2) Acid attack against human rights defender Andrie Yunus in Central Jakarta
3) TNI officers arrested over suspected acid attack on rights activist
4) New documentary exposes development-driven human rights crisis in West Papua
5) Indonesia to build over 2,000 homes for tribal chief in Highland Papua
6) Indonesia’s civil–military boundaries under new pressure
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1) Drone attack on the office of Papuan movement organisation KNPB in Jayapura
The headquarters of the Papuan movement organisation West Papua National Committee (KNPB) in Jayapura, Papua Province, were attacked by a drone in the early hours of 16 March 2026 at approximately 04:16 am. The drone reportedly dropped an explosive device which detonated in the office courtyard whilst several KNPB members and officials were asleep inside the building. The incident follows a previous arson attack against the same office on 17 January 2026, indicating an emerging pattern of intimidation against the political activists and human rights defenders in West Papua.
The KNPB is a non-violent civil resistance movement in West Papua, which has been organising West Papua-wide mass protests for self-determination through a political referendum for more than ten years. Their members have committed to non-violent protest by organising peaceful demonstrations and political discussions.
According to information documented by local human rights activists, an unidentified drone is believed to have dropped an explosive device into the courtyard of the KNPB headquarters in the Kambolker area in Waena, a sub-district of Jayapura City. The device reportedly exploded approximately two metres from the main office building and near the boundary wall separating the compound from a residential area.
The loud explosion abruptly awakened KNPB members sleeping inside the office and caused panic among occupants and nearby residents. Several residents reportedly left their homes and gathered at the scene. Following the incident, local human rights activists conducted preliminary documentation, including photographing the crime scene and collecting visible fragments believed to be components of the explosive device. The impact of the detonation in the courtyard of the KNPB office was still visible on the following day, illustrating the force of the blast and the potential lethality of the attack (see photos below, source: independent HRD).
Given that multiple individuals were present inside the building at the time, the incident posed a serious and immediate threat to life and physical integrity. The attack also significantly undermined the sense of safety of civil society actors operating in Jayapura City and more broadly in the Papuan provinces.
Fragments believed to be part of the explosive device, including black metal plates suspected to be bomb casing, cardboard fragments, small screws and bolts.
Previous arson attack in January 2026
The drone attack follows a prior attack on the same office on 17 January 2026 at approximately 3:16 am. During that incident, unknown perpetrators allegedly poured petrol on the office walls and set them alight. KNPB members who were asleep at the time awoke upon noticing flames and were able to extinguish the fire manually, preventing the blaze from spreading further. Witnesses reported that the perpetrators fled the scene in a black Toyota Avanza vehicle waiting nearby.
Evidence documented after the arson attempt reportedly included traces of petrol on the office wall, a container wrapped in duct tape, plastic sheeting, and a grey handkerchief (see photos below, source: independent HRD).
Pattern of intimidation against civil society organisations
These two incidents appear to form part of a broader pattern of intimidation targeting civil society organisations, journalists, and human rights defenders in Indonesia. On 12 March 2026, Mr Andrie Yunus, Deputy Coordinator of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), was attacked with acid by unidentified perpetrators whilst riding a motorcycle on Jalan Salemba I–Talang, Central Jakarta. The issue has also reached alarming levels in the Papuan provinces. Previous attacks in the region include a Molotov cocktail attack against the office of the independent media outlet JUBI in October 2024.
The reported use of drone technology to deliver an explosive device suggests a relatively high level of planning and operational capability. Such methods heighten concerns regarding the security for organisations engaged in critical journalism, human rights advocacy and community mobilisation. At the time of writing, no official investigation had publicly identified the perpetrators or established a motive. Civil society actors have called for a transparent, independent, and comprehensive investigation into the alleged attacks.
Human rights analysis
The bombing and earlier arson attempt potentially engage multiple human rights protections under international and Indonesian law. Attacks against civil society organisations threaten the right to security of person, the right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly and the right to freedom of expression. These right are enshrined in International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a party.
States have a positive obligation not only to refrain from violating human rights but also to protect individuals and organisations from harm by third parties. Failure to prevent, investigate, and prosecute repeated attacks may raise concerns regarding state compliance with its duty of due diligence. Such incidents may also contribute to a climate of fear that restricts civic space and undermines democratic participation in the Papuan provinces.
Drone attack on 16 March 2026
Arson attack on 17 January 2026
Detailed Case Data
Location: Kampung Waena, Heram, Jayapura City, Papua, Indonesia (-2.5932318, 140.6339916)Kamwolker area, Waena
Region: Indonesia, Papua, Jayapura, Heram
Total number of victims: few
Location: Kampung Waena, Heram, Jayapura City, Papua, Indonesia (-2.5932318, 140.6339916)Kamwolker area, Waena
Region: Indonesia, Papua, Jayapura, Heram
Total number of victims: few
| # | Number of Victims | Name, Details | Gender | Age | Group Affiliation | Violations |
| 1. | few | diverse | unknown | Indigenous Peoples | freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, intimidation |
Perpetrator: Other
Issues: indigenous peoples
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2) Acid attack against human rights defender Andrie Yunus in Central Jakarta
On 12 March 2026, Mr Andrie Yunus, Deputy Coordinator of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), was attacked with acid by unidentified perpetrators whilst riding a motorcycle on Jalan Salemba I–Talang, Central Jakarta. The attack caused serious injuries affecting various body parts, including his face, eyes, chest, and hands. Mr Yunus was subsequently admitted to Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital (RSCM) in Jakarta, where he remains under specialised medical care.
Earlier that evening, Mr Andrie Yunus had attended and recorded a podcast discussion on “Remilitarisation and Judicial Review in Indonesia” at the offices of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI). After leaving the premises, he travelled by motorcycle through Central Jakarta. According to CCTV analysis and witness statements, the suspected perpetrators had followed Mr Yunus on two motorcycles after he had left the YLBHI office.
At approximately 11:30 pm, the suspects were observed waiting near a petrol station and a fast-food outlet in Cikini, before resuming surveillance as the victim continued his journey. Shortly thereafter, at around 23:37 pm, the perpetrators approached him on their motorcycle from the opposite direction on Jalan Talang. While passing Mr Yunus, the person sitting in the back splashed a corrosive substance believed to be acid directly at his face and upper body. The victim fell from his motorcycle and screamed for assistance. Residents nearby provided immediate aid and arranged his transfer for emergency medical treatment.
Police later confirmed that the perpetrators split up after the attack, travelling towards different areas including Ragunan, Kalibata, and Bogor. Investigators analysed footage from approximately 86 CCTV cameras across Jakarta in an effort to reconstruct the suspects’ movements. Evidence recovered from the scene reportedly includes a purple tumbler-type container believed to have contained the acid, as well as other items such as a helmet suspected to belong to one of the attackers.
Investigation and developments
The Jakarta Metropolitan Police elevated the case from preliminary investigation to a formal criminal inquiry aimed at identifying suspects, citing indications of premeditation, coordination, and surveillance prior to the attack. Authorities believe the perpetrators monitored the victim’s daily routines and selected the timing and location strategically.
Civil society organisations, legal experts, and members of the Advocacy Team for Democracy have characterised the attack as an attempted premediated murder, emphasising similarities with previous attacks on activists in Indonesia, including the acid attack against anti-corruption investigator Novel Baswedan (2017) and the poisoning murder of HRD Munir Said Thalib (2004). They raised concerns that investigations in such cases historically failed to identify or prosecute alleged masterminds.
Indonesia’s President reportedly instructed the National Police Chief to ensure a professional, transparent, and professional investigation, while parliamentary oversight bodies pledged to monitor progress. The United Nations human rights leadership publicly expressed grave concern over the attack, emphasising the obligation of the State to protect human rights defenders and hold perpetrators accountable.
Human rights analysis
The acid attack constitutes a grave violation of the rights to life, security of person, and freedom from cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, as well as a direct attack on the legitimate work of a human rights defender. The apparent premeditation, use of dangerous corrosive substances, and coordinated surveillance strongly indicate that the act may qualify as attempted premeditated murder under Indonesian criminal law.
Moreover, the attack reflects a broader pattern of intimidation and violence against civil society actors in Indonesia, raising concerns regarding impunity, inadequate HRD protection mechanisms, and potential involvement or tolerance by elements linked to state institutions. The failure to conduct an effective investigation could further undermine public trust in the rule of law and Indonesia’s democratic commitments.
Under international law, Indonesia has a positive obligation to prevent, investigate, punish, and provide remedies for attacks against human rights defenders, particularly when such acts may be linked to their advocacy work. The targeting of Mr Andrie Yunus following his involvement in sensitive issues, including security sector legislation and past protest investigations, suggests a possible retaliatory motive aimed at silencing dissenting voices.
Detailed Case Data
Location: Jl. Salemba I No.8A, RT.3/RW.6, Kenari, Kec. Senen, Kota Jakarta Pusat, Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta 10320, Indonesia (-6.1988339, 106.8492458)
Region: Indonesia, Jakarta
Total number of victims: 1
Location: Jl. Salemba I No.8A, RT.3/RW.6, Kenari, Kec. Senen, Kota Jakarta Pusat, Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta 10320, Indonesia (-6.1988339, 106.8492458)
Region: Indonesia, Jakarta
Total number of victims: 1
| # | Number of Victims | Name, Details | Gender | Age | Group Affiliation | Violations |
| 1. | 1 | Andrie Yunus | diverse | adult | Human Rights Defender (HRD) | right to life, torture |
Perpetrator: , Other
Issues: human rights defenders
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3) TNI officers arrested over suspected acid attack on rights activist
March 18, 2026 17:27 GMT+700
Jakarta (ANTARA) - The Indonesian Defence Forces (TNI) have arrested four personnel for their suspected involvement in an acid attack against human rights activist Andrie Yunus, Deputy Coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS).
"The four suspects have been arrested by the military police for investigation purposes," TNI's Military Police Commander Major General Yusri Nuryanto stated here on Wednesday.
Nuryanto confirmed that the four suspects were members of the military's Strategic Intelligence Agency headquarters detachment (Denma BAIS), identified by the initials NDP, SL, BWH, and ES.
The military police chief said that investigators have yet to establish the motive for the attack as the probe is ongoing.
The four suspects will be charged under Article 467 of the Criminal Code concerning premeditated assault, with a maximum sentence of seven years in prison.
Nuryanto stressed that the Military Police will work professionally and transparently, and that all findings by them will be presented openly in court.
Related news: Acid attack on activist defies RI Govt's freedom pledge: Lawmaker
"The TNI Military Police will work professionally. We will publicly inform all phases of the probe, including the investigation, case filing, and submission of the case to the military court for trial," he remarked.
The assault took place on Thursday evening (March 12) in Central Jakarta, as Yunus was riding a motorcycle after attending a podcast on militarism and the judicial review of military law, organized by the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI). He was promptly rushed to a hospital for treatment.
Initial CCTV footage showed two unidentified assailants approaching Yunus on a motorbike before throwing corrosive liquid at him, leaving the activist with burns on his limbs and visual impairment.
Chair of Commission III of the House of Representatives (DPR) Habiburokhman, on Monday (16/3), condemned the acid attack on Yunus as a deviant act against President Prabowo Subianto’s commitment to upholding fundamental freedom.
Related news: Indonesian lawmaker calls acid attack on activist a democracy warning
"The four suspects have been arrested by the military police for investigation purposes," TNI's Military Police Commander Major General Yusri Nuryanto stated here on Wednesday.
Nuryanto confirmed that the four suspects were members of the military's Strategic Intelligence Agency headquarters detachment (Denma BAIS), identified by the initials NDP, SL, BWH, and ES.
The military police chief said that investigators have yet to establish the motive for the attack as the probe is ongoing.
The four suspects will be charged under Article 467 of the Criminal Code concerning premeditated assault, with a maximum sentence of seven years in prison.
Nuryanto stressed that the Military Police will work professionally and transparently, and that all findings by them will be presented openly in court.
Related news: Acid attack on activist defies RI Govt's freedom pledge: Lawmaker
"The TNI Military Police will work professionally. We will publicly inform all phases of the probe, including the investigation, case filing, and submission of the case to the military court for trial," he remarked.
The assault took place on Thursday evening (March 12) in Central Jakarta, as Yunus was riding a motorcycle after attending a podcast on militarism and the judicial review of military law, organized by the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI). He was promptly rushed to a hospital for treatment.
Initial CCTV footage showed two unidentified assailants approaching Yunus on a motorbike before throwing corrosive liquid at him, leaving the activist with burns on his limbs and visual impairment.
Chair of Commission III of the House of Representatives (DPR) Habiburokhman, on Monday (16/3), condemned the acid attack on Yunus as a deviant act against President Prabowo Subianto’s commitment to upholding fundamental freedom.
Related news: Indonesian lawmaker calls acid attack on activist a democracy warning
Translator: Fianda Sjofjan R, Nabil Ihsan
Editor: Rahmad Nasution
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4) New documentary exposes development-driven human rights crisis in West Papua
A new documentary, Pesta Babi (Pig Feast), premiered at the West Papua Forum in Auckland on 7 March 2206, highlighting how Indonesian development projects are devastating indigenous Papuan communities. Produced by West Papuan journalist Victor Mambor and directed by film maker Dandhy Dwi Laksono, the documentary exposes the collusion between the Indonesian government, corporations, and military forces in destroying two million hectares of forest for sugarcane plantations and rice fields under Jakarta’s National Strategic Project. Papuan representatives at the forum reported that community members who criticise or protest these developments face military force to silence their dissent. As local communities and NGOs continue to stop the project, massive deforestation continues to disrupt traditional food sources, alienate indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands, and threaten the region’s biodiversity.
Forum participants called on the Pacific Islands Forum and foreign government to challenge the destruction of critical forests and displacement of thousands of West Papuans. The documentary shows “deeply disturbing” images of military presence and deforestation. The forum, which included panels on militarization, environmental destruction, and human rights abuses, concluded that indigenous people in West Papua are more than ever facing a human rights crisis admidst the deteriorating armed conflict and development projects, both posing an equally serious threat to their survival, culture, and land rights.
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5) Indonesia to build over 2,000 homes for tribal chief in Highland Papua
March 18, 2026 21:16 GMT+700
Wamena, Highland Papua (ANTARA) - Indonesia's Housing and Settlements Ministry will help develop thousands of homes for tribal chiefs and residents in the Highland Papua province, a ministry official has confirmed.
Aziz Andriansyah, director general for administration and risk management of the ministry, stated that President Prabowo Subianto has instructed the local authority to provide 2,200 housing units for local chiefs and residents in Highland Papua.
"We are here for the 2,200 homes program, implemented according to the president's instruction to the Highland Papua Governor to build houses for the people and tribal chiefs in eight districts of the province," he said in a statement received on Wednesday.
The provision of 2,200 housing units in Highland Papua is a special program enacted directly by the president with its own legal basis and procedures, he said.
It is "not a regular program usually provided to local authorities from government ministries or agencies," the ministry official noted, with the regular program referring to the development of flats for poorer residents, disaster victims' housing, or regular housing renovation.
"The special program is implemented according to the president's instruction, and we will prepare special regulations, procedures, and criteria with attention to its technical and non-technical needs," Andriansyah said.
He expressed hope that the development of 2,200 housing units for residents and tribal chiefs in Highland Papua will proceed smoothly according to plan.
He added that the 2,200 housing units allocated for residents in the Highland Papua province consist of 2,000 units of 45-square-meter houses and 200 units of 90-square-meter houses.
Related news: Papua unveils plan to build 14,000 homes in one year
Related news: Committee backs Prabowo's plan for 2,200 new homes in Highland Papua
Related news: Prabowo orders construction of 2,200 homes in Highland Papua
Aziz Andriansyah, director general for administration and risk management of the ministry, stated that President Prabowo Subianto has instructed the local authority to provide 2,200 housing units for local chiefs and residents in Highland Papua.
"We are here for the 2,200 homes program, implemented according to the president's instruction to the Highland Papua Governor to build houses for the people and tribal chiefs in eight districts of the province," he said in a statement received on Wednesday.
The provision of 2,200 housing units in Highland Papua is a special program enacted directly by the president with its own legal basis and procedures, he said.
It is "not a regular program usually provided to local authorities from government ministries or agencies," the ministry official noted, with the regular program referring to the development of flats for poorer residents, disaster victims' housing, or regular housing renovation.
"The special program is implemented according to the president's instruction, and we will prepare special regulations, procedures, and criteria with attention to its technical and non-technical needs," Andriansyah said.
He expressed hope that the development of 2,200 housing units for residents and tribal chiefs in Highland Papua will proceed smoothly according to plan.
He added that the 2,200 housing units allocated for residents in the Highland Papua province consist of 2,000 units of 45-square-meter houses and 200 units of 90-square-meter houses.
Related news: Papua unveils plan to build 14,000 homes in one year
Related news: Committee backs Prabowo's plan for 2,200 new homes in Highland Papua
Related news: Prabowo orders construction of 2,200 homes in Highland Papua
Translator: Yudhi Efendi, Nabil Ihsan
Editor: Azis Kurmala
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6) Indonesia’s civil–military boundaries under new pressure
The plan to train thousands of civil servants as military reservists raise risks of militarizing the bureaucracy.
Charles Simabura (The Jakarta Post) 360info/Padang Wed, March 18, 2026
T he government’s proposal to train 4,000 civil servants as military reservists has triggered renewed debate about the boundaries between civil and military roles in government. The Defense Ministry has also floated the possibility of designating all civil servants, a total of around 5 million, as part of the reserves. Critics have warned that such a move risks shifting the country’s civilian bureaucracy toward a more militarized posture. The plan sits at the intersection of national defense policy, civil–military relations and bureaucratic reform.
It also raises questions about how the state interprets the constitutional obligation of citizens to participate in national defense, and whether the Law No. 23/2019 on Management of National Resources for State Defense (PSDN) is being applied as originally intended. The PSDN Law outlines five mechanisms for managing national resources for defense: bela negara or a civic‑education program that builds citizens’ awareness, resilience and willingness to contribute to national defense without requiring military training, structuring of supporting components, formation of the national reserve, strengthening of the main component and mobilization and demobilization. The law places bela negara at the forefront, emphasizing civic awareness and national resilience for Indonesia’s overall strength and readiness as a nation. It aspires to a cohesive society that stays calm, cooperative and united during crises because people trust institutions and know how to respond responsibly.
Crucially, the law classifies civil servants as Supporting Components, not reserve troops. PSDN Law places civil servants under “other citizens as elements of the citizenry.” In the explanation of the stipulation, “citizens other than citizens” are citizens who are not included in the Main Component, Reserve Component, trained citizens and experts but who meet the physical and psychological requirements to become Supporting Components alongside veterans and individual citizens.
Supporting Components are developed through “socialization, technical guidance and/or simulations,” not military-style training. As the original document notes, Supporting Components “are not subjected to military-style training as is the case with the Reserve Component.” As such, the Supporting Component is a non-military national resource that can be used to increase the strength and capabilities of the Main Component and Reserve Component. While the law allows citizens, including civil servants, to volunteer as military reservists, it does not envision blanket designation of all civil servants as reserve troops. Participation must occur through voluntary registration. The military reservist was introduced as a compromise after Indonesia chose not to adopt mandatory military service. Article 30 of the Constitution states that every citizen has both the right and the obligation to participate in national defense and security.
The PSDN Law organizes national defense resources into a three‑part structure in which the Main Component consists of the Indonesian Military (TNI), the military reservists are made up of civilians who volunteer for military training and the Supporting Components include institutions, resources and citizens who contribute through non‑military roles such as veteran members of the Republic of Indonesia, state civil apparatus and individuals. The obligation for citizens to participate becomes binding only during emergencies or when mobilization is declared. Outside of such conditions, participation is voluntary. This structure was designed to balance Indonesia’s defense needs with its commitment to civilian supremacy and democratic governance.
Supporting Components are developed through “socialization, technical guidance and/or simulations,” not military-style training. As the original document notes, Supporting Components “are not subjected to military-style training as is the case with the Reserve Component.” As such, the Supporting Component is a non-military national resource that can be used to increase the strength and capabilities of the Main Component and Reserve Component. While the law allows citizens, including civil servants, to volunteer as military reservists, it does not envision blanket designation of all civil servants as reserve troops. Participation must occur through voluntary registration. The military reservist was introduced as a compromise after Indonesia chose not to adopt mandatory military service. Article 30 of the Constitution states that every citizen has both the right and the obligation to participate in national defense and security.
The PSDN Law organizes national defense resources into a three‑part structure in which the Main Component consists of the Indonesian Military (TNI), the military reservists are made up of civilians who volunteer for military training and the Supporting Components include institutions, resources and citizens who contribute through non‑military roles such as veteran members of the Republic of Indonesia, state civil apparatus and individuals. The obligation for citizens to participate becomes binding only during emergencies or when mobilization is declared. Outside of such conditions, participation is voluntary. This structure was designed to balance Indonesia’s defense needs with its commitment to civilian supremacy and democratic governance.
Expanding the National Reserve to include all civil servants would represent a significant reinterpretation of this balance. Civil society organizations, legal experts and some lawmakers have expressed concern that involving civil servants as military reservists could blur the line between civilian and military spheres. They emphasized that civil servant involvement must not be coercive and must not disrupt public services. Military training is built on hierarchy, command structures and obedience, values that differ from the principles of civilian governance, which emphasize accountability, transparency and public service.
The document notes that the military reservist doctrine prepares individuals to confront threats, while the job of civil servants is to improve “humane and accountable public service governance.” Military‑style training could reshape the culture of Indonesia’s civil service, reinforcing rigidity and weakening the momentum for reform. Military indoctrination for civil servants through the reserve component seems to repeat the indoctrination program of the New Order era, which “ultimately failed to improve the quality of civil services” and instead deepened bureaucratic rigidity and corruption. The debate over the military reservist comes amid broader concerns about the increasing presence of military personnel in civilian institutions.
The document notes that the military reservist doctrine prepares individuals to confront threats, while the job of civil servants is to improve “humane and accountable public service governance.” Military‑style training could reshape the culture of Indonesia’s civil service, reinforcing rigidity and weakening the momentum for reform. Military indoctrination for civil servants through the reserve component seems to repeat the indoctrination program of the New Order era, which “ultimately failed to improve the quality of civil services” and instead deepened bureaucratic rigidity and corruption. The debate over the military reservist comes amid broader concerns about the increasing presence of military personnel in civilian institutions.
Analysts note that such presence will strengthen the Soeharto era’s military dual-function doctrine regime. This doctrine allowed the military to engage in both civilian and military affairs. Even more than that, apart from the placement of military officers in the civilian positions, the reserve component is actually a form of militarization of civilians, including civil servants. Indonesia’s post‑reform era sought to dismantle the dual-function doctrine and restore clear boundaries between civilian and military domains. The deviations in the past must not be repeated, where the military was not only active in the realm of national defense but was also involved in socio-political activities. Any proposal to mandate the civil servant’s participation as military reservists must be carefully reconsidered. At present, the public expects civil servants to work professionally, uphold integrity and honesty and refrain from corruption, collusion and nepotism. The government should continue advancing bureaucratic reform, an agenda that still faces many challenges. For the civil servants, working professionally and upholding good governance principles is itself the foremost expression of state defense, as mandated by PSDN Law. --- The writer is an associate professor of law and the director of the Center for Constitutional Studies (PUSaKO) at Andalas University.
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