1) IDP Update January 2026: Humanitarian crisis deteriorates as Indigenous communities bear brunt of expanding security operations

2) Police stop school graduates in Nabire: Students raise allegations of arbitrary detention and excessive use of force

3) Best of 2025 - Out of darkness comes a shaft of cheer 

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Human Rights Monitor

1) IDP Update January 2026:  Humanitarian crisis deteriorates as Indigenous communities bear brunt of expanding security operations

Human Rights News, Reports / Indonesia, West Papua / 7 January 2026 

Between November and December 2025, human rights defenders and local media covered new internal displacements in West Papua due to new security force raids and the ongoing expansion of military infrastructure in the central highlands. As of 1 January 2026, more than 105,878 civilians across multiple regencies remained internally displaced due to military operations and armed conflict (see table below). The vast majority of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) are indigenous peoples, as security force operations exclusively target areas that indigenous Papuans mainly inhabit. Incidents triggering new internal displacements reportedly occurred in the regencies Mimika, Nduga, Lanny Jaya, Intan Jaya, and Yahukimo.

On 21 November 2025, the Papuan Church Council, in collaboration with the STT Walter Post Jayapura Centre for Social and Pastoral Human Rights Studies, organised a Literacy and Resilience Festival titled “Caring for Memories Through Words” in Jayapura City. The event provided a platform for IDP representatives to share their experiences and brought together civil society stakeholders to document and raise awareness about the humanitarian crisis. The testimonies at the festival illustrated both the challenges faced by displaced populations and grassroots resilience efforts.

The humanitarian conditions across all displacement sites remain uniformly dire, characterised by acute shortages of food, medicine, clean water, and shelter. IDPs sheltering in forests face particularly harsh conditions with minimal humanitarian access, while those in evacuation camps struggle with severe overcrowding, inadequate resources, and the complete cessation of daily activities. The situation is further complicated by restricted humanitarian access due to security force controls and challenging geographical conditions. The militarisation of health access in conflict zones across West Papua has created fear and hesitation in seeking medical care, with fatal consequences for vulnerable populations.

This crisis reveals a systematic pattern of military operations that disproportionately affect civilian populations and violate principles of distinction between combatants and non-combatants. The long-term nature of these displacements, with some populations like those in Pegunungan Bintang displaced since 2021 and over 10,000 Nduga IDPs living in Jayawijaya since December 2019, indicates an entrenched humanitarian emergency requiring sustained attention. The IDPs refuse to return until military forces withdraw from their villages.

Mimika

On 31 October 2025, Indonesian military forces entered Jila District, Mimika Regency, and opened fire on villages without prior warning, despite no reported armed conflict with the TPNPB at the time. The operation reportedly resulted in the internal displacement of approximately 1,500 civilians. Some fled to Timika City while others remained sheltering in forests around Jila District without government assistance or humanitarian access. Restricted internet access in the area hampered the documentation of the situation.

The crisis escalated significantly on 10 December 2025, as military forces reportedly conducted aerial bombardments in Amuagom Village at approximately 5:00 a.m. The attack destroyed civilian homes, livestock, and property, with ammunition casings found in yards and bullet holes penetrating house walls. Hundreds of IDPs fled dozens of kilometres to the Jila District centre without adequate food or water. A dozen residents fled to Puncak and Puncak Jaya Regencies. Military operations reportedly continued on 11 December, expanding to ten villages with additional troops and helicopters deployed.

IDPs fleeing the Jila District after military operations began on 31 October 2025, without prior incident or notice

Full update

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/reports/idp-update-january-2026-humanitarian-crisis-deteriorates-as-indigenous-communities-bear-brunt-of-expanding-security-operations/

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Human Rights Monitor

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/case/police-stop-school-graduates-in-nabire-students-raise-allegations-of-arbitrary-detention-and-excessive-use-of-force/

2) Police stop school graduates in Nabire: Students raise allegations of arbitrary detention and excessive use of force

7 January 2026 / 2 minutes of reading

On 28 November 2025, at approximately 2:40 pm, Nabire Police reportedly blocked a student convoy returning from a graduation celebration linked to the STAK Nabire campus. Officers reportedly used tear gas and firearms to disperse the crowd. Following the dispersal, police arrested and detained nine people, including two female graduates. Mrs Merion Gobay (graduate) and another woman whose identity is not yet confirmed were released at around 9:20 pm after questioning, while seven others reportedly remained in custody at the Nabire Police Station.

According to the information received, students celebrated their graduation by conducting a parade through Nabire while waving the Morning Star flag earlier that afternoon (see video below, source: independent HRD). The group then continued in a convoy on motorcycles circling the city. As the convoy reached the Auri Nabire area, police reportedly blocked the road from the front and rear. Witnesses reported there was no negotiation before police dispersed the crowd using tear gas and gunfire, prompting people to flee. In the aftermath, police reportedly pursued and arrested participants and others in nearby vehicles, transporting detainees to the police station. Family members who attempted to visit detainees were reportedly turned away until the following day.

Human rights analysis

If verified, the reported firing of tear gas and live ammunition against the peaceful crowd raises serious concerns regarding unlawful or excessive use of force and the principle of necessity and proportionality in law enforcement operations, formulated in the UN Guiding Principles on the Use of Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The incident also appears connected to the expression of political opinion (display of the Morning Star flag) and therefore implicates the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined under Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Detaining individuals for participation in, or association with, a peaceful parade would likely constitute arbitrary arrest and detention as defined under Article 9 of the ICCPR, particularly if detainees are not promptly informed of the legal basis for arrest, given access to legal counsel, or brought promptly before a judicial authority.

Convoy of school graduates walking through Nabire on 28 November 2025

Detailed Case Data
Location: Nabire, Nabire Regency, Central Papua, Indonesia (-3.3722254, 135.5016253) in front of the Airforce headquarters in Nabire
Region: Indonesia, Central Papua, Nabire, Nabire
Total number of victims: 9

#	Number of Victims	Name, Details	Gender	Age	Group Affiliation	Violations
1.	1	Merion Gobay	female	adult	Indigenous Peoples, Student	arbitrary detention, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression
2.	1	Bintang Gobay	male	adult	Indigenous Peoples, Student	arbitrary arrest, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression
3.	1		female	adult	Indigenous Peoples, Student	arbitrary detention, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression
4.	6		male	adult	Indigenous Peoples, Student	arbitrary detention, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression

Period of incident: 28/11/2025 – 29/11/2025
Perpetrator: , POLRES

Perpetrator details: Polres Nabire

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https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/01/best-of-2025-out-of-darkness-comes-a-shaft-of-cheer/?utm_source=Pearls+%26+Irritations&utm_campaign=2c00791edf-Daily&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_0c6b037ecb-2c00791edf-583764303

Duncan Graham

3) Best of 2025 - Out of darkness comes a shaft of cheer 

January 8, 2026 

BEST OF 2025

The news from Indonesia this month has been dispiriting – natural disaster flooding in Bali and Flores, man-made maladministration, political chicanery, perpetual graft and rioting in the cities. The headlines imply the country is crumpling. It’s not, and here’s why.

A repost from 16 September 2025.

Indonesia’s cup runneth over – with religion. Citizens have their faith — one of six approved by Parliament — stamped on their ID cards. Western democrats would find this offensive – the state checking how you pray.

Religion is the essence that unites and divides. It’s splashed across the spectrum of beliefs from major world faiths through to creeds conceived centuries before Jesus and Muhammad.

Last week in Jakarta, there was a display of the best that religions can offer – crossing into the secular affairs distressing the world’s fourth-largest nation, with 285 million souls.

Gerakan Nurani Bangsa (National Conscience Movement – GNB) is a collection of civil and religious leaders concerned about the way their country is heading. They’re seeking to stir the politicians who think defining and controlling the here and now is their exclusive job, and outsiders should worry about the next world.

GNB spokesman Ignatius Cardinal Suharyo urged the government to “listen to the thoughts, ideas, and proposals – especially from academics who have no other interest except love for the homeland. Let them be heard, considered, and seriously reflected upon together”.

Warm words cool easily in the heat of reality. But GNB is too solid to be easily extinguished so President Prabowo Subianto — a leader more likely to open a holster than a holy book — was forced to hear the demands and apparently take them seriously.

Apart from releasing prisoners, foremost has been the reform of the police, who reportedly take bribes and sides during protests or react with excessive force; this was allegedly the situation when tens of thousands of mainly young men rioted in Jakarta and elsewhere, burning cars and vandalising parliamentary buildings and politicians’ homes.

Some were thugs driven to have a smashing good time; others had an agenda of reform, but thought violence was the only way to get heard.

Ten reportedly died, and 3000 were injured. Human rights NGO KontraS reckons 20 more are missing.

The week-long riots were the worst seen in the Republic this century. Men with guns rarely explore better ways of handling dissent. Prabowo has already ordered the military and police to take “firm action”, aka live rounds.

The original igniters of the strife at the end of August were the tone-deaf national politicians voting themselves massive perks and ostentatiously displaying their triumphs. They didn’t care that the image of their joy sat awkwardly alongside Statistics Bureau claims that more than 24 million live below the monthly poverty line of A$54.

The people’s reps get A$10,000 every 30 days, plus housing subsidies.

The average wage depends on the province and varies from A$300 to A$600 a month, but that doesn’t mean workers get paid the official rates, as controls are lax.

Jobs are getting tougher to find as the government shrinks budgets to finance election promises, adding more factors to the violence. The official unemployment rate is under 5%, but the data is unreliable as there are few dependable social security stats.

In Melbourne, the de facto HQ of overseas peaceful protests, demonstrators reportedly chanted:

“We want democracy, we want a stable economy, we want Indonesia to progress. We all deserve to have our voices heard.”

The absence of a fearless legislative opposition, with nine of the ten parties in coalition with Prabowo, means lawmakers generally do what they like and have little regard for the people they’re supposed to represent.

Into this gap strode the 16-member GNB representing all approved religions and NGO leaders. Prominent among those politely confronting Prabowo was Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid, widow of the fourth president Gus Dur (1999-2001).

Her psychologist daughter, Alissa, 52, a noted campaigner for democracy and multiculturalism, was present as leader of the Gusdurian Network.

It claims to “work with grassroots-level activists across Indonesia to promote inter religious reconciliation, active citizenship, democracy, and human rights”.

Partially blind Baghdad-educated Gus Dur led Nahdlatul Ulama (Revival of the Scholars), the largest Muslim organisation in the world, with a claimed 40 million members.

He was a caring progressive, allowing Confucianism to be recognised and Mandarin use lawful, but a lousy organiser whose many missteps led to threats of impeachment and his departure. He was also a ridiculously funny man who usually opened meetings with a joke.

He was dubbed “Father of Pluralism”; Sinta Nuriyah and the couples’ daughters are upholding his values.

In 2018, Time magazine listed the former First Lady among the world’s 100 most influential people for her “progressiveness, support for democracy and work in protecting the rights of minority groups".

She likened Indonesia’s religious diversity to a garden of flowers: “There are roses, jasmines, orchids and Sita-Ashok. All these flowers are beautiful. No one can force the roses to become jasmines or the orchids to become Sita-Ashok (a holy tree in Hinduism and Buddhism).”

The Gusdurians are pushing to preserve some of their hero’s changes, like separating the police from the army, an action that has long infuriated the military, who want total control returned.

Soldiers paid to defend against overseas threats helped put down this month’s domestic issue protests. The GNB wants the police to be reformed, and Prabowo has agreed, though no details have been provided, so that may mean more army control.

The paramilitary police unit Brimob (mobile brigade) was allegedly involved in running down 21-year-old courier Affan Kurniawan and inflaming protesters. The driver of the armed tactical vehicle has reportedly been demoted, but not charged.

Adding theological thump to the GNB delegation was Jesuit Franz Magnis-Suseno, 89, professor emeritus at Jakarta’s Driyarkara School of Philosophy.

He’s one of Indonesia’s foremost public intellectuals and a quiet adviser to previous presidents. Born in Germany, he’s been an Indonesian citizen since 1977.

As this website has reported, Prabowo, a cashiered former military general, has taken a strongman position since being elected the Republic’s eighth president last year, and has set about militarising the public service. The unmarried divorcee is clearly more at ease with men in uniform than independent women, scholars and outspoken clerics from civil society.

If the GNB can keep its mission alive in the public conscience and the door to the palace stays open, the presently disorganised and largely leaderless protests may develop into a moral movement.

As in Australia, the better educated and articulate tend to be the bellwethers. Like most of us they want stability, security, a better future for their kids, freedom from government agencies and religious extremists, and pride in their nation.

They also want roads to those universal goals free of firebombed police cars and corrupt cops.

The fact that Prabowo listened to the GNB for almost three hours is a small but positive sign that Indonesia may recover its reputation for tolerance and prove a beacon to the region – including Australia.

 

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

Duncan Graham Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio 

and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). 

He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia.

Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, 

two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism 

in Australia. He lives in East Java.   

1) JDP urges the Government, ULMWP, and TPNPB to initiate dialogue in 2026.

2) West Papua stresses indigenous approval for palm oil expansion  

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A google translate.

Original Bahasa link

https://jubi.id/polhukam/2026/jdp-minta-pemerintah-ulmwp-dan-tpnpb-mulai-langkah-dialog-pada-2026/

1) JDP urges the Government, ULMWP, and TPNPB to initiate dialogue in 2026.

By 2025, there will be 103,218 people across Papua. The number of conflict areas continues to increase annually. The most recent incident occurred in Teluk Bintuni Regency in October 2025.

January 3, 2026 in Politics, Law, and Security Reading Time: 2 mins read

0

Author: admin - Editor: Angela Flassy

The YKKMP team together with students held a meeting with refugees in the Halihalo Village of the Kingmi Yeriko Congregation, Monday (7/7/2025) - Jubi/docYKKMP

Jayapura, Jubi – In early 2026, the Papua Peace Network (JDP) called on the Indonesian Government under the leadership of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming, as well as the leadership of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), and the Supreme Leadership of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB), to initiate dialogue or peace negotiations regarding the ongoing armed conflict that has lasted for more than 50 years in Papua. "I believe that only through dialogue can all conflicts of economic, social, cultural, and political interests be discussed and a peaceful resolution agreed upon," said JDP spokesperson Yan C. Warinussy.

JDP hopes this call for peace will receive a positive response from the conflicting parties, as well as from the Catholic Church leadership in the Vatican, Rome-Italy, the Indonesian Bishops' Conference (KWI) and the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), as well as the Catholic Church in the five dioceses in Papua, and the Evangelical Christian Church in Papua.

He believes that peace must begin immediately in Papua, as indigenous Papuans have been and continue to be victims of the armed conflict, which has been economically and politically motivated since 1963.

"The proof is that during the 2025 Christmas and 2026 New Year celebrations, many indigenous Papuans were not in their hometowns but in the middle of the forest as refugee camps," he said.

He said this clearly violates the mandate of the 1945 Constitution, Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Convention on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.

In a report by the Papuan Church Council, it was noted that by October 2025, the number of refugees in various regions in Papua had reached 103,218 people.

The majority of refugees are indigenous Papuans. They fled to areas deemed safe due to military operations and armed conflict between the military and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB).

The most recent incident occurred in Teluk Bintuni Regency, West Papua, where clashes broke out on October 11, 2025, displacing 238 people. Meanwhile, a military operation using helicopters in Lanny Jaya, Papua Highlands, on October 5, 2025, forced 2,000 to 2,300 residents to flee their villages. (*)

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https://en.antaranews.com/news/398482/west-papua-stresses-indigenous-approval-for-palm-oil-expansion

2) West Papua stresses indigenous approval for palm oil expansion  

January 5, 2026 14:36 GMT+700

Manokwari (ANTARA) - The West Papua Provincial Government has underscored that any release of forest areas for palm oil plantation expansion must obtain approval from indigenous communities holding customary land rights.  

Head of the West Papua Forestry Office Jimmy Walter Susanto said in Manokwari on Monday that indigenous aspirations are a top priority in policymaking related to forest utilization.  

“West Papua has a standard operating procedure. Every plan to release forest areas must include a letter of approval from indigenous communities,” Susanto said.  

He emphasized that the provincial government prioritizes indigenous participation in all forestry decisions to prevent social conflict and ensure investment projects respect community rights and forest sustainability.  

“If indigenous communities disagree, the governor will not issue a recommendation, and we will also not issue technical considerations. This applies to all permits in the forestry sector,” he added.  

Susanto noted that West Papua’s palm oil plantations are existing ones, with no new permits issued for clearing.

Current plantations are located in Manokwari, Teluk Bintuni, and Fakfak.

He also highlighted seven priority programs for carbon biomass sequestration under the FOLU Net Sink 2030 plan, including strategies to reduce deforestation and promote sustainable forest management.

Separately, Filep Wamafma, Chairman of Committee III of the Regional Representative Council (DPD), urged the government to conduct an in‑depth study before considering any expansion of palm oil plantations in Papua.  

“Papuan indigenous people view the forest as a mother, a place of refuge, and a source of life,” Wamafma said.  

He stressed that policy decisions must account for environmental, social, and cultural dimensions, as well as the sustainability of indigenous livelihoods.

Papua’s sensitive ecological characteristics, he warned, mean that resource‑based investments must not ignore community rights.  

Wamafma added that the government should weigh potential impacts carefully to avoid natural disasters similar to those seen in Aceh, North Sumatra, and West Sumatra.  

Translator: Fransiskus Salu Weking, Cindy Frishanti Octavia
Editor: Aditya Eko Sigit Wicaksono

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1) Indonesia closes 2025 with rising disasters and stalled environmental reform cover

2) Yearender: Indonesia lags behind on indigenous rights protection 

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https://news.mongabay.com/2025/12/indonesia-closes-2025-with-rising-disasters-and-stalled-environmental-reform/

1) Indonesia closes 2025 with rising disasters and stalled environmental reform cover 

Hans Nicholas Jong 30 Dec 2025 Asia

• Deadly floods and landslides in Sumatra in late 2025 underscored how deforestation, weak spatial planning and extractive development have increased Indonesia’s vulnerability to extreme weather — problems scientists and activists say the government has largely failed to confront.
• Forest loss surged nationwide in 2025, with Sumatra overtaking Borneo as the main deforestation hotspot, while large areas of forest in Papua were redesignated for food estates, agriculture and biofuel projects, raising concerns over carbon emissions and biodiversity loss.
• Despite international pledges to phase out coal, national energy plans continued to lock in coal, gas and biomass co-firing for decades, while palm oil expansion and mining — including in sensitive areas like Raja Ampat — remained central to development strategy, often prompting action only after public pressure.
• Civil society groups increasingly turned to lawsuits amid shrinking space for dissent, rising criminalization of Indigenous communities and activists, and growing militarization of land-use projects — trends campaigners warn are weakening democratic safeguards and environmental protections alike.

JAKARTA — Indonesia closed 2025 facing an uncomfortable reality: climate disasters are escalating while policy direction has remained largely unchanged during President Prabowo Subianto’s first year in office, with the country still heavily dependent on fossil fuels and extractive industries such as palm oil and mining.

One of the deadliest disasters in Indonesia in recent years struck in November 2025, when days of intense rainfall triggered flooding and landslides across three provinces on the island of Sumatra: Aceh, North Sumatra and West Sumatra.

Scientists and environmental groups say the destruction should not be treated as an isolated natural event. Instead, they point to long-standing problems in land use, energy planning and governance that have left large parts of the island more vulnerable to extreme weather.

They argue that forest loss, industrial expansion and weak controls on permits and spatial planning have worsened the impact of heavy rain.

River catchments, upstream forests and steep slopes that play a key role in absorbing water are still allowed to be legally deforested under current land-use rules.

Disasters as warning signs, not anomalies

For Leonard Simanjuntak, the Indonesia country director for Greenpeace, the disasters were a “hard warning” that the country’s environmental carrying capacity has reached a critical point — a warning that, he said, has largely gone unheeded.

“I think the Sumatra disaster was a very strong warning,” he told Mongabay. “But over the past year, there have been many other warnings too, and they seem not to have been taken seriously.”

Leonard pointed to the scale of the damage. As of Dec. 30, 1,141 people had died due to the floods and landslides in Sumatra, 163 were still missing, and more than 166,000 homes had been damaged, according to official figures.

“What kind of wake-up call do we need beyond this?” he said.

Deforestation ramping up

Researchers and activists have long linked flood risk in Sumatra to deforestation. Data compiled by local NGO Trend Asia, which advocates for a clean energy transition, show that Aceh, North Sumatra and West Sumatra together lost about 3.68 million hectares (9.1 million acres) of natural forest between 2014 and 2024. Much of that land was cleared for timber estates, oil palm plantations and other commercial uses.

Conditions worsened again in 2025. Satellite analysis by environmental NGO Auriga Nusantara found that deforestation nationwide reached roughly 470,000 hectares (1.16 million acres) by October, almost double the total recorded for all of 2024. Sumatra overtook Indonesian Borneo as ground zero for deforestation in the country. In Aceh, North Sumatra and West Sumatra, forest loss jumped between three and five times compared with the previous year.

As public scrutiny intensified, President Prabowo said at a meeting in Jakarta on Dec. 15 that his government had not issued or extended any forestry or mining permits throughout 2025. However, an examination by the Indonesian affiliate of German state broadcaster DW found no public database that allows the claim to be independently checked.

Papua and the food estate push

While the government says it hasn’t issued new forestry or mining concessions, the Prabowo administration has moved to redesignate vast forest areas for other purposes.

In 2025, the government removed forest status from nearly 487,000 hectares (1.2 million acres) in Merauke district in the Papua region — an area roughly three times the size of London — to make way for a mega-scale “food estate” program.

Under the program, Prabowo aims to boost food sovereignty by developing vast agricultural estates across Indonesia. Since its inception under previous administrations, the food estate program has drawn controversy for enabling forest clearing on an industrial scale.

In Merauke, the plan envisions up to 3 million hectares (7.4 million acres) of industrial agriculture, including sugarcane and rice. So far, the government has allocated more than 560,000 hectares (1.38 million acres), an area roughly the size of the island of Bali, to 10 companies for sugarcane and bioethanol concessions.

Environmental groups warn the costs could be high. Greenpeace estimates that clearing the area could release up to 221 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. Its latest report shows that two companies involved in the project have already cleared more than 23,000 hectares (56,800 acres) of forests, savannas and wetlands over the past 18 months.

Palm oil obsession

While the food estate program doesn’t yet formally include oil palm plantations in Papua, Prabowo on Dec. 16 encouraged local leaders to plant oil palms to produce biofuels as a substitute for fossil fuels, part of his push for energy self-sufficiency and reduced oil imports.

The remarks followed a presidential instruction issued in September 2025 to expand plantations around the Merauke food estate, including plans for 250,000 hectares (618,000 acres) of oil palm for biodiesel.

Earlier in the year, Prabowo also defended oil palm expansion by dismissing concerns about deforestation, saying that “oil palms are trees … they’ve got leaves.”

The comments drew criticism from environmental groups, which say they contradict established scientific evidence showing how industrial plantations have driven deforestation, biodiversity loss and carbon emissions.

“He seems quite obsessed with choices that, unfortunately, exploit our natural resources to an extreme degree,” Greenpeace’s Leonard said. “It seems he has a firm conviction that Indonesia must be built according to his strategy — by maximizing the exploitation of natural resources. And that’s problematic. Narratives about sovereignty end up directly or indirectly sacrificing sustainability.”

Raja Ampat

Pressure on Papua’s environment in 2025 wasn’t limited to land-based projects. Nickel mining in Raja Ampat, an archipelago famed for its coral reefs and marine biodiversity, sparked international attention. Several mining permits overlap with small islands, forested areas and coastal waters in a region that was this year designated a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve.

Environmental groups warned that mining could send sediment into surrounding seas, threatening coral reefs, fisheries and tourism-dependent communities. After weeks of criticism, much of it amplified through the #SaveRajaAmpat campaign, the government revoked four private nickel permits and temporarily suspended operations at PT Gag Nikel, the only remaining operator, in June 2025.

Campaigners welcomed the decision but cautioned that it addressed only part of the problem. They warned that without broader safeguards for small islands and marine ecosystems, similar disputes would likely return. Gag Nikel was later allowed to resume operations.

That pattern — acting only under pressure, coupled with broader policy continuity — has defined much of Prabowo’s first year in office.

Domestic policy versus international rhetoric

Another defining characteristic of Prabowo’s leadership is contradiction between domestic policy and international rhetoric, Leonard said.

At the G20 summit in November 2024, Prabowo pledged to phase out coal-fired power plants by 2040 and to achieve a fully renewable electricity system by the mid-2030s, raising hopes that one of the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitters might finally embark on a genuine energy transition.

Yet analyses by civil society groups, including the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), Trend Asia and Greenpeace, show the government’s latest core electricity planning documents — the National Electricity General Plan (RUKN) and the Electricity Supply Business Plan (RUPTL), both updated in 2025 — contradict those pledges.

Both plans effectively extend coal power into the 2060s by promoting so-called biomass co-firing — replacing a fraction of the coal being burned with wood chips — as a climate solution, despite warnings that it could drive further deforestation.

“The RUKN and RUPTL still place coal as the backbone of the electricity system, with no visible effort to phase coal out of power generation,” said Dwi Sawung, a Walhi campaigner for spatial planning and infrastructure. “There is no clear target for when coal-fired power plants will be retired one by one.”

Increased use of natural gas and speculative technologies such as carbon capture have also been touted to justify delaying a coal phase-out.

“At a time when people are losing their homes, their health, even their lives due to the climate crisis, national energy policy continues to lock in coal and gas for decades to come as risky energy choices, both economically and environmentally,” said Wildan Siregar, a campaign and advocacy officer at Trend Asia.

Frustrated by what they see as policy backsliding, civil society groups escalated their response in 2025 by filing lawsuits against the national energy plans, arguing they violate climate commitments, development laws and citizens’ rights to a healthy environment.

Shrinking civic space

Conservationists chalked up a few wins this year. Under new administration, the forestry ministry has signaled that population surveys of endangered wildlife will be a priority, after years without updated figures for key species. And new discoveries, such as the identification of a population of Tapanuli orangutans outside their previously known range, have sparked optimism even amid concerns about threats facing the newly identified habitat.

However, the growing number of court cases challenging government policy reflects wider frustration among civil society groups.

Activists say decision-making has become more centralized and increasingly intolerant of criticism, narrowing the space to challenge policies that carry environmental risks.

Since Prabowo took office, his administration has faced at least five large protest waves linked to controversial laws and decisions that consolidate power.

The most recent occurred in August, when protests erupted over lavish state spending for members of the House of Representatives. The demonstrations were met with police violence, resulting in the death of a motorcycle rideshare driver and the arrest of 5,444 people.

Indigenous communities have also faced increasing pressure. According to data from the Indigenous alliance AMAN, at least 162 Indigenous people were subjected to criminalization or violence in 2025.

During the same period, AMAN found Indigenous communities lost around 3.8 million hectares (9.4 million acres) of customary land to forestry, mining, energy and plantation concessions — three times the annual average of the past decade.

AMAN secretary-general Rukka Sombolinggi attributed the escalation to the growing military presence in civilian affairs, including in government-backed projects such as the food estate program in Papua.

“We notice that militarization has made a return, and the magnitude is multiple,” she said. “Deforestation on Indigenous lands taken for the food estate program is being carried out by soldiers.”

Leonard warned that the trend risks eroding Indonesia’s democratic safeguards — and, with them, environmental protections.

“A militaristic government is fundamentally bad at listening,” he said. “It struggles to accept critical and dissenting views. We are seeing increasing criminalization of activists.”

Prabowo has also weakened opposition within political institutions by bringing most rival parties into his governing coalition, reducing checks and balances in parliament.

“This kind of government turns parliament into a rubber stamp,” Leonard said. “In that situation, space to question what needs fixing — and what would be better for the environment and climate — continues to shrink.”

Banner image: A woman stands near a shop damaged during a flood in Aceh province, Indonesia, Nov. 29, 2025. Image by AP Photos/Reza Saifullah.

Credits  Isabel Esterman Editor

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https://www.thejakartapost.com/indonesia/2025/12/30/yearender-indonesia-lags-behind-on-indigenous-rights-protection.html?utm_source=(direct)&utm_medium=home_editorsp

 

2) Yearender: Indonesia lags behind on indigenous rights protection 

While boasting in front of the international community of a commitment to grant 1.4 million hectares of customary forest in the next five years, the government was met with criticism of conflicting policies and increasing repression that put indigenous communities in a more vulnerable position.

 Maretha Uli (The Jakarta Post) Premium Jakarta Tue, December 30, 2025 

People of the Bonokeling indigenous community walk carrying food offerings during the 'Unggah-unggahan' ceremonial procession in remembrance and gratitude to their ancestors on Feb. 20, in Banyumas, Central Java. Bonokeling people from various locations walk about 40 kilometers over two days to gather at the Bonokeling cemetery, bringing livestock, rice and snacks to cook and share as a way to mark the start of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan. (AFP/Devi Rahman) P rotections for indigenous people’s rights in Indonesia have seen little progress throughout 2025, with legislation in favor of local communities stalled and repression persisting despite promises made by the government on the global stage. 

Among the promises was a pledge to recognize 1.4 million hectares of customary forest by 2029. It was introduced by Forestry Minister Raja Juli Antoni at the United Nations climate change conference in Brazil, or COP30, in November. Indonesia is home to an estimated 40 to 70 million indigenous people spread across the archipelago who maintain deep ancestral ties to their land as well as distinct social and cultural systems. But legal recognition of their lands is still scarce. The Indigenous People Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN), which represents 2,645 communities, identified 33.6 million ha of customary forests and coastal areas.

 But only 366,955 ha belonging to 169 communities had been recognized by the government as of December. Read also: Skepticism persists as Indonesia joins global deal on indigenous land  Morning Brief Every Monday, Wednesday and Friday morning. Delivered straight to your inbox three times weekly, this curated briefing provides a concise overview of the day's most important issues, covering a wide range of topics from politics to culture and society. View More Newsletter The Forestry Ministry has pledged to expedite the recognition process, including by involving AMAN in a special task force on the matter. But AMAN advocacy and legal director Muhammad Arman was skeptical, saying the plan, considered modest for a four-year period compared to the extent of customary areas potentially recognized, was vulnerable to procedural obstacles such as lengthy political processes and complex verification mechanisms. 

“These challenges have been discussed within the task force,” Arman said on Dec. 23, “but there has been no significant breakthrough in terms of policy reform.” Stalled policies Indigenous groups are no stranger to stalling policies. In October, the Constitutional Court allowed indigenous communities to cultivate forest to fulfill their daily needs without obtaining a permit, according to the justices in their ruling for a judicial review against the Job Creation Law. But critics argue that as long as forests remain owned by the state and the government is lacking on implementing the ruling, indigenous communities remain vulnerable to displacement if forest areas are later released for business use. In its 2025 report, AMAN noted persisting criminalization against indigenous residents whose customary lands overlap with state forest areas. 

Another ruling from the Constitutional Court in 2013 separated customary forests from the regular state-owned forest areas, granting indigenous communities rights over their territories. But more than a decade later, indigenous groups saw little follow up on the final and binding legal decision, including the stalled deliberations of the indigenous people bill. First submitted with the House of Representatives in 2010, the bill has been included in the legislature’s 2025 and 2026 priority list. Yet, Franky Samperante, environmental activist and executive director of indigenous advocacy group Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, remained pessimistic. “I’m not confident [President] Prabowo [Subianto’s] administration will deliver meaningful progress on the bill,” he said. Read also: House lawmakers say Indigenous rights bill inching closer Contradicting policies Prabowo has repeatedly vowed to push Indonesia to achieve food and energy self-sufficiency by, among other programs, opening large-scale agricultural estates. The President recently also raised an idea to expand palm oil plantations in Papua to produce biofuel. Arman said the statement contradicted the customary forest commitment made at COP30. Franky concurred, warning the plan would harm local communities while favoring corporate interests.

 “The forest recognition plan is still unfinished, but the state moves much faster in granting concessions to corporations than in affirming indigenous rights,” Franky said. Environmental activists with Greenpeace Indonesia and members of Papuan indigenous communities hold a rally on Dec. 18 in front of the Office of the Coordinating Economic Minister in Jakarta protesting the national strategic project (PSN) to open sugarcane plantations in Merauke they say have devastated Indonesia's easternmost region. (Antara/Dhemas Reviyanto) Another questionable initiative was Prabowo’s move to form a forest area enforcement task force to improve forest management and curb illegal oil palm plantations and mines within forest areas. Its members are drawn largely from the military and police. Environmental and agrarian rights groups warned that such an approach could legitimize repression against indigenous communities mainly driven by corporations and law enforcement bodies evicting them and seizing their land. 

Throughout 2025, AMAN recorded 135 cases of indigenous land grabbing involving 109 communities pertaining to business activities, such as plantation, energy, mining and infrastructure, affecting 3.8 million ha of territory. The figure increased from 121 cases and 2.8 million ha recorded in 2024. Resolution of conflicting land ownership, however, remains excluded from the government’s customary recognition plan, according to Arman. He argued the government only focused on areas with “minimum disputes”, leaving conflicted customary lands unresolved. Forestry Ministry director for tenurial conflict resolution and customary forest Julmansyah said on Dec. 19 that the ministry was finalizing a road map for customary forests aligned with the 1.4 million ha plan. When asked whether the road map would address agrarian conflicts, he declined to elaborate, answering briefly: “We have not reached that stage yet.” He previously claimed the ministry was not avoiding to address disputable land and forest area in mapping the for the 1.4 million-ha plan, but was seeking for “win-win solutions” should overlapping claims emerge within the targeted forest. “When there are conflicting proposals,” Julmansyah said, “mediation and solutions that prioritize justice for indigenous communities are necessary.” Popular New criminal code requires public oversight, minister says The politics of cash display in nation running out of forests Surviving via 'VCS': Indonesians turn to virtual sex work amid COVID-19 Related Articles Yearender: Rising militarism marks civil-military shift in 2025 Profound budget policy changes failed to lift growth in 2025 Gaza ends the year with war’s embers still burning

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