Wednesday, January 28, 2026

Intensified land grabbing and militarisation in Biak, Supiori, and Waropen



Human Rights Monitor



                              

Intensified land grabbing and militarisation in Biak, Supiori, and Waropen

The indigenous Byak community of Papua Province is facing an unprecedented crisis. State agencies, particularly the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), have launched a systematic land-grabbing campaign across the regencies of Biak Numfor, Supiori, and Waropen. Since late November 2025, approximately 1,700 military personnel have been deployed to these island regions under the guise of “territorial development”. Their presence has resulted in the forcible seizure of customary lands, the formation of counterfeit customary institutions, and the escalation of horizontal conflicts among indigenous communities.
Human rights defenders have documented the recent developments surrounding various land-grabbing incidents, drawing on testimonies from traditional leaders, human rights defenders, and affected communities. The situation represents serious violations of indigenous peoples’ right to determine over their customary lands and territories, as well as breaches of the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), enshrined in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Local human rights defenders warned that the formation of three new TNI battalions has the potential to create human rights violations.
The current developments must be understood within the historical context of military operations in Biak. The region was designated a Military Operations Area (DOM) from 1965 to 1992, during which civilians were routinely suspected and stigmatised as separatists. The 1998 Biak Bloodshed, in which security forces attacked peaceful demonstrators, resulted in at least 8 deaths, 3 disappearances, 37 persons wounded, and 150 arbitrary detentions. Additionally, 32 mysterious bodies were found floating in Biak waters days later.

Biak Numfor Regency

The Impewer Land Dispute and Infantry Battalion TP 858

In the Impewer area of East Biak District, a major land dispute has erupted over plans to construct the headquarters for Infantry Battalion TP 858/MSB (see photo on top, source: independent HRD). On 6 January 2026, violence broke out when representatives from the Rumawak clan and other customary landowners attempted to conduct a traditional sasi (customary blockade) at the disputed location. TNI officers were already present at the site alongside individuals allegedly mobilised by the military, armed with traditional weapons including arrows, machetes, and samurai swords (see video below, source: independent HRD).
During the confrontation, members of the Fairiyo clan, the rightful owners of the customary land, were subjected to physical violence. Mr Bapa Fairiyo suffered a punch to the temple, resulting in facial bruising. Indigenous community members allege that the perpetrators,  members of the Rejauw and Makmaker clans, have been manipulated by the TNI to legitimise the land seizure.
Ten clans from the Impewer area have formally declared their rejection of the military post construction. According to the clan chief, the individual who released the land to the TNI, Bernard Rejauw, is not the legal owner but merely a descendant of cultivators who received a land use permit in 1992, not a transfer of ownership rights.
The Impewer area holds significant ecological and cultural value. It contains archaeological sites and ancient ancestral graves, serves as habitat for animals, and functions as a rainwater catchment area with springs connected to underground rivers that supply drinking water to the broader Biak community. The Kankain Karkara Byak customary council has declared this land “the source of livelihood for our children and grandchildren in the future”.

Escalation of the land dispute over plans to construct the headquarters for Infantry Battalion TP 858/MSB, 6 January 2025


National spaceport project in Saukobye Village

The Warbon Indigenous Community of Saukobye Village in North Biak faces a separate but related threat from the planned construction of a national spaceport by the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN). This project has its origins in 1980, when LAPAN (BRIN’s predecessor) conducted a survey and reportedly acquired 100 hectares of land near the coast through a process marked by intimidation and coercion.
Community members recall that during the 1980 negotiations, military personnel threatened residents rejecting the project, accusing them of being OPM (Free Papua Movement) members. The community only discovered in 2002 that land release certificates had been issued. They represent the view that the land documents were fraudulently created using their signatures from attendance lists. The Warbon Indigenous Community does not recognise this release as legitimate.
In late 2025 and early 2026, BRIN officials visited the area seeking to expand their claim from 100 hectares to 500 hectares by adding 200 hectares of sea and 200 hectares of land. According to Manfun Apolos Sroyer, Chairman of the Byak Tribal Council, BRIN continues to assert that the original 100 hectares were legally acquired despite the community’s protests. Mr Sroyer himself was subjected to a series of intimidation and surveillance incidents between November and December 2025. The acts are allegedly linked to his peaceful leadership of indigenous opposition to the planned construction of new military (TNI) headquarters.  The 100-hectare area claimed by BRIN is classified as a protected forest under the Biak Numfor Forest Area Map. BRIN has announced plans to accelerate spaceport construction, with land clearing scheduled to begin in 2026. 

Drone video of the disputed area in North Biak, designated for the Indonesian National Spaceport

Formation of counterfeit customary institution

Human rights defenders have documented a disturbing pattern. State institutions facilitate the formation of counterfeit customary institutions to legitimise the transfer of customary land. These artificial structures bypass the legitimate Kankain Karkara Byak (KKB) customary council and its nine regional sub-councils. The practice has triggered serious conflicts and has the potential to create horizontal conflict between indigenous communities.
The Biak Indigenous Community Institution (LMA), which supports military deployment, claims the land releases are legal. In contrast, the KKB insists that these releases were conducted without proper customary deliberation, describing the process.

Supiori Regency

Military occupation of civilian facilities

In Supiori Regency, Infantry Battalions TP 859 and TP 860 have reportedly been deployed since late November 2025. Approximately 650 TNI personnel are currently stationed in Waktre Village, East Supiori District, where they have occupied the Supiori Regency Education Office building and residents’ homes.
Following the occupation of civilian buildings, the TNI has imposed severe restrictions on the local population. Taking photos or videos of the occupied facilities was prohibited, and residents were told not to be outside after 9 pm. These measures have created an atmosphere of fear and surveillance. Before the TNI presence, the Waktre Village was a peaceful and free community.

Ababiadi Village land dispute

On 4 December 2025, Kainkain Karkara Byak held an event in Ababiadi Village to share about sustainable natural resource management. During this meeting, three clans declared their firm stance not to relinquish their customary land for the construction of a military battalion headquarters, citing the limited area of customary land and its importance as their main source of livelihood.
On 9 December 2025, indigenous people of Ababiadi Village staged a demonstration against the village’s traditional leader, who had unilaterally decided to sell part of the customary land to the Indonesian military without the approval of the customary council. The KKB announced it would summon the traditional leader to be tried in accordance with customary law mechanisms.

Waropen Regency

The third new battalion, Infantry Battalion TP 860, has extended military presence to Waropen Regency. According to reports from local sources, approximately 300 security personnel have been deployed in the SP4 Botawa area, Oadate District. These personnel arrived by sea around 5 January 2026 and are using a company camp as their temporary residence.
The presence of such a large number of personnel has caused significant concern among the local community, particularly regarding impacts on civilian safety, socio-economic activities, and the potential use of non-military facilities for security purposes. Civil society organisations have noted that the formation of these battalions is likely intended to secure the Mega Spaceport Project in Biak and other strategic national projects.

YON TP 860/NSK Military Battalion sets up tents in Waropen Regency, 16 January 2026

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Tuesday, January 27, 2026

1) The Bogus Food Estate Project


2) The Abandoned Rice-Field Project in South Papua  

3) Prabowo's Plan for Palm Oil Self-Sufficiency


4) Vice President Gibran Reaffirms Papua Development Acceleration 

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1) The Bogus Food Estate Project  
Reporter Tempo January 
27, 2026 | 10:13 am

TEMPO.COJakarta - The government is expanding the food estate project in South Papua. Without governance, environmental destruction is inevitable.

GOVERNANCE is in short supply in Indonesia. In the administration of Prabowo Subianto, transparency and accountability—the fundamental principles of public management—have been eroded by increasingly apparent conflicts of interest. The food estate project in South Papua is one example of this.

Instead of halting the food estate project, which has repeatedly proved a failure, the government is using all possible means—from tinkering with the regulations to deploying troops—to ensure the success of one of Prabowo’s flagship projects. The government claims this national strategic project, located on 2.29 million hectares of land in Merauke Regency, South Papua, will result in rice self-sufficiency by 2027, and will meet the domestic demands for sugar and bioethanol the following year.

South Kalimantan tycoon Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad, alias Haji Isam, has been brought on board to clear the land. In July 2024, he brought 2,000 excavators worth Rp4 trillion from China to Wanam village, Merauke Regency, South Papua. At the time, it was not clear whether the financing scheme would use entirely private sector or state funds, given that the Prabowo government had yet to be officially formed.

But there is no such thing as a free lunch. Claiming that it was to accelerate food self-sufficiency, the National Public Procurement Agency (LKPP) subsequently issued Regulation No. 3/2025. It contains procurement guidelines and a budgeting mechanism for retroactive procurement or work in national food, energy, or water self-sufficiency areas.

Using this regulation, contracts for ongoing food estate programs can be drawn up later, with the project value calculated subsequently. This means that Isam can ask for payment from the government for work carried out in 2024 from the 2025 State Budget. This is different from the previous system: procurement began with the identification of needs based on studies. For the Rp7 trillion project in Wanam, the government has so far paid out Rp1 trillion for the construction of roads and facilities supporting the laying out of paddy fields.

Coordinating Minister for Food Affairs Zulkifli Hasan then expanded the Merauke megaproject to Boven Digoel, Mappi, and Asmat regencies. To realize Prabowo’s dream of accelerating the achievement of food, energy, and water self-sufficiency, Forestry Minister Raja Juli Antoni issued Decree No. 591/2025 redesignating 489,940 hectares of forest in South Papua as other use areas (APL). Most of the cultivation permits (HGU) have been issued. There are indications that Isam was awarded a HGU for an oil palm plantation close to the Muting District.

As well as laying out rice fields and sugar plantations, this project will also create a 426,000-hectare oil palm plantation in Boven Digoel—143,000 hectares from the redesignation of forests—to support the B50 biodiesel program. The remainder is land confiscated by the Forest Area Enforcement Task Force (Satgas PKH) established by Prabowo last year.

The expansion of the food estates went ahead without any proper planning—a precondition for programs to be sustainable and not harmful to the environment. The National Development Planning Ministry/National Development Planning Agency has yet to draw up a rice self-sufficiency national strategic roadmap. Meanwhile, the synchronization of the draft spatial plan for South Papua for 2025-2044 was rushed through in one month. With minimal involvement of indigenous communities, this spatial change could exacerbate agrarian conflicts.

Although it has been named as the rice field developer, Agrinas Pangan Nusantara is reluctant to begin work on the land because there is no legal umbrella for the assignment. Similarly, Agrinas Palma Nusantara was assigned as the operator for the oil palm plantations.

The food estate projects of the Prabowo era seem like a repeat of an old tune. Strategic environmental impact assessments, which should ideally be conducted to evaluate the environment’s carrying capacity and determine suitable commodities and land, are only drafted after the government has already designated the locations. As a result, pilot rice field projects cannot be planted with rice due to land incompatibility. This magazine’s investigation found that four plots of rice fields in Wanam, built by the government a year ago, now lie abandoned.

Without adequate criteria and feasibility studies, food estate projects easily raise suspicions that they are a means of distributing favors and repaying debts to a handful of businesspeople close to the Presidential Palace. By ignoring the principles of good governance, the food and energy self-sufficiency policy in South Papua has become a time bomb that could explode at any moment, causing social and environmental disaster.

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2) The Abandoned Rice-Field Project in South Papua  
Reporter Tempo
 January 27, 2026 | 04:22 pm

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Its official name is a pilot field, or demonstration plot (demplot). But the four rice fields the government built a year ago in Wanam village, Ilwayab District, Merauke Regency, South Papua, look more like a scrapyard. On Wednesday, December 3, 2025, dozens of empty shipping containers lined the entrance to the site. An excavator stood idle nearby, along with a forklift, a row of broken heavy trucks, and abandoned plowing machines.

On the embankment of the 4-hectare plot, a tattered banner hung from four wooden stakes. It once detailed the plan for the first 10,000 hectares of newly opened rice fields in Wanam. The design divided the paddies into 200-hectare square blocks stretching along both sides of a 135-kilometer road running from Wanam village to Muting District.

There was no sign of farming activity that day. Only the tire tracks of a combine harvester remained, traces of the inaugural harvest on May 16, 2025. Based on Tempo's observations, only two plots were harvested. In other sections, rice stalks stood yellow and unattended, each grain bearing 30 to 40 kernels. During the first harvest, the government claimed the pilot field yielded 2.5 to 2.8 tons per hectare of dried unhusked rice of the Inpara 2 variety.

The reality proved different. The fields in Domokalo hamlet, Wanam village, were estimated to have produced only about 1 ton per hectare. "The government tried planting rice, but it didn't work. They planted twice and failed twice," said Liborius Kodai Moyuwend Tayoga, 59, a clan leader of the Moyuwend clan in Wanam, on November 29, 2025.



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3) Prabowo's Plan for Palm Oil Self-Sufficiency

Reporter
January 26, 2026 | 05:12 pm

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - After seeing digital documents shown by Tempo, Albertus Tenggare and Ambrosius Tenggare immediately recalled the increasingly frequent roar they had heard in recent months from the skies above Boven Digoel Regency, South Papua. "No wonder helicopters keep flying overhead," Albertus said.

That Friday afternoon, November 28, 2025, Albertus and Ambrosius went to check on Wataron, their clan's customary forest, located on the western side of the Trans-Papua highway linking Boven Digoel and Merauke. The Tenggare clan, led by Albertus, has held a participatory map of its 3,000-hectare ancestral land for the past three years, which came out about the same time as the issuance of Boven Digoel Regional Regulation No. 2/2023 on the Recognition and Protection of Indigenous Communities' Rights. The Tenggare are part of the Wambon Kenemopte sub-tribe, commonly known as Mandobo.

The document shown to Tempo was a digital map referring to Forestry Minister Decree No. 591/2025. The decree signed by Minister Raja Juli Antoni reclassified 486,940 hectares of forest in the regencies of Merauke, Mappi, and Boven Digoel. According to a copy of the decree, the change was made "to support the acceleration of development in national food, energy, and water self-sufficiency zones." Forest areas overlapping with Wataron were among those redesignated as "other use zones" (APL).

Albertus' wooden house stands on the eastern edge of Wataron, beside the Trans-Papua Highway connecting Boven Digoel and Merauke. Ambrosius' hut sits directly across the road. There, they have cleared a plot roughly the size of two volleyball courts to plant chilies and fruit trees. "Just up to here, no further," Albertus said, pointing to the boundary between their fields and the forest.

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4) Vice President Gibran Reaffirms Papua Development Acceleration 
Author: Tegar Editor: Mosita
 27 Jan 2026 - 11:17

RRI.CO.ID, Jakarta - Vice President Gibran Rakabuming has reaffirmed the government’s commitment to accelerating development in Papua, with modern healthcare and quality education placed at the forefront of President Prabowo Subianto’s flagship social programs.

Speaking at the “New Direction of National Development” talk show on Monday, January 26, 2026, VP Gibran stressed that Papua must be a primary beneficiary of these initiatives. 

He underscored that the government is moving beyond basic aid to deliver high-tech solutions, citing the deployment of advanced medical equipment and the urgent need to overhaul school infrastructure to ensure parity with other regions.

“The hospital is modern, equipped with the latest equipment like CT scans and MRIs, and we’ve also brought in doctors. We will no longer see schools damaged or with dirt floors,” Gibran said at the Satya Wacana Christian University (UKSW) auditorium in Salatiga, Central Java.


The administration’s priority programs in Papua focus on human development and infrastructure modernization. Among them is the Free Nutritious Meals (MBG) program, designed to secure students’ nutrition and support their academic performance. 

The Free Health Check (CKG) program provides regular screenings using newly deployed diagnostic tools, while the People’s School (Sekolah Rakyat) initiative aims to eliminate dilapidated classrooms and create dignified learning environments.

Infrastructure development remains a critical pillar of the government’s agenda. VP Gibran confirmed that President Prabowo has ordered the expedited completion of the Trans-Papua Highway to reduce logistics costs and improve access to remote areas. 


He also emphasized the need to optimize Special Autonomy (Otsus) Funds to ensure financial resources translate into tangible, high-impact progress.

Responding to aspirations voiced by Darto Melius Sergio Daby, a student from Wamena, VP Gibran urged Papuan youth studying outside the region to return home after graduation and contribute to local development. “I ask my friends here, after graduating from UKSW, to return to Papua,” he said, stressing that local human resource involvement is essential for sustaining national projects.

Following his engagement in Central Java, the Vice President is scheduled to attend the Tingalan Jumenengan (Ascension Anniversary) of K.G.P.A.A. Mangkoenagoro X at Pura Mangkunegaran in Surakarta on Tuesday, marking the ruler’s fourth year of leadership. ​(Naura Sofia/Lasti Martina)


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1) Papuan Senator demands schools and hospitals instead of military bases

 

2) West Papua and Pity the Indigenous (Indonesia)

3) Irony abounds: Indonesia gets human rights protection job 
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Human Rights Monitor

1) Papuan Senator demands schools and hospitals instead of military bases

Southwest Papua Senator Paul Finsen Mayor interrupted a Regional Representatives Council (DPD) plenary meeting in Jakarta on 14 January 2026 to deliver a pointed message from the Papuan people (see photo on top). Senator Mayor spoke out against the Indonesian government’s plans to establish new territorial development battalions in West Papua, emphasising that basic services rather than military infrastructure should be the priority for the special autonomous region. “Papuans need schools and hospitals, not Army headquarters,” he told the assembly, reminding members that education and health were designated as primary concerns under Papua’s special autonomy framework.
The senator’s concerns come as new research reveals the staggering scale of Indonesia’s military presence in West Papua. According to an investigation by Project Multatuli, at least 83,177 organic military and police personnel are currently deployed across the region, comprising 56,517 TNI (military) personnel and 26,660 Polri (police) personnel. This figure does not include non-organic troops brought in under the Operational Control (BKO) mechanism on rotating assignments or intelligence personnel.
The research reveals a stark disparity regarding the heavy presence of military members. According to police data, there are 24 separatist groups in West Papua with 1,438 members possessing 361 firearms. This means the number of organic security forces in West Papua is 58 times greater than the number of armed separatists. With West Papua’s population at 5.8 million, there is one soldier for every 103 residents and one police officer for every 219 residents. This ratio by far exceeds national figures of one soldier per 696 residents and one police officer per 607 residents elsewhere in Indonesia.
The Indonesian Army maintains the largest presence with 38,790 soldiers across three Military Commands (Kodam), with plans to establish two additional Kodams in 2026. The government has also designated West Papua as one of three “centres of gravity” for Indonesia’s defence, alongside Jakarta and Aceh, signalling further military expansion ahead. This includes the relocation of Kopassus Group 6 with three battalions from Jakarta to Mimika, where PT Freeport Indonesia conducts its copper and gold mining operations.
Senator Mayor also conveyed the rejection by indigenous Papuan communities of government plans to establish palm oil plantations in the region. He requested that DPD Chairperson Sultan B Najamuddin forward these concerns directly to President Prabowo Subianto and the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources. Najamuddin confirmed that the council would accommodate the input and was seeking a meeting with the President.
The senator’s intervention follows a December meeting where regional leaders presented their own development priorities to the President. Pegunungan Bintang Regent Spei Yan Bidana submitted 24 strategic policy recommendations focused on sustainable development and the welfare of indigenous Papuans. Among his proposals, the regent called for peaceful and dignified dialogue with the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) to resolve the armed conflict that has persisted for 64 years. He also urged investment in integrated boarding schools in every regency, universities in each of West Papua’s customary regions, and 24-hour electricity through renewable energy sources.
The regent’s proposals emphasised protecting indigenous rights, revising the Papuan Special Autonomy law to better serve indigenous Papuans, and positioning West Papua as a global ecological buffer zone given its status as one of the world’s biodiversity centres.
In December 2025, President Prabowo announced his plans to develop palm oil, sugarcane, and cassava plantations across West Papua as part of national energy self-sufficiency goals. Soldiers from the newly established Territorial Development (TP) battalions are already clearing land for a planned 2.6 million-hectare food estate in Merauke, including one million hectares for sugarcane plantations and bioethanol factories, further diminishing customary lands and forests. Three more battalions have recently been established in the Papuan regencies of Biak, Waropen, and Supiori.
The Project Multatuli investigation draws parallels with Indonesia’s 23-year occupation of Timor-Leste, noting that despite overwhelming military superiority, Indonesia was never able to completely suppress resistance there. Researchers question the rationale behind such massive military expansion and whether it can achieve its stated objectives, concluding that the approach risks repeating historical failures at enormous human and financial cost.

New Project Multatuli Report: Perang yang Timpang: 83.000 Pasukan Organik TNI-Polri dalam Agenda Kekerasan Indonesia di Papua


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POSTED ON JANUARY 27, 2026 BY LEE JAY 

2) West Papua and Pity the Indigenous (Indonesia)


Kanako Mita, Noriko Watanabe, and Lee Jay Walker

Modern Tokyo Times

Spare more than a passing thought for the Indigenous Papuans, who for over six decades have endured systematic persecution in their own homeland under Indonesian rule. This is not merely neglect — it is an ongoing colonial project, sustained by foreign governments that continue to arm Jakarta and legitimised by the shameful silence of regional powers including Australia, China, Japan, and others who accept Indonesia’s authority without meaningful challenge.

President Benny Wenda of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) stated with devastating clarity: “We are murdered, tortured, and raped, and then our land is stolen for resource extraction and corporate profit when we flee.”

The Papuan people are overwhelmingly Christian and ethnically Melanesian — distinct from the Javanese elite that dominates Indonesia’s largely Muslim state. Yet for decades the international community has looked away while Papuans are massacred, their villages militarised, their culture marginalised, and their ancestral lands handed over to corporations. This is colonialism in plain sight.

Indonesia’s major trading partners — including the United States, China, Japan, India, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Vietnam, and the Philippines — remain largely silent in the face of this human rights catastrophe. Australia, meanwhile, prioritises military cooperation and geopolitical convenience over justice, frequently turning a blind eye to Papuan suffering even while voicing outrage over abuses in distant conflicts such as Ukraine. The hypocrisy is glaring.

As The Guardian reports, West Papua occupies the western half of New Guinea, home to the world’s third-largest rainforest and vast reserves of gold, copper, gas, minerals, and timber. It is precisely this extraordinary wealth that fuels Jakarta’s grip on the territory.

West Papuans themselves say more than 500,000 of their people have been killed during six decades of occupation, while millions of acres of sacred ancestral land have been destroyed for corporate profit.

Papuan civilisation — its culture, ethnicity, spirituality, and history — bears little resemblance to that of the Indonesian state that continues to impose control. Without urgent international intervention, Papuans face not only continued repression but the slow erasure of their identity as an Indigenous people.

The people of West Papua are not asking for charity. They are demanding their fundamental right to self-determination — freedom from military occupation, freedom from resource plunder, and freedom from a system that treats them as expendable obstacles to profit.

As Benny Wenda puts it plainly: “Indonesia doesn’t want the West Papuan people — they only want our resources.”

The documentary Paradise Bombed by Kristo Langker lays bare this brutal reality, exposing villages targeted by Indonesian airstrikes and showing how food deprivation, displacement, and terror are deliberately used to crush resistance and break community spirit.

This is not a forgotten tragedy. It is a living one.

The continued silence of powerful nations makes them complicit. Justice for West Papua is long overdue — and every day of delay deepens the injustice.

Paradise Bombed – Video documenting the hidden West Papua (Important video to watch about West Papua)

https://www.ipwp.org The International Parliamentarians for West Papua (IPWP)

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Duncan Graham 

3) Irony abounds: Indonesia gets human rights protection job 
January 28, 2026 


Indonesia has assumed the presidency of the UN Human Rights Council, raising questions about credibility, consistency and the future of scrutiny in places like West Papua and Iran.

Here’s bad news for Iranian dissidents protesting the 39-year rule of cleric Ali Hosseini Khamene; if they’re hoping for support from the UN Human Rights Council best get the update. It’s now led by Indonesia.

A glance at the public record of the Southeast Asian nation’s behaviour in West Papua shows there’s little chance of the Council’s involvement in Iran.

The one-year presidency of the Geneva-based UNHRC (not to be confused with the UNHCR refugee agency) has been passed to the world’s fourth largest nation; the Council is headed by Sidharto Suryodipuro, 59, who once served in Canberra and as Ambassador to India.

It’s the first time Indonesia has chaired the UNHRC since its establishment 20 years ago. Sidharto has the status of an ambassador and will rule three sessions scheduled for late February, June and September.

His appointment got off to a bad start with comments  from Amnesty International: “Boasting that Indonesia ‘successfully won’ the position of president … is  not based on the facts.”

The career diplomat inherited the rotational position from Switzerland’s Jürg Lauber; it was the turn of the Group of Asia and the Pacific Small Island Developing States_._

Indonesia got the job because it was the only candidate.

Indonesia is not an exemplar of human rights. It’s ranked as a “flawed democracy” by the US-based Freedom House, an NGO set up in 1941 to “combat fascism”.

What the UNHRC can do about the riots in Iran is probably limited to issuing statements deploring the bloodshed and urging talks.

Sidharto’s CV is a record of competence, though not as a backer of causes or settler of disputes. His actions on the Islamic theocracy of Iran are limited; coming from a country with the world’s biggest Muslim population is not an advantage. The two nations don’t share the same beliefs.

Indonesia follows Sunni Islam and bans Shia Islam. This is the faith practised in Iran.

The appointment has been savaged by the West Papua Freedom Movement’s Benny Wenda. He claims Indonesia is “unfit” to hold the position and “makes a mockery of the UN and their claim to uphold international law and human rights …

“Indonesia holding the presidency (of the UNHRC) is akin to apartheid South Africa leading it in 1980.”

Access to the three provinces of West Papua – the western part of the island that has Papua New Guinea on the eastern half – has long been denied by Jakarta to human rights defenders, foreign NGOs, humanitarian groups, media and diplomats.

Said Wenda: “Over 105,000 West Papuans are currently displaced due to Indonesian military operations.

“West Papuans had suffered breaches of international law on a daily basis for the past 63 years, not just in relation to violent conflict but through violations ranging from land rights being taken away to infringements on the right to freedom of speech.”

The official response has been curious. The government told Radio NZ that it wouldn’t respond to Wenda’s comments.

However, it added a confusing statement: “We would like to emphasise the issue of the enhancement of human rights protection that, unfortunately, nowadays become (sic) a worrying issue in most countries, be it developing or even developed countries”.

“One of the instruments that we would like to utilise more is the Universal Periodic Review_,_ especially since we already have a strong and established cooperation between related bodies, such as our National Commission on Human Rights.”

According to the UNHRC, “the Commission is a unique mechanism that calls for each UN Member State to undergo a peer review of its human rights records every 4.5 years.”

When the Commission reported on Indonesia in 2022, Jakarta rejected 59 of its 269 recommendations.

Indonesia-based Human Rights Watch researcher Andreas Harsono was reported as saying his country “has a very bad human rights record in West Papua.

“The conflict (involving demands for independence) is intensifying and spreading to new parts, with an increasing number of Indonesian troops deploying in the region and a growing number of weapons held by West Papuan militants.”

In the past Indonesia has not allowed the UNHRC reps into West Papua. We don’t know if the ban will remain now that Indonesia is running the organisation.

Said Harsono: “Indonesia is very good at wishy washy talk in delaying things, that’s what the Indonesian diplomats did over this UN visit to West Papua.”

In 2023, the Indonesian government ordered the UN resident coordinator in Jakarta, Valerie Julliand, to immediately leave the country due to UN criticism regarding human rights in West Papua.

Whether Sidharto can use his new position to finally unlock the door to the UNHRC delegates is unclear, but following his appointment he promised an open approach:

“I will engage closely with all member states, observers, non-member states, specialised institutions, national human rights institutions, civil society organisations, and regional organisations, recognising their vital role in the human rights architecture.”

Meanwhile, Indonesia’s Minister for Human Rights, Natalius Pigai , said Indonesia would use its position “to counter breaches of international law in Venezuela and elsewhere:

“(An Indonesian as UNHRC president) will help Indonesia change the world. We must not wait until 2045 (Indonesia’s centenary) to lead the world; we must start now and help build a better civilisation.”

Harsono claimed that Pigai, who comes from West Papua, had “rarely spoken of the issue” involving his province in his capacity as minister.

The NGO KontraS, the Commission for Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Tindak Kekerasanadded:

“Paradoxically, the UNHRC is being led by a state that routinely disregards public aspirations and criminalises expression and protest within its own civic space.

“Indonesia has an opportunity to prove that human rights leadership is not simply a matter of diplomatic 

prestige, but of value consistency, principled advocacy, and genuine political will to place human rights above narrow state interests.

“Without critical reflection and concrete action, the presidency risks becoming an empty symbol that offers no meaningful contribution to democratic life at home.”

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.



Duncan Graham 
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of
 People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from 
within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission
 awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.


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Monday, January 26, 2026

1) Arbitrary arrest and use of excessive force against Catholic activists in Merauke



2) Alleged rape of Papuan woman by Indonesian military personnel in Beoga, Puncak Regency




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(Photos in report)
Human Rights Monitor


1) Arbitrary arrest and use of excessive force against Catholic activists in Merauke

On 25 January 2026, Indonesian police officers arbitrarily detained eleven members of Suara Kaum Awam Katolik Regio Papua (Voice of Catholic People of Papua) while they were staging a peaceful silent protest in front of St Francis Xavier Cathedral, located in the City of Merauke, South Papua province. The protesters reported being choked and beaten. All eleven protesters were detained at the Merauke Police Station without clear information on the alleged criminal offences.
Members of Suara Kaum Awam Katolik Regio Papua gathered peacefully in front of St Francis Xavier Cathedral in Merauke to conduct a silent protest. At around 10:00 am, police officers arrived at the location and forcibly dispersed the protesters without prior warning or dialogue. Witnesses and victims reported that several protesters were physically assaulted, including acts of choking and beating one protester. All eleven participants were then taken to the Merauke Police Station and later released without charges.
Legal counsel from LBH Papua Merauke coordinated with the Criminal Investigation Unit to seek clarification regarding the legal grounds of the arrests. However, police authorities failed to disclose the specific legal grounds for detention or the identity of the complainant, raising serious concerns of arbitrariness.

Purpose and demands of the protest

The silent protest sought to raise concerns regarding the Church’s role and state-backed development policies affecting indigenous peoples, particularly the Malind Anim and other indigenous communities in South Papua. The protesters voiced the following demands:
  • A public apology from the Archbishop of Merauke to the Malind indigenous community for supporting the National Strategic Project (PSN) that threatens their survival.
  • The replacement of the Archbishop by the Vatican due to alleged violations of Catholic social teachings and the Laudato Si’ encyclical.
  • Immediate dialogue by the Indonesian Bishops’ Conference (KWI) and the Vatican’s diplomatic mission regarding alleged ecocide, ethnocide, and spiritual destruction on indigenous customary lands.
  • The appointment of a native Papuan bishop in Merauke.

Human rights analysis

The detention of eleven peaceful protesters without clear legal grounds constitutes an arbitrary detention. Any peaceful protest is protected under the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The reported use of physical violence during arrest may amount to ill-treatment and violates the absolute prohibition of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment under Article 7 ICCPR.

Indonesian police officers arbitrarily detained eleven Catholic activists in front of the Merauke Cathedral, 25 January 2026

Detailed Case Data
Location: Jl. Raya Mandala No.30, Maro, Kec. Merauke, Kabupaten Merauke, Papua Selatan 99614, Indonesia (-8.4866753, 140.3903136) Gereja Katedral Merauke, Santo Fransiskus Xaverius
Region: Indonesia, South Papua, Merauke, Merauke
Total number of victims: 11
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Kosmas D.S. Dambujai
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention, ill-treatment
2.Maria Amotey
femaleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention, ill-treatment
3.Salerus Kamogou
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention, ill-treatment
4.Enjel Gebze
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
5.Marinus Pasim
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
6.Siria Yamtop
femaleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
7.Matius Jebo
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
8.Ambrosius Nit
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
9.Hubertus Y. Chambu
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
10.Abel Kuruwop
maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
11.Fransiskus Nikolaus
unknown Activist, Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
Period of incident: 25/01/2026 – 25/01/2026
Perpetrator: , POLRES
Perpetrator details: Polres Merauke members
Issues: indigenous peoples, security force violence

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Human Rights Monitor


2) Alleged rape of Papuan woman by Indonesian military personnel in Beoga, Puncak Regency

Twelve members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) allegedly tortured and repeatedly raped a 48-year-old Papuan woman in the Beoga District, Puncak Regency, Central Papua Province, on 13 January 2026. The incident occurred during an ongoing military operation in the Dambet Village. Local reports allege that the perpetrators are stationed at Dambet Military Post.
According to information from local sources, the woman left her home in Meningimte Village earlier that day to travel to Milawak Village, the administrative centre of Beoga District. After purchasing necessities for her children and family, she was intercepted by twelve armed TNI personnel near the Dinimun River.
The soldiers allegedly apprehended her and subsequently tortured the woman at gunpoint. Reports indicate that the military members raped the victim repeatedly, and in turn. The torture reportedly continued until the victim lost consciousness. After the assault, the perpetrators allegedly abandoned their victim at the riverbank and continued walking towards the Dambet Village, where a military operation was taking place.
According to a local source, eyewitnesses were present and observed the incident from a distance. They were afraid to intervene due to the heavy presence of armed soldiers guarding the area. Approaching the scene would have placed the eyewitnesses at imminent risk of being shot. Locals later assisted the unconscious victim and transported her back to her family home in East Beoga District. Due to the absence of accessible health services, the victim reportedly received traditional medical treatment due to a lack of access to professional medical care.

Human rights analysis

The alleged acts amount to serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Rape committed by state agents during a security operation constitutes torture and sexual violence under Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 9 ICCPR protects individuals from arbitrary arrest and detention. The reported rape and sexual violence by state agents further constitute grave breaches of Articles 1, 2, and 16 of the Convention against Torture (CAT) and Articles 1 and 2 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), engaging the international responsibility of the Indonesian state.
Such acts may amount to a crime against humanity when carried out as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. HRM understands this incident as part of a broader pattern of human rights violations in West Papua, with arbitrary detentiontorture and ill-treatment, and extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of indigenous Papuans frequently taking place. A majority of such cases are reported in the context of prolonged military operations and the non-international armed conflict in West Papua.
Detailed Case Data
Location: Dambet, Beoga, Puncak Regency, Central Papua, Indonesia (-3.7982149, 137.2728413)Dinimun River near the Dambet Village
Region: Indonesia, Central Papua, Puncak, Beoga
Total number of victims: 1
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.
female48 Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention, sexual assault, torture
Period of incident: 13/01/2026 – 13/01/2026
Perpetrator: , Indonesian Military (TNI)
Issues: indigenous peoples, security force violence, women and children

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