2) TAPOL September-November Quarterly Update
3) Alleged arbitrary detention of civilians by Indonesian military forces in Sugapa District, Intan Jaya
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Human Righrs Monitor
1) Annual Report 2025: Human Rights and Conflict in West Papua
Reports / Indonesia, West Papua / 13 March 2026
Executive Summary
The human rights situation in West Papua[1] throughout 2025 reveals a critical pivot point in the decades-long conflict between the Indonesian state and the indigenous Papuan population. While certain systemic patterns, such as the architecture of legal impunity and the suppression of peaceful political dissent, remain stagnant, 2025 has introduced a series of aggressive new patterns that represent a significant departure from the dynamics of 2024 and previous years. Case documentation by local human rights groups and independent activists indicates that the situation has transitioned from a localised highland insurgency into an extensive and modern tactics warfare across the central highlands.
Military members are pushing into remote areas, establishing military outposts in indigenous villages to gain control over remote areas. Military operations in these areas have been characterised by the use of anti-personnel landmines or booby traps and aerial warfare technologies, including weaponised drones and fighter planes. The massive structural expansion of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) under the administration of President Prabowo Subianto opened new frontiers for systematic land grabbing in Merauke, Biak-Numfor, Intan Jaya, and other geographic areas of economic interest.
The data indicate that the primary drivers of conflict-related human rights violations are no longer immediate responses to armed resistance, but a coordinated effort to secure territory for resource extraction and economic development in West Papua. Indonesia’s new administration under President Prabowo Subianto has pursued a security-based approach, introducing plans for up to 500 new battalions to secure and implement infrastructure and agribusiness projects. This marks the most significant peacetime military expansion in Indonesia’s modern history. As the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) continues to climb and the military presence keeps expanding, indigenous Papuans face an existential threat to their security, land and culture.
As of December 2025, over 105,000 people in West Papua were internally displaced, with most IDPs having not returned to their villages due to ongoing conflict or heavy military presence. The number of IDPs has risen from roughly 85,000 IDPs reported in 2024. The central government continues to deny the existence of conflict-driven internal displacement in West Papua, showing no signs of facilitating humanitarian access or withdrawal of security force personnel from the region. Many displaced families have lived in limbo since the armed conflict situation significantly deteriorated in December 2018, afraid to return to their militarised home areas. IDPs are sheltering in makeshift camps or remote forests with little to no aid, facing acute shortages of food, clean water, medicine, and shelter. Ongoing security operations impede humanitarian access to IDPs, whose vast majority consists of indigenous Papuans. They are disproportionately affected by these operations, which commonly target indigenous communities. Examples from Intan Jaya, Pegunungan Bintang, and other regencies illustrate that the increased presence of security personnel in previously unaffected areas fuels violence and suffering for the local civilian population, rather than establishing security and stability.
Extrajudicial killings, torture, and enforced disappearances persisted at alarming rates. Reported cases of torture and ill-treatment of Papuan civilians rose significantly in comparison to previous years. The year 2025 also saw a spike in the cases of extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detention, intimidation, and violations of the freedom of assembly. Civilians in conflict areas bear the risk of violence from both state and non-state actors, resulting in dozens of deaths, injuries, and at least 11 reported victims of enforced disappearance throughout the year. Like previous years, the militarisation of government administration under President Prabowo and the restriction of independent media impede the exposure of human rights violations to the Indonesian public and international community. Narratives about West Papua in the national media are often shaped by the military, which is often the only state institution present in conflict areas.
Freedom of expression and peaceful assembly continued to face heavy restrictions in 2025. Indonesian authorities cracked down on protests and political dissent in West Papua, often with arbitrary arrests and force. Journalists and human rights defenders also faced intimidation and violence, highlighted by the unresolved Molotov attack on the Papuan media outlet Jubi. A landmark Constitutional Court ruling in May 2025 offered a rare positive development. The constitutional court strengthened protections for free speech by barring government bodies and officials from using defamation laws to target critics.
Indigenous Papuans’ land rights and livelihoods came under increasing pressure in 2025. Government-driven natural resource projects accelerated without meaningful consent, leading to systematic indigenous rights violations. In the central highlands, military units occupied villages near the Wabu Block gold mining concession in Intan Jaya, prompting community mass protests. In the Papua Selatan Province, the Strategic National Project (PSN) in Merauke continued expansion. The massive agricultural project is implemented by military personnel without Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) of the indigenous Marind people. Likewise, in Papua Barat Daya Province, the Indigenous Moi Tribe struggled against new palm oil concessions that threaten West Papua’s last intact forests. Large-scale agricultural projects, timber logging, and mining operations have led to massive environmental destruction and the erosion of indigenous culture.
The accessibility, quality, and adequacy of healthcare and education services in West Papua are poor, ranking among the lowest in the country. There are no signs of improvement, especially in conflict-affected areas. Hundreds of villages in the highlands do not have access to functional schools or clinics because teachers and health workers fled ongoing violence. Even in urban areas, public services have reached alarming low levels. Major hospitals faced staff strikes and corruption scandals. These failures, alongside significant special autonomy funds ostensibly allocated to West Papua, underscore a persistent gap in basic services and government accountability.
The 2025 Annual Report is organised in two main parts, following the 2024 report structure. Section I covers Civil and Political Rights, examining patterns of impunity, violence, restrictions on fundamental freedoms, indigenous peoples’ rights, and social rights (health, education). Section II addresses Conflict and Displacement, detailing the armed conflict dynamics and the internal displacement crisis. Statistical tables are included below to summarise key trends.
[1] The term West Papua, also sometimes referred to as Papua, Tanah Papua (Land of Papua) or Western New Guinea refers to the western half of the New Guinea islands and is recognized by the United Nations as part of Indonesia since 1969. It is comprised of the Indonesian administrative provinces Papua Province, Papua Barat Province, Papua Tengah Province, Papua Pegunungan Province, Papua Selatan Province, and Papua Barat Daya Province.
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2) TAPOL September-November Quarterly Update
28 November 2025
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As Indonesia marked its 80th birthday with much fanfare, pomp and ceremony, it has been clear that the country sits at an uncomfortable crossroads, with underlying challenges further buffeting Prabowo’s year in office. Mass protests exploded across the country, calling out the hypocrisy of the political elite, the worsening economic situation and then security force violence. This culminated in the death of motorbike delivery driver Affan Kurniawan, which led to an outpouring of grief and rage and then mass arrests of civil society actors. Internationally, Indonesia has been trying to flex its muscles to present an intermediate path in the Israel-Palestine conflict, but its intervention at an event during the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva shows its complete lack of sympathy for international understandings of indigenous peoples and their fight for recognition. This continues to be made manifest in the Indonesian government’s policy in West Papua, with prisoner transfers and expanding food estates showing the Government’s desire to pacify and make economic gains in the region at the expense of the actual welfare of the people.
Mass Protests
The protests in August drew some comparisons to the 1998 mass protests and extended to every region in Indonesia. It resonated with the public's worry about the Government’s strict austerity programme, the cutting of state subsidies and parliament increasing the housing allowance for its members. The protests then escalated across the country as a response to the murder of motorcycle delivery driver, Affan Kurniawan, who was run over by a tactical police car as he was trying to make a delivery during some of the initial protests.
Within a few days, riotous acts had also occurred in some of the big cities. Mobs targeted the houses of government ministers and the local parliament building in Makassar was burnt down and led to the deaths of those trapped inside. More than 3,000 people including prominent young pro-democracy activists were arrested, on charges of inciting violence in riots, among others. At least 11 people died.
Compared to other countries in the region like Nepal, where protests kept going until the government had been toppled, the momentum of protests has since died down in Indonesia. It was more spontaneous in Indonesia and it was not led by any political party. In some cases, the riots and attacks were aided and abetted by the military, with plainclothes personnel arrested, doing nothing to stop the riots, and in one case, handing out drinks and cash to those taking part in the rioting.
The uprising and riots have exposed internal conflicts within Prabowo’s inner circle. These are mainly between civilian politicians, like Dasco Ahmad, Prabowo’s right-hand man for political affairs in Gerindra, and those from the military, such as Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, Prabowo’s old aide who is now Minister of Defence, and with a history of human rights violations in Aceh, East Timor and Jakarta. In addition to this political dimension, there is also the conflict between police and military, with the military pushing for speedier prosecutions.
Beyond this power struggle, the underlying cause of the protests is a series of long-term issues, so there would only need to be a further spark for it to rekindle into a mass movement, like that which toppled Suharto. The government response is not addressing the core problem. The cabinet was reshuffled, including moving some infamous ministers in corruption cases, but economic policy has remained the same. There has been a discrepancy between independent observations and government reports in the health of the economy. Government figures claimed ongoing economic development hit the highest ever-record of six per cent, while economists say four per cent, and the unemployment rate was also claimed to be the lowest in 20 years. This has not resonated with people’s felt reality.
Within a few days, riotous acts had also occurred in some of the big cities. Mobs targeted the houses of government ministers and the local parliament building in Makassar was burnt down and led to the deaths of those trapped inside. More than 3,000 people including prominent young pro-democracy activists were arrested, on charges of inciting violence in riots, among others. At least 11 people died.
Compared to other countries in the region like Nepal, where protests kept going until the government had been toppled, the momentum of protests has since died down in Indonesia. It was more spontaneous in Indonesia and it was not led by any political party. In some cases, the riots and attacks were aided and abetted by the military, with plainclothes personnel arrested, doing nothing to stop the riots, and in one case, handing out drinks and cash to those taking part in the rioting.
The uprising and riots have exposed internal conflicts within Prabowo’s inner circle. These are mainly between civilian politicians, like Dasco Ahmad, Prabowo’s right-hand man for political affairs in Gerindra, and those from the military, such as Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, Prabowo’s old aide who is now Minister of Defence, and with a history of human rights violations in Aceh, East Timor and Jakarta. In addition to this political dimension, there is also the conflict between police and military, with the military pushing for speedier prosecutions.
Beyond this power struggle, the underlying cause of the protests is a series of long-term issues, so there would only need to be a further spark for it to rekindle into a mass movement, like that which toppled Suharto. The government response is not addressing the core problem. The cabinet was reshuffled, including moving some infamous ministers in corruption cases, but economic policy has remained the same. There has been a discrepancy between independent observations and government reports in the health of the economy. Government figures claimed ongoing economic development hit the highest ever-record of six per cent, while economists say four per cent, and the unemployment rate was also claimed to be the lowest in 20 years. This has not resonated with people’s felt reality.
Prabowo’s first anniversary highlights contradictory, increasingly authoritarian, policies
20th October 2025 marked the first year of Prabowo’s administration. There’s been a noticeable attempt to keep in balance both populist policies and consolidating the repressive tools of militarism, or Prabowo’s desire for a powerful state and a desire to be liked. Like in his response to protests, Prabowo has been keen to try and sugarcoat a more hardline policy with gimmicks designed to appease people.
In stark contrast to the granting of amnesty for Papuan political prisoners we covered in the June-August Update (which is available on our website), four Papuan political prisoners were sentenced to seven months in prison for treason on 19th November, then released on the 23rd, having already served their time in pre-trial custody. Known as the Sorong Four, these members of the Federal Republic of West Papua (Negara Federal Republik Papua Barat - NFRPB) had been arrested whilst distributing leaflets calling for peace in several government departments, and then were accused of treason, before being transferred from Sorong to Makassar for the trial and sentencing, violating their human rights (Full background in our statement from August). The case received a lot of attention due to vocal support for the prisoners, leading to the arrest of at least 23 people, one shot and dispersals when they were transferred from Sorong to Makassar, and more on the day of the indictment.
One example of mixing gimmicks with Prabowo’s attempts to re-write history has been the declaration of former President Suharto as a national hero of Indonesia on 10th November. Despite shadows over his regime, including the mass killings of 1965 and 1966, invasion of Timor-Leste, and repression and crony capitalism, the declaration indicates the desire of his former son-in-law, President Prabowo Subianto to emulate the New Order in his own government. Protestors have called the declaration a ‘distortion of history’. It has also been sugarcoated with the simultaneous declaration of former Reformasi-era President Abdurahman Wahid (also known as Gus Dur) and labour activist Marsinah as national heroes. This is despite the fact that both faced repression from Suharto’s government, with the latter even being murdered by his regime.
Finally, in late September, two ministers (the Coordinating Minister for Food Affairs and Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning) designated 481 thousand hectares of land in Merauke Regency (Papua Selatan Province) for a Food Estate project. It was claimed that this had been done in line with the national food resilience program, one of President Prabowo’s priority policies. The Ministers also said that the land belonged to the state and not to local indigenous peoples. However, the designation was fiercely resisted by the indigenous communities of the area, and started a string of protests.
Indonesia’s fundamental misunderstanding on the UN and indigenous peoples
On 22nd September, Indonesia voted in support of the two-state solution for Israel and Palestine at the UN General Assembly, where the motion was passed. However, Indonesia did not condemn the genocide and war crimes committed by the Israeli Government. Indonesia has historically supported Palestine, but Prabowo seems to be softer on Israel than previous administrations. His stance towards Donald Trump’s government is also friendly, as can be seen from a leaked personal chat at a conference in Egypt with Trump where he asked for access to Trump’s sons for business reasons.
Other Big Stories
- On 23rd September, the EU and Indonesia signed the Indonesia-European Union Comprehensive Economic Partnership (IEU-CEPA), covering trade, investment, environmental protection and sustainability, after almost a decade of negotiations. Primarily, many tariffs on Indonesian goods entering the EU have been slashed. This creates an opening for EU companies to invest in Indonesia. Despite all the positive pronouncements by the Indonesian government that it would add US$2.8 billion to the Indonesian economy and five million jobs, serious concerns have been raised as to how this will lead to an expansion of palm oil plantations and the increase in its products sold on the European market
- On 6th August, the local Papua Province Election Commission (KPU Papua) repeated elections for Governor and Vice Governor of Papua Province, on the Constitutional Court’s (MK) order. This followed the posthumous disqualification of the victorious Vice Governor. The result was that the losing candidates (Mathius Fakhiri and Aryoko Rumaropen) in the first gubernatorial election won in the rerun. The result was upheld by the Constitutional Court’s decision in mid-September. During the campaign in Papua Province, there were reports of hate speech based on religion and ethnicity made by one of the sides; and allegations by the other side that public servants and police officials had been illegally mobilised. It was a close election, as the winning side only won by about 3,000 votes. Matthias was a former chief of police and was the candidate for Prabowo’s coalition, and was alleged by national news publications to have received support from the current provincial Chief of Police as well as public servants, including the previous acting Governor. Meanwhile, the other candidate was a former mayor of Jayapura, and was indigenous to the city, so received support from Papuan groups and support from the largest Protestant church. The campaign had been marred by reported political interference and hate speech, with the final winner being a Muslim convert, for the first time in Papuan history.
- In mid-September, media reported that the Australian Federal Police (AFP) had arrested two men and charged them with the trafficking of ammunition and firearms from Australia to the armed pro-Papua independence group, the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB, Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat). The criminal investigation was initiated jointly with the New Zealand authorities as the result of the TPNPB’s hostage taking of New Zealand pilot Philip Mehrtens. One of the suspects is Australian, whilst the other is a New Zealander.
- In NGO news, Pusaka held a public discussion at Taman Ismail Marzuki, Jakarta, titled ‘Setahun Rezim Perang’ (A year of war regime) on 7th November 2025. During the first year of Prabowo’s presidency, three companies have continuously destroyed the indigenous landscape of West Papua, causing a total of 31,508 hectares of damage. Meanwhile, a group of Papuan women, together with the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation desk in Papua, launched a working group on 8th November 2025 in Jakarta. The rationale behind it stems from the numerous cases of human rights violations, particularly against women and children, that have occurred in Papua since 1963 and which continue to this day. In addition, other conditions such as the victims of PSN in Merauke and Maybrat have led to internal displacement on their own land.
TAPOL Publications
- TAPOL Statement: The Supreme Court Must Halt the Transfer of Four Political Prisoners from Sorong to Makassar
- Papuans Behind Bars: Quarterly Update April–June 2025
- Papuans Behind Bars: Quarterly Update July-September 2025
Further Links
- Centre for Climate Crime and Climate Justice at Queen Mary University of London releases a report, ‘Bringing it All Back Home: The Role of British Companies in the Destruction of West Papua’.
- Pusaka press release, ‘Condemning the Serakahnomics Project Policy and the Tolerance of Human Rights and Environmental Violations in the Merauke National Strategic Project (PSN)’ (English translation)
- Pusaka report on the first year of the Prabowo-Gibran government, ‘The First Year of the Prabowo-Gibran War Regime’ (English translation in second half of document)
- Mongabay covers reopening of Raja Ampat nickel mine, despite concerns of environmental damage caused by the site.
- The Kurawal Foundation launches report, ‘Democracy under Prabowo-Gibran: Year One’
- Human Rights Monitor releases Q3 Report on human rights and conflict developments in West Papua.
- Human Rights Monitor also releases update on the situation of Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs) in West Papua, covering developments during October.
- Human Rights Monitor’s Andrew de Sousa interviewed in a podcast regarding the recent trade deal organised between Indonesia and the EU and the situation in West Papua.
- Academic Paper released by researchers at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, on ‘Predatory Mining, Conflict and Political Spaces: The Case of Grasberg Mine in West Papua’
- Unrepresented Nations and Peoples’ Organisation (UNPO) Academy releases an article covering the history of independence struggles in West Papua, Aceh and the South Moluccas.
- Early Warning Project release a report looking at ‘Major Developments and Worsening Risks for Mass Atrocities in Papua, Indonesia’.
Themes
Type
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https://humanrightsmonitor.org/case/alleged-arbitrary-arrest-of-civilians-by-indonesian-military-forces-in-sugapa-district-intan-jaya/
3) Alleged arbitrary detention of civilians by Indonesian military forces in Sugapa District, Intan Jaya
On 18 February 2026, members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) reportedly detained twelve Papuans, consisting of civil servants and other civilians, in the Holomama area, Sugapa District, Intan Jaya Regency, Papua Tengah province. According to local sources, two detainees were accused without evidence of affiliation with the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) and reportedly forced to swear allegiance to the Indonesian state (see photos and video below, source: independent HRD). The detainees were held for around one day before being released following pressure from their families.
According to the information received, military personnel conducted a late-night operation targeting residents living behind the Intan Jaya Regency Bappeda Office. The twelve individuals were taken to a military post in Holomama, where TNI members interrogated them. On 19 February 2026, family members, including women and children, visited the post to demand their release. Following these interventions, the detainees were reportedly allowed to leave later that day. Sources further reported that the Intan Jaya Regional Civil Service Agency (BKD) office building has been used as a military headquarters since 2019, while several government facilities, including the Regent’s Office, remain under effective control of security forces. Military operations, including alleged covert night-time patrols and sweeps, reportedly continue across various areas of Intan Jaya Regency.
Human rights analysis
The reported arrests raise serious concerns regarding arbitrary deprivation of liberty, coercion to confess or demonstrate political allegiance, and the militarisation of civilian governance infrastructure in a conflict-affected region. Under international human rights law, arrests must be based on reasonable suspicion, lawful procedures, and judicial oversight, while detainees must be protected from intimidation and coercion. Forcing civilians to declare loyalty to the state in the absence of credible evidence may amount to psychological coercion and a violation of freedom of thought, conscience, and political opinion.
Security forces must clearly distinguish between civilians and members of organised armed groups and refrain from practices that may contribute to racial profiling, stigmatisation, or forced political declarations. The continued use of civilian administrative buildings for military purposes may also undermine the principle of distinction and civilian protection standards applicable in situations of non-international armed conflict.
Two detainees accused without evidence of affiliation with the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) swear allegiance to the Indonesian state
Tweleve Papuans being detained at a military post in Sugapa, Intan Jaya, on 18 February 2026
Detailed Case Data
Location: Sugapa, Intan Jaya Regency, Central Papua, Indonesia (-3.7397323, 137.0417997)Holomama area
Region: Indonesia, Central Papua, Intan Jaya, Sugapa
Total number of victims: 12
Location: Sugapa, Intan Jaya Regency, Central Papua, Indonesia (-3.7397323, 137.0417997)Holomama area
Region: Indonesia, Central Papua, Intan Jaya, Sugapa
Total number of victims: 12
| # | Number of Victims | Name, Details | Gender | Age | Group Affiliation | Violations |
| 1. | 12 | mixed | unknown | Indigenous Peoples | arbitrary detention |
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