food Affairs

“For that reason, such facilities should be located at a safe distance from residential areas to reduce the risk of civilian casualties and damage to civilian property should they ever become military targets,” Teddy said.

He added that even outside situations of armed conflict, civilians remain vulnerable to accidents, negligence, or failures in ammunition management. He pointed to the deadly explosion during the disposal of obsolete ammunition in Garut as an example of the risks such facilities can pose to nearby communities.

Teddy said the construction of strategic defense facilities should therefore be based on comprehensive risk assessments, careful site selection that meets safety standards and humanitarian distance principles, and measures that ensure the highest level of protection for civilians.

“We, the coalition of civil society organizations, human rights and environmental defenders, and Indigenous leaders affected by the KSPEAN National Strategic Project, united under the Merauke Solidarity coalition, strongly urge the President to review the KSPEAN development program and immediately halt plans to establish a defense industrial zone and propellant plant in South Papua Province,” Frangky said.

He said the coalition believes the project carries a significant risk of triggering serious human rights violations, environmental degradation, and escalating conflict. For that reason, it is calling on the government to implement the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) by requiring both state-owned and private project developers to identify, prevent, mitigate, and monitor potential human rights risks at the earliest stages of project planning and implementation.

“The state should no longer grant permits or provide public support to companies whose business activities risk causing serious human rights violations, particularly if they refuse to cooperate in addressing those risks,” Frangky said.

Teddy also called on PT Pindad, as well as companies involved in energy, food, and infrastructure projects under the KSPEAN initiative in South Papua, to comply with international human rights standards.

“We urge PT Pindad and all companies investing in and developing defense, energy, food, and supporting infrastructure projects under the KSPEAN program in South Papua to conduct comprehensive human rights due diligence and obtain the Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) of Indigenous communities before proceeding with any investment or project development,” Teddy said. (*)


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Monday, July 13, 2026

1) Two Papuan students sustain head injuries as counter-protesters restrict peaceful student demonstration in Makassar, others suffer minor wounds

 



2) Journalism Training Encourages Critical Thinking and Media Literacy Among Cendrawasih University Students


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1) Two Papuan students sustain head injuries as counter-protesters restrict peaceful student demonstration in Makassar, others suffer minor wounds

On 29 June 2026, two Papuan students were reportedly injured during a peaceful demonstration organised by the Forum for Student Solidarity in Support of the Papuan People (FSMP-PRP) in Makassar, South Sulawesi Province, after they were allegedly attacked by members of a right-wing nationalist group named Indonesian Muslim Brigade (BMI). The demonstration was held in response to the screening of the documentary Pesta Babi and was intended as a peaceful exercise of the constitutional right to freedom of expression. Protesters further alleged that Indonesian police failed to prevent attacks by counter-protesters and subsequently deployed a disproportionate security presence that intimidated participants and restricted the exercise of their rights.
According to FSMP-PRP representatives, approximately 30 Papuan students departed from Kamasan at around 1:00 pm and proceeded towards the protest site. En route, the group was reportedly confronted by BMI members, who allegedly obstructed the march, tore the protest’s main banner, verbally intimidated participants and threw stones at the protesters. During the incident, Mr Frans Awom, 21, reportedly sustained a head injury after being struck with a brick, while Mr Yustinus Magai, 24, suffered injuries to his head and right leg after reportedly being hit with stones. Several other participants reportedly sustained minor injuries. Following the incident, police negotiated with the protesters and asked them to wait while coordination was undertaken.
At approximately 2:50 pm, police reportedly deployed more than 100 personnel, including two Sabhara vehicles, a water cannon, a public address vehicle and intelligence officers, to contain the gathering despite the presence of only around 30 demonstrators. Protest organisers alleged that police failed to prevent the attack. The students held orations until approximately 4:10 pm. At around 4:30 pm, BMI members allegedly began throwing stones at the protesters, striking the field coordinator in the head. Despite the renewed violence, the demonstrators remained seated and completed the reading of their statement at approximately 5:30 WITA before peacefully dispersing.

Human rights analysis

The reported events raise concerns regarding Indonesia’s compliance with its obligations to protect the rights to freedom of expression, and  peaceful assembly as s guaranteed under Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a State Party. While the violence was allegedly committed primarily by members of a non-state group, the authorities have a positive obligation to take reasonable measures to facilitate peaceful assemblies, protect participants from foreseeable attacks by third parties and ensure that policing measures remain necessary and proportionate. The alleged failure to prevent repeated attacks by counter-protesters, combined with the deployment of a large police force that reportedly intimidated peaceful demonstrators, warrants an independent investigation into the conduct of both the attackers and the security forces.

Multiple protestors sustained injuries as a result of violent attacks by members if the Indonesian Muslim Brigade on 29 June 2026



Detailed Case Data
Document ID: HRM-CAS-101-2026
Location: Makassar City Kamasan area in Makassar, Soth Sulawesi
Region: Indonesia > South Sulawesi > Makassar
Total number of victims: few
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Frans Awom
male21 Indigenous Peoples, Studentfreedom of assembly, freedom of expression, ill-treatment
2.Yustinus Magai
male24 Indigenous Peoples, Studentfreedom of assembly, freedom of expression, ill-treatment
3.few 
mixedunknown Indigenous Peoples, Studentfreedom of assembly, freedom of expression, ill-treatment
Period of incident: 29/06/2026 – 29/06/2026
Perpetrator: Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Police
Issues: indigenous peoples

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2) Journalism Training Encourages Critical Thinking and Media Literacy Among Cendrawasih University Students
News Desk July 13, 2026 5:09 pm 

Jayapura, Jubi – A journalism training workshop at Cenderawasih University (Uncen) was held to help students develop critical thinking, creativity, and media literacy, according to Apner Krei, Vice Dean III of the university’s Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIP).

Krei made the remarks during a one-day journalism workshop for Uncen students held on Saturday (July 11, 2026).

The training took place in the Office Administration Management study program classroom at Uncen’s Abepura campus in Jayapura and brought together students from all nine faculties of the university.


“The theme of this workshop is to develop students who are critical, creative, and media literate,” Krei said in his opening remarks.

He said the program was designed to strengthen students’ understanding of media literacy while encouraging them to use media responsibly.

During the workshop, FISIP lecturer Dr. Gabriel Maniagasi introduced participants to the fundamentals of news writing, including the inverted pyramid structure and the six essential elements of reporting—who, what, when, where, why, and how.

Drawing on his experience as a journalist, Maniagasi also discussed how to gather information in the field, verify facts, and maintain accuracy in news reporting.

“When writing a news story, you must present facts, not your personal opinions,” said Maniagasi, a former reporter for Jubi and Suara Pembaruan.

His sessions also covered the basics of journalism, the journalistic code of ethics, and the structure of a news article.

Senior Jubi editor Dominggus A. Mampioper, who also served as a trainer, delivered sessions on interviewing techniques, field reporting, and news writing. Participants also engaged in discussions about the growing role of artificial intelligence (AI) in journalism.

One participant, Pigay, an International Relations student at FISIP, said AI should be viewed as a tool to assist users rather than replace their judgment.

“For me, AI is useful for helping complete assignments more efficiently, but the final decisions remain in the hands of the user,” Pigay said.

Many participants shared similar views, saying AI can be a valuable aid in academic writing when used responsibly.

Responding to the discussion, Maniagasi said advances in AI technology can also support journalists in the news production process, provided it is used ethically and responsibly. (*)


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1) When the army changes costume



2) Claims Indonesian humanitarian service supported military operations in West Papua

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Inside Indonesia


1) When the army changes costume 
YUDI BACHRIOKTORA   Published: 13 July 2026

Three decades after Suharto fell, the army is back

On the night of 8 May 2026, a screening of the documentary film Pesta Babi: Kolonialisme di Zaman Kita (Pig Feast: Colonialism in Our Time) directed by Dandhy Dwi Laksono and Cypri Paju Daleat the Pendopo Benteng Oranje Ternate in North Maluku was disrupted. The event was organised by the Society of Indonesian Environmental Journalists (SIEJ) and Aliansi Jurnalis Indonesia (AJI) Kota Ternate. Disruptions of public events including seminars and film screenings are not unusual in Indonesia.

What was different this time, was that instead of being initiated by religious groups or community organisations, the disruption in Ternate was led by the local District Military Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Jani Setiadi. This was not the first nor would it be the last disruption of a screening of the now banned documentary.

At the time of writing, since its Indonesian premiere in April 2026, at least 50 incidents involving intimidation during or before screenings have been reported. The 95-minute film documents the experiences of the Marind, Yei, Awyu and Muyu people in southern Papua since the late 2024 when the central government launched a massive agricultural project on their land.

Why was this documentary banned? Why is the military interested in regulating film screenings? The answer lies far beyond the scope of the cinema, specifically in a village called Wanam.

Red cross at Wanam

On 15 December 2025, the elders of the Malind Maklew clan planted a red cross on their customary land in Wanam Village, Ilwayab District, Merauke Regency. This red cross symbolises rejection of the national project and is one of 1800 installed in the South Papua region over the past few years.

The Merauke National Strategic Project (Proyek Strategis Nasional, PSN) aims to clear 2.29 million hectares of forest and wetlands for bioethanol sugarcane plantations and national rice reserves in 19 of the 22 districts of Merauke Regency. It is led by a consortium headed by Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad (Haji Isam) from Jhonlin Group, working with Global Papua Abadi and PT Agrinas, a state-owned company created by President Prabowo Subianto in March 2025. Haji Isam, cousin to the Minister of Agriculture, Amran Sulaiman, made headlines in 2024 by ordering 2000 excavators from China in a single transaction, marking the largest such order globally.

On 2 October 2024, the Commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) inaugurated a new battalion in Papua, the Infantry Battalion Supporting Vulnerable Areas(Batalyon Infanteri Penyangga Daerah Rawan, Yonif PDR). This unit was given an unusual mandate: support food security programs. When questioned about its origin, the Army Chief of Staff, Maruli Simanjuntak, firmly stated, ‘this is the idea of the Minister of Defence, and it's extraordinary’. The Minister of Defence in question was Prabowo Subianto, who had just been elected president.

Two thousand soldiers were deployed to Merauke alongside the heavy machinery. By 10 November 2024, 11 military posts were established along the project corridor. A letter from the National Commission on Human Rights (KOMNAS HAM) counted 300 units of heavy equipment in one district, each directly guarded by military personnel. KOMNAS HAM also requested clarification from the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/National Land Agency (ATR/BPN), the Ministry of Forestry, the Government of South Papua Province, the Government of Merauke Regency, and the TNI Commander regarding this matter.

The new face of dwifungsi

The disruption of the Pesta Babi screening and the deployment of the battalion to Papua reveal deeper systemic mechanisms at play. Rather than isolated institutional missteps, these actions reflect a system functioning precisely as designed: an architecture that is fundamentally sanctioned by law.

Between 2021 and 2025, the government built a legal framework for what is now happening. Government Regulation No. 23/2021 on Forest Areas made it easier to release forest areas for PSNs. The revised Job Creation Law of 2023 also introduced an ‘accelerated and simplified’ framework that narrows consultation opportunities. The 2025 National Development Plan reaffirms Merauke and Rempang as PSNs, and Presidential Decree No. 15/2024 designates Wanam as a food production center. During this period, the TNI Commander also established five new Daerah Rawan battalions, all of them stationed in Papua.

A critical milestone was reached on 20 March 2025, when the House of Representatives (DPR) ratified a revision of the Military Law, Law No. 3/2025. This legislation expands non-war military operations and increases the number of civilian ministries where active-duty officers can be staffed, from ten to 14. The most consequential shift lies in a crucial procedural distinction: article 7, paragraph 4, eliminates the requirement that troop deployment for non-war operations be mandated by a ‘state political decision’. By institutionalising what was previously deemed a constitutional deviation, the new law normalises military intervention in civic space. Consequently, one of the foundational pillars of reformasi, namely dismantling the military’s dual functionality (dwifungsi), has effectively been brought to an end.

To understand this evolving dwifungsi, we can look to Paul Chambers and Napisa Waitoolkiat’s framework of ‘khaki capital’which explains how the military leverages state budget, resources and lucrative positions for economic gain, backed by violence if necessary. The practice itself is not new. Harold Crouch showed that military business and administration has been intertwined since the founding of Indonesia’s military institutions. What is new is its combination with ongoing electoral democracy. Marcus Mietzner has noted these continuous challenges since the reform era, including military control over territorial command structures and extensive informal business interests.

In 1998, the symbols of the New Order were exposed: military factions in parliament, automatic appointment of active soldiers to civil positions and formal immunity. However, the military’s core framework remained untouched: the territorial command structure still spans from Military Regional Command (Komando Daerah Militer) to Military Resort Command (Komando Resor Militer), Military District Command (Komando Distrik Militer), Military Subdistrict Command (Komando Rayon Militer), and Village Supervisory Non-Commissioned Officer (Bintara Pembina Desa) at the village level. As long as this structure exists, and soldiers at each level have access to local resources through unit foundations, project security and the placement of retired officers, the TNI will never be entirely dependent on the state budget. This ‘fiscal autonomy’ remains a root cause of why the state cannot fully control the TNI.

When food becomes a matter of security

The evolving dwifungsi of TNI warrants close examination. Under the New Order, deploying soldiers into communities was justified through a national security lens aimed at crushing ‘the enemy of the state’: communism, separatism and instability. After 1998, these lost their ideological potency. Communism lacks a living opponent. Separatism can only be proclaimed in Papua, with diplomatic costs.

Since 2020, a new discursive shift emerged: the language of food security. This framework has a flexible rhetorical structure. It allows the government and military to legitimise large-scale projects without needing a specific enemy. It only needs generic threats: disruptions to the global supply chain, climate volatility, and the need for independence. None of these are easily disputed. Once an initiative is securitised under the banner of food security, three mechanisms occur simultaneously: criticism is delegitimised as unpatriotic; military involvement is normalised as national service and local community resistance is framed as an obstacle to the public interest.

A systemic pattern

The recurring pattern of military and state intervention under the banner of national projects is not confined to Papua. Similar structures of motivation and action are seen in several cases in other regions across Indonesia.

In September 2023, on Rempang Island, Riau Islands, a thousand combined police and military personnel fired tear gas at 16 villages, populated by Malay people, Orang Darat dan Orang Laut inhabitants. The land will be cleared for a glass factory and industrial area supported by the Chinese company Xinyi. The project was reinstated as a PSN in 2025.

In Central Kalimantan’s peatlands, on the land where the Million-Hectare Peatland Project failed during the Suharto era in the 1990s, the government launched a new food estate in 2020, under Prabowo Subianto’s leadership as the Minister of Defense. Five years later, Pantau Gambut found that only one per cent of the new planting area was suitable for food crops.

Since 2018, in West Java, the TNI has run an environmental program along the upper Citarum River. A study by the Agrarian Resource Centre Bandung shows that the soldiers are concentrated in the long-disputed upstream area; farmers are prohibited from planting vegetables based on conservation efforts; large plantations are allowed to continue, and the military is pressuring residents to plant coffee while also controlling the marketing. This economic takeover, disguised as ecological initiatives, affects the substance of local livelihoods.

The Agrarian Resources Center also highlights a parallel case in Urutsewu, Kebumen. In 1998, based on unverified colonial-era maps, the TNI began mapping the coastal land in Urutsewu, covering around 1.150 ha. Based on this map, the Army formally registered it as a state asset under its control in 2010. In 2008, prior to any legal authorisation, the military signed an agreement with an iron sand mining company to operate on the disputed land. The commissioner was a retired major-general, and the director was Gautama Hartarto, the child of Hartarto, a former Suharto cabinet minister and the brother of Airlangga Hartarto, the current Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs. In Urutsewu, the soldiers do not merely protect external capital; they are autonomous actors in capital accumulation, claiming the land, transacting and holding assets. Although the mining partnership ended in 2011, the military retained control, securing land use certificates from the National Land Agency (Badan Pertanahan Nasional, BPN) in 2020 and 2021.

What happened in Merauke is not unprecedented. Rather, it is a much larger version of an established pattern. The justification for military involvement has shifted from national defence to food security. The underlying structure of collaboration between the military and business interests remains the same.

An old ghost in a new uniform

The 1998 reformasi (reformation) succeeded in overthrowing the Suharto regime, but it failed to dismantle the structural architecture that supported it. Between 2014 and 2024, that architecture was rebuilt under a different guise. What was once dwifungsi has been rebranded as military support for food security. What was once territorial development has materialised as the Infantry Battalion Supporting Vulnerable Areas (Yonif PDR). What used to be the looming threat of communism or separatism, has shifted to the spectre of a food crisis.

On the day the new TNI Law was enacted on 20 March 2025, the Minister of Defence Sjafrie Samsoeddin declared dwifungsi a thing of the past and that ‘its ghost no longer remains’. His statement reads like a premature epitaph for an era that, in fact, is well and truly alive.

In Wanam, the red cross still stands. Behind it, the bulldozer keeps working, shielded by 11 military posts guarding the project corridor. The questions the people of Wanam ask, ‘Why send soldiers? What did we do wrong?’ was also asked long before the bulldozers arrived in Merauke. It was asked in Rempang. It was asked upstream of the Citarum. It was asked on the Urutsewu coast. No government has answered honestly.

The coordinated disruption of Pesta Babi screenings across multiple venues, represents the answer to that question: preemptive censorship. What is silenced is not merely the film. What is also being shuttered is a rare window through which citizens outside Wanam can witness how this architecture operates.

But the red crosses remain standing. And despite relentless state interference, the documentary continues to be watched by thousands of viewers both offline and online, including many Indonesians who continue to resist.

Yudi Bachrioktora (yudibachri@gmail.comteaches in the Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, at the University of Indonesia, and is a researcher at the Agrarian Resource Center (ARC)-Bandung.

Inside Indonesia 164: Apr-Jun 2026


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2) Claims Indonesian humanitarian service supported military operations in West Papua

Andrew Mathieson Published July 13, 2026 at 8.00am (AWST)

A humanitarian air service has been accused of transporting Indonesian military personnel and ammunition for an armed operation in the West Papua territory.

Evidence has been presented suggesting Associated Medical Aviation, an Indonesian privately-run organisation acting on behalf of the Catholic Church, has violated its non-political, humanitarian charter to provide aviation transport for essential goods to remote communities inaccessible by road.

The allegations have been made by the West Papua National Liberation Army, who have also issued a formal warning of repercussions for the alleged actions of the Indonesians.

Associated Medical Aviation has denied the allegations, however its spokesperson has admitted to primarily financing its air service through Indonesian government subsidies.

An operations spokesperson said the organisation "regretted the allegation" while adding it has never received a formal warning from the armed group which is fighting for Papuan independence and a proposed separatist state.

The denials also come after the shock death of Nicholas Gosselin, a 29-year-old American pilot who flew for the aviation operators.

He was shot and killed on July 2 after landing an aircraft on a remote airstrip among Indonesia's Papua highlands.

Communication with the aircraft, which had also been carrying seven passengers, was lost shortly after landing, the operators confirmed.


The West Papua National Liberation Army claimed responsibility for the incident, adding its fighters shot the pilot and later burned the plane.

The passengers reportedly survived, according to Indonesian authorities.

An Associated Medical Aviation spokesperson said the aircraft is only used to deliver food supplies, transport critically-ill patients from isolated villages to urban hospitals in West Papua, and to provide other essential humanitarian services.

The spokesperson issued the remarks from the Bhayangkara Hospital in Jayapura — the largest city in West Papua — on Friday while awaiting the completion of the forensic, post-mortem examination of Mr Gosselin's body.

The organisation confirmed the deceased body was first given a farewell mass before the examination.

However, access to the examination room in the hospital was said to be restricted, according to reports.

Mr Gosselin's body was flown to Jakarta where the US Embassy in the Indonesian capital were overseeing arrangements for the body's repatriation.

West Papua National Liberation Army activist, Sebby Sambom, said the fighters from the army's Yahukimo Regional Command's Bakusip Company were responsible for the shooting and for later setting the aircraft on fire.

The attack took place in Balinggama, a village located in the Yahukimo Regency of the Papua Highlands province.

"We burned the aircraft because the pilot had violated the West Papua National Liberation Army ultimatum," Sambom said in an online statement.

Mr Sambom confirmed the aircraft was targeted as it had allegedly been utilised to transport armed personnel and had ignored an earlier West Papua National Liberation Army's warning.

The resistance group believes the civilian aircraft has routinely been used to transport Indonesian troops and military logistics into West Papua's interior to support its armed operations, which it alleged has resulted in a number of civilian casualties among West Papua's Indigenous population.

"We have issued an ultimatum banning all civilian aircraft from entering the operational area of West Papua National Liberation Army Kodap XVI Yahukimo," Mr Sambom added.

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