Tuesday, September 1, 2026

1) In Indonesia, 20 Indigenous subtribes seek common ground amid mining divisions


2) New Papuan province proposal advances with four council factions 

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1) In Indonesia, 20 Indigenous subtribes seek common ground amid mining divisions

 Hans Nicholas Jong 1 Sep 2026 Asia


  • Representatives of 20 Indigenous subtribes in Raja Ampat gathered in Arborek for Heyul Pelei Koranu Fyak, a gathering to strengthen unity and find common ground over the future of the archipelago.
  • The gathering came as nickel mining has created divisions within some Indigenous communities, including on Manyaifun Island, where opposition to a mining project led to intimidation and conflict among residents.
  • Participants issued the Arborek Resolution, which rejects extractive activities that damage Raja Ampat’s landscape, seascape, culture and Indigenous communities, while calling for permanent protection of the region.
  • The gathering also promoted a broader vision of Indigenous-led development and solidarity, the Arborek Declaration, bringing together communities from Indonesia, the Amazon and Sarawak, and committing to stronger customary rights, knowledge-sharing and cooperation led by Indigenous youth and women.

ARBOREK, Southwest Papua, Indonesia — For generations, Raja Ampat’s Indigenous communities have governed different forests, reefs and islands according to their customary systems.

Those communities have distinct identities and territorial claims, which sometimes overlap or lead to disputes. Recently, nickel mining has created new divisions, with some communities seeing the industry as an economic opportunity, while others fear it will damage the land and sea on which they depend.

Against that backdrop, representatives of 20 Indigenous subtribes gathered in the tiny island village of Arborek from Aug. 20-23, 2026, to find common ground and strengthen their collective voice over the future of Raja Ampat.

The gathering, called Heyul Pelei Koranu Fyak, takes its name from the two major Indigenous groups in Raja Ampat, the Maya and Biak. Heyul Pelei is a Maya term meaning grand gathering, while Koranu Fyak in Biak means Indigenous people.

The gathering, , was the culmination of a consolidation effort among Indigenous communities in Raja Ampat that began in 2025. It was organized by the Forum Gelar Senat Masyarakat Adat Raja Ampat in collaboration with Institut USBA, an Indigenous-focused organization based in Southwest Papua, and Greenpeace Indonesia.

As night fell on the first day, representatives from each participating subtribe introduced themselves and shared stories from their respective villages. Many spoke about struggles over land, resources and environmental protection. The gathering ultimately produced a common resolution opposing mining in Raja Ampat.


Fighting nickel mining in Raja Ampat

Indigenous women’s leader from the Moi Maya community Ludia Mentasan, for instance, shared her experience fighting PT Nurham, a nickel mining company whose concession overlapped with its customary territory in Yensner village.

Ludia, who has worked on Indigenous peoples’ issues since around 2000, .

Their campaign gained wider public attention in 2025 when alongside those of other communities whose customary lands overlapped with nickel mining concessions in Raja Ampat.

The #SaveRajaAmpat campaign then drew widespread public scrutiny of nickel mining in the archipelago, which lies in the heart of the Coral Triangle and is one of the world’s most biodiverse marine regions. Researchers have estimated that its waters contain about 75% of the world’s known coral species.

The public outcry was followed by the government’s decision to revoke the mining permits of four companies — Nurham, PT Anugerah Surya Pratama, PT Mulia Raymond Perkasa and PT Kawei Sejahtera Mining — on June 10, 2025. The Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry said the four companies had “violated environmental regulations.”

The Arborek Resolution

Throughout the gathering in Arborek, participants continued to share their knowledge through dialogues and cultural exchanges, including dancing and singing.

By the end of the event, the communities agreed on a common position against extractive activities, the Arborek Resolution.

“From our togetherness at this grand gathering, we believe that the destiny and lives of the Indigenous people of Raja Ampat are not determined by efforts to extract what lies beneath the earth, let alone by being seduced by sweet promises that take away our ancestral islands and seas,” the resolution says.

The resolution was signed by Indigenous people and members of affected communities who attended the gathering.

But the significance of the gathering was not simply that 20 subtribes agreed to oppose mining; it was also an attempt to build a mechanism for cooperation among communities with different customary identities and, in some cases, competing interests.


Repairing fractures

Institut USBA director Charles Imbir said bringing the 20 subtribes together was significant at a time when nickel mining has deepened divisions within some Indigenous communities in Raja Ampat.

He said conflicts had intensified since development and mining projects entered the region, “not only between these two groups [Maya and Biak], but all the way down to the grassroots level.”

“We don’t want the government or companies, especially, to come and divide our social and human relations,” Charles said. “We are trying to prevent the threat of outside intervention that could eventually lead to horizontal conflict. And that can damage not only Indigenous people, but also nature, culture and development itself.”

The divisions Charles described are not hypothetical; on Manyaifun Island, they have become personal.

In 2024, Mulia Raymond Perkasa began exploring for nickel on the islands of Manyaifun and nearby Batang Pele, both part of the archipelago. At the time, the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry described the company’s activities as exploration and drilling rather than mining.

The project divided people in Manyaifun between those who supported mining and those who opposed it, according to Ronisel Mambrasar, a 35-year-old fisherman and Indigenous youth leader from the village.

Ronisel opposed the project because he feared mining would damage an island whose people depend on fishing, tourism and other activities for their livelihoods.

He began traveling from village to village by boat, raising awareness about the mining project and asking residents to sign a petition opposing it. His campaign was met with intimidation, he said.

“I was confronted by local people, attacked and even beaten,” Ronisel said. “My lip was injured. They threatened and intimidated us.”

He also said some people who intimidated him worked for or had connections to the company.

The opposition group eventually left the village and moved to Waisai, where they organized and built support for their campaign, he said.


When the government ultimately revoked MRP’s permit in June 2025, the company was still at the exploration stage and had not begun mining.

But the revocation did not immediately end the conflict.

Some residents did not accept the government’s decision, Ronisel said, and subsequently blocked access to homestays operated by his family and other residents in Manyaifun.

“There were even foreign guests staying there who were expelled and threatened,” he added. “In the end, the guests left.”

The conflict later subsided after the police summoned those involved and mediated between the two sides, Ronisel said.

For him, that experience made the gathering in Arborek especially important.

“I hope this event will not just be an event,” he said during the gathering. “I hope it can unite all the Indigenous communities in Raja Ampat, and even those outside Raja Ampat, as well as our friends overseas who are able to be here with us today. We hope to build solidarity with one another and unite against environmental destruction.”

A different path

The gathering was also an effort to promote a different vision of development for Raja Ampat — one suited to an archipelago of small islands where communities depend heavily on the surrounding sea.

Institut USBA’s Charles said development should not be modeled on mainland cities, with large buildings and urban centers.

“The government should not think about developing Raja Ampat according to a mainland model, where you need large buildings and large cities,” he said. “That isn’t possible for the communities of Raja Ampat.”

Instead, development should follow an archipelagic and Indigenous community-based model, he said.

“That way, Indigenous communities can survive, can continue living there, and their economies can grow,” said Charles, who lives in Arborek village. “And this has already been proven in many places. One example is Arborek.”

Arborek, a small island with a population of around 200, has built its economy around tourism, fishing and handicrafts. Its surrounding waters are rich in marine life, and the village has become a popular base for tourists visiting Raja Ampat.

For Benoni Watem, a 43-year-old native of Arborek, tourism offered a way to make a living without extracting resources from the island.

He began preparing to build a homestay in 2022 and started operating it the following year.

“Tourism is sustainable; it won’t run out,” he said. “If mining comes in, the resources will eventually run out. So we reject mining in Raja Ampat.”

Benoni says he worries that mining could damage the ecosystem that draws tourists to Raja Ampat, including the manta rays that are a major attraction around the islands.


“The beauty of Raja Ampat is what brings tourists here,” he said. “But if mining comes in, the environment that we have protected will be damaged by mining, and then the beauty will disappear.”

Charles said the experience of Arborek showed that communities could build their economies without destroying their natural surroundings.

“Without cutting down trees, without taking the land, our land and water remain safe, and communities can develop their economies through services,” he said.

From Raja Ampat to the Amazon

The gathering was also designed to extend solidarity beyond Raja Ampat.

Representatives of Indigenous communities from South Sorong in Southwest Papua, the Amazon and Sarawak in Malaysian Borneo attended, along with communities elsewhere in Indonesia affected by nickel mining on Wawonii Island in Southeast Sulawesi and in Kawasi village on Obi Island, North Maluku.

Panh Ô Kayapó , an Indigenous Kayapó woman from the Amazon, shared her experience during a multiparty dialogue.

Speaking about the extractive nature of colonialism and the need for Indigenous communities to resist it, Panh Ô said Indigenous people were central to protecting the environment.

Indigenous women, she added, play a particularly important role in protecting biodiversity.

“We women do not only take care of children, but also biodiversity,” said Panh Ô, who to the gathering in her native language through interpreters. “I speak as a woman not only for our generation, but, most importantly, about how we can pass [it] on for a better future.”

The exchange reflected one of the gathering’s broader aims: Connecting Indigenous communities facing different forms of pressure from extractive industries and sharing strategies for protecting their territories.

That commitment was reflected in an additional document and agreement, the Arborek Declaration, which brought together Indigenous representatives from four major rainforest regions — the Amazon, Congo Basin, Borneo and Papua.

In addition to the stand against extractive activities in Raja Ampat in the Arborek Resolution, the declaration called for stronger cross-generational networks and global solidarity, recognition of Indigenous territorial rights, protection from discrimination and intimidation, greater support for Indigenous knowledge, and corporate accountability for environmental destruction.


Looking ahead

The Arborek Declaration called for stronger unity among tribes and subtribes, including the establishment of Indigenous youth and women’s houses; recognition and mapping of customary territories and kinship relationships; greater exchange of knowledge across generations, tribes and islands; and stronger solidarity at the regional, national and international levels.

It also gave Indigenous youth and women a mandate to lead those four priorities and organize another Heyul Pelei Koranu Fyak gathering in 2027.

The commitments come as mining remains a concern in Raja Ampat.

PT Gag Nikel remains the only active nickel mining company in the archipelago, but Greenpeace saysthree companies are still pursuing mining permits in Raja Ampat — two for nickel and one for coal. Greenpeace corrected an earlier version of its research after initially describing the three companies as seeking nickel permits.

Greenpeace has also reported that Gag Nikel continues to operate despite environmental audit findings that identified problems including coastal sedimentation and inadequate erosion controls.

For Charles, however, the gathering’s significance goes beyond the immediate mining debate.

Raja Ampat’s geography can make it difficult for communities scattered across hundreds of islands to come together, he said.

“In Raja Ampat, we have the challenge of the sea separating us,” he said. “But now, through something like this, the sea can also become a unifying force.”

Banner image: The Indigenous community of Arborek welcomed the participants of Heyul Pelei Koranu Fyak (the Grand Gathering of Raja Ampat Indigenous Peoples), held from Aug. 20 to 23, 2026. Image © Jurnasyanto Sukarno / Greenpeace.


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2) New Papuan province proposal advances with four council factions 
 September 1, 2026 19:00 GMT+700

Manokwari (ANTARA) - A discourse on forming a new autonomous region called Central West Papua Province gained traction after four factions in the West Papua Provincial House of Representatives (DPRP) agreed to establish a work committee.

West Papua DPRP Speaker Orgenes Wonggor said in Manokwari on Tuesday that the four factions had voiced a common stance on the discourse, proposed by residents of the Bomberay customary region, during Monday's plenary session.

“The aspirations conveyed through the four factions will soon be followed up with the establishment of a work committee,” he said.

Wonggor explained that the plan entails West Papua Province relinquishing the Bomberay customary region - encompassing Teluk Bintuni, Teluk Wondama, Fakfak, and Kaimana districts - to pave the way for the establishment of Central West Papua Province.

“The council’s secretariat will issue a decree establishing the work committee. Although the authority to decide to create a new administrative region rests with the central government, we remain determined to advocate for people’s aspirations,” the speaker said.

West Papua Regional Secretary Ali Baham Temongmere emphasized that any attempt to establish a new administrative region in Indonesia must comply with statutory regulations, noting that its success may depend on fulfilling requirements set by the central government.

In this regard, Temongmere cited Law No. 2 of 2021 concerning Papua’s Special Autonomy, which provides room for people in seven customary regions to pursue administrative divisions. They are Bomberay, Mamta, Saireri, La Pago, Mee Pago, Anim Ha, and Domberay.

Meanwhile, Amanat Sejahtera faction speaker at the West Papua DPRP Rachmad Sinamur highlighted that the movement advocating for a new province in Bomberay had emerged several years ago but stalled due to a moratorium on the establishment of new regions.

In January 2023, he added, the leaders of the four Bomberay districts agreed to push for the establishment of a new province, with the central government notified of the campaign.

Sinamur emphasized the need for relevant regional administrations to continue advancing the movement while preparing to meet the requirements, including the establishment of new districts.

Having been divided between Papua and West Papua provinces for decades, Indonesia’s Papua region expanded administratively with the establishment of Central Papua, Southwest Papua, Highland Papua, and South Papua in 2022.

If established, Central West Papua will become Indonesia’s 39th province, though its formation requires the creation of new districts. The 2014 Law on Regional Governments stipulates that a province must comprise a minimum of five districts or cities.

Related news: S Papua development supports Golden Indonesia goal: ministry

Related news: Accelerating development in Highland Papua Province

Translator: F.S. Weking, Tegar Nurfitra
Editor: Primayanti

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1) West Papuan leader calls on Pacific Forum to ‘break its silence’ and denounce Indonesian military violence



2) Papua conflict shifts from separatism to environmental and resource disputes, researcher says
3) Persipura supporters question Freeport’s contribution to the club

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1) West Papuan leader calls on Pacific Forum to ‘break its silence’ and denounce Indonesian military violence
 By APR editor - August 31, 2026


West Papuan advocate Paula Makabory . . . "the humanitarian situation [in West Papua] has reached a critical juncture, underscored by devastating casualties reported in recent weeks." Image: Green Party screenshot APR

Asia Pacific Report

An exiled West Papuan leader living in Australia is calling on Oceania leaders at the Pacific Island Forum meeting in Palau this week to condemn growing military violence in the Indonesian-ruled Melanesian region.

Paula Makabory, an executive member of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), has also appealed to Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders to do the same and to call for an immediate end to the violence in civilian areas and to address the environment crisis in West Papua.

Her call is being supported by several Pacific-based organisations.

“The letter sent today to Pacific leaders calls for immediate action because the humanitarian situation has reached a critical juncture, underscored by devastating casualties reported in recent weeks,” Makabory said in a statement.

She cited the following recent incidents as examples of many since mid-2025 until now which showed an escalation of extrajudicial killings and the use of drones and land mines by the Indonesian military in civilian areas:

  • Thursday, 18 June 2026: A drone strike in Intan Jaya. At about 1pm local time, an elderly Papuan woman was killed, and two other women were severely injured in an attack involving explosive materials deployed by Indonesian military drones. Local sources indicate an alarming escalation in military tactics, including the use of unmanned aerial vehicles and landmines placed along civilian footpaths.
  • Wednesday, 17 June 2026: A fatal shooting in Dekai, Yahukimo. At 4.05 pm local time, a young Papuan man was shot and killed in Yahukimo Regency, Papua Pegunungan. Eyewitness accounts from the victim’s family directly implicated members of the Indonesian Marine Task Force.
  • Thursday, 2 July 2026: American pilot Nicholas F. Gosselin of Associated Mission Aviation (AMA) was killed after landing in Yahukimo. The West Papua Liberation Army (TPNPB) claimed responsibility, alleging the aircraft was supporting Indonesian military operations, while Indonesian authorities claimed it was conducting a civilian humanitarian mission.

‘Urgent need for international monitoring’
“Regardless of the competing accounts, this tragic [pilot] incident demonstrates the urgent need for independent international monitoring, transparent investigations, and renewed efforts to de-escalate the conflict and promote human rights,” Makabory said,

“Under the internationally recognised doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), the global community — and neighbouring sovereign states in particular — has a duty to step in when a state fails to protect its population from systematic human rights violations.”

She said the continuous deployment of heavy tactical forces had turned residential areas into active conflict zones, where indigenous Papuans were treated with inherent suspicion and lethal force.

There had been 24 extrajudicial killings so far during 2026.

“Severe human rights violations are rarely met with independent investigations or genuine justice, leaving civilian populations entirely defenceless and more than 125,00 people displaced and homeless in the Highlands,” she said.

Makabory said the Indigenous people of West Papua were an integral part of the Melanesian family.

“Their ongoing suffering directly weakens the security and solidarity of the entire Pacific region,” she said.

Collective diplomatic action
Makabory urged Pacific Island Forum leaders to “break the silence” and take collective diplomatic action by issuing a formal condemnation of recent killings in Intan Jaya and Yahukimo, issue a collective call an immediate cessation of military operations in civilian areas, and demand unimpeded United Nations access to investigate human rights abuses.

She also called for condemnation of drone strikes, the establishment of a humanitarian corridor for aid for displaced people in the Highlands, a moratorium on mega projects in West Papua and an independent evaluation of Special Autonomy in terms of pathways to indigenous West Papuan self-determination.

“The report also calls on the PIF leadership to challenge the crushing of peaceful dissent and the widespread destruction of Indigenous land with resulting acceleration of deforestation and regional climate change risks.”

Catherine Delahunty, spokesperson for West Papua Action Aotearoa (WPAA), said the New Zealand and Australian governments were “failing in their critical leadership roles” by their silence on all of these issues.

“The Pacific Islands Forum has called or years for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to be granted immediate, unrestricted access to West Papua to conduct an independent investigation, but this has been ignored and the PIF needs to ensure Indonesia can’t expect status at Pacific meetings while ignoring the PIF requests,” she said.

Makabory said the PIF Special Envoys, Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape, needed to negotiate a firm timeline for a UN fact-finding mission with Indonesia.

“The PIF and MSG must bring the West Papuan human rights crisis and land crisis to the forefront of the upcoming United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and relevant international human rights forums to ensure global oversight,” she said.

“The survival of our Melanesian brothers and sisters depends on leaders who are willing to champion human rights and regional stability over political convenience.”

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2) Papua conflict shifts from separatism to environmental and resource disputes, researcher says
News Desk September 1, 2026

Jayapura, Jubi – Conflict in Papua has increasingly shifted from separatist issues towards disputes over the environment and natural resources, according to researcher Adriana Elisabeth.

Ms Elisabeth, a former researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), which has since been incorporated into the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), said the shift was particularly evident in opposition to national strategic projects in South Papua, where large areas of customary land have been used for development.

“I see a shift in the conflict, from separatism to environmental conflict. Environmental issues used to centre on PT Freeport, but now they have expanded to national strategic projects in South Papua,” Ms Elisabeth said.


She made the comments during the launch of the book Thom Beanal: Lay Pastor, Tribal Leader and Father of the Papuan People at the MAWI office in Jakarta on Thursday, August 27. The event was also streamed on YouTube and reported by Jubi.

Ms Elisabeth said the issues portrayed in the documentary Pesta Babi were consistent with findings from LIPI research, including research into the struggle of the late Papuan leader Thom Beanal, which is documented in the book written by Markus Haluk.

She said the documentary presented long-standing issues in Papua in a different format, while the concerns raised by Beanal remained largely unchanged.

According to Ms Elisabeth, there are four major underlying issues in Papua.

The first is the history of integration and political identity, including unresolved questions surrounding Papua’s political status and its integration into Indonesia.

The second is political violence and human rights violations, with many cases from the past yet to be fully and fairly resolved.

The third is what she described as failures in development policies, particularly in education and healthcare, which she said had not sufficiently empowered Indigenous Papuans.

The fourth is marginalisation and inconsistency in the implementation of special autonomy, which she said had contributed to the economic and cultural marginalisation of Indigenous Papuans.

Ms Elisabeth also criticised a meeting between the so-called Team of 100 and then-president BJ Habibie at the State Palace in Jakarta on February 26, 1999, saying it did not constitute genuine dialogue.

Thom Beanal, who represented Papuan communities at the meeting, called for Papuans to be allowed to determine their own future, including seeking independence or separation from Indonesia.

Ms Elisabeth said the demand was rooted in accumulated grievances arising from Papua’s history.

She said President Habibie responded that establishing a new country was not an easy matter and asked the Papuan representatives to reconsider their demands.

Book author Markus Haluk said Thom Beanal had long raised concerns about what he described as genocide, ethnocide and ecocide in Papua.

Mr Haluk described Beanal as a national figure who brought together people with different political positions.

He said Beanal was a humanist who was able to work with different groups while maintaining a strong position as a customary landowner in an area containing one of the world’s largest mining operations.

Separately, lawyer and former director of Elsham Papua Aloysius Renwarin raised concerns about the Indonesian government’s decision to extend PT Freeport Indonesia’s special mining licence from 2041 to 2061.

Mr Renwarin and fellow activist John Rumbiak previously assisted Thom Beanal and other community leaders, including Mama Josepha Alomang, in their legal campaign against Freeport, including proceedings in New Orleans in the United States.

Mr Renwarin said Freeport’s environmental impacts and plans for the mine’s eventual closure required a comprehensive review.

He said Freeport began mining at Mount Ertsberg in 1973, before environmental impact assessments, known in Indonesia as AMDAL, were legally required.

Indonesia’s first environmental management law came into effect in 1982, while technical implementation of environmental impact assessments began nationally following a government regulation issued in 1986.

“From 1973 to 1986 there was no accountability through an environmental impact assessment, so there needs to be a comprehensive environmental review, particularly given the condition of Mount Ertsberg, which has been excavated and turned into a lake at an altitude of thousands of metres,” Mr Renwarin said.

He said environmental impact assessments for Freeport were only discussed after mining operations began at Mount Grasberg in 1988.

Mr Renwarin also pointed to changes to the landscape caused by mining waste discharged into the Wanogong River, known as the Aykwa River in the Kamoro language, including sedimentation and changes to the surrounding landscape.

He said further environmental assessments should be conducted for underground mining and the company’s eventual mine closure, with the process carried out transparently and in cooperation with local governments.

Ertsberg’s production declined during the 1980s and the mine closed in 1988, according to geologist George A. Mealey’s book Grasberg: Mining the Richest and Most Remote Deposit of Copper and Gold in the World, in the Mountains in Irian Jaya, Indonesia.

Mealey wrote that the former Ertsberg excavation had become a water reservoir used in ore processing and was known as Wilson Lake.

The Grasberg mine, which replaced Ertsberg, began open-pit operations in 1988. Surface mining was gradually phased out and officially ended in late 2019 after the accessible surface mineral reserves were depleted.

With underground mining continuing, Menuel John Magal, director of the Amungme Indigenous Community Institution (LEMASA), said the company’s environmental impact assessment should be revised.

He said Freeport’s obligations towards local communities for the period from 2024 to 2041 should be negotiated with communities and incorporated into the company’s environmental impact assessment.

Freeport Indonesia’s Director and Executive Vice President for Sustainable Development, Claus Wamafma, said the company remained committed to sustainable mining practices and long-term environmental rehabilitation.

He said plans for the post-mining period, including staged implementation and funding, had been prepared and approved by the Indonesian government.

“We have prepared the post-mining plan, including its stages and technical funding arrangements,” Mr Wamafma said.

He acknowledged the economic challenge facing Mimika Regency, where mining operations and related activities still contribute significantly to the local economy.

Mr Wamafma said Freeport’s social programs in Mimika, Central Papua, were being implemented in collaboration with the local government. (*)



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3) Persipura supporters question Freeport’s contribution to the club

News Desk September 1, 2026

Jayapura, Jubi – The head of Black Danger Community (BDC) Persipura 1963, a supporters’ group for Indonesian football club Persipura Jayapura, has questioned PT Freeport Indonesia’s contribution to the club ahead of the 2026–27 season.

Jansen Previdea Kareth said BDC 1963 welcomed the launch of Persipura’s team, new jersey, sponsorship support and a book titled Persipura dari Masa ke Masa (Persipura Through the Years) on Sunday, August 30, 2026.

The launch events were held simultaneously in several cities, including Sorong in West Papua, Timika in Mimika Regency, Central Papua, Jayapura, Yogyakarta and Jakarta.

Mr Kareth also praised Persipura’s management, including its commissioners, president director and chairman, as well as Nusantara Cenderawasih Karsa (NCK) President Director Owen Rahadiyan, for continuing to support and oversee the club as it prepares for the 2026–27 Liga 2 season.

“For us, this was a very lively event. It was something all the fans, loyal supporters and people of Papua had been waiting and longing for as the new season begins,” Mr Kareth told Jubi in a message on Monday, August 31.

However, Mr Kareth said the launch had also raised questions about the club’s sponsorship arrangements, particularly the absence of support from PT Freeport Indonesia.

While acknowledging that the team launch is a requirement under league regulations before the start of a new season, he said he wanted to raise concerns directly with PT Freeport Indonesia President Director Toni Wenas.

“I want to offer some critical input to Mr Toni Wenas, as President Director of PT Freeport Indonesia. He needs to understand that Persipura is part of the identity of the Papuan people,” Mr Kareth said.

He described Persipura as an important symbol for Papuans and one of the few institutions continuing to represent their dignity and pride through football in Indonesia and internationally.

Mr Kareth said the launch of the 2026–27 squad had left many people in Papua questioning why Freeport was not among the club’s sponsors.

He argued that Persipura represented the people of Papua and should receive greater support from a major mining company operating in the region.

“It is strange that after decades of operating in Papua and exploiting its natural resources, from the first Contract of Work in 1976 until today, PT Freeport has not provided support or sponsorship for Persipura in Liga 2,” he said.

The chairman of the Black Danger Community (BDC) Persipura 1963 supporters’ group, Jansen Previdea Kareth, has questioned PT Freeport Indonesia’s lack of sponsorship for Persipura Jayapura.

One of the reasons reportedly given by Freeport for not sponsoring the “Mutiara Hitam” (Black Pearl) is that the team is still competing in Liga 2, Indonesia’s second-tier football competition.

Another reason is that Papua has since been divided into several provinces, meaning the administrative boundaries have changed. PT Freeport Indonesia now operates in Central Papua Province.

Kareth said he was saddened by this way of looking at the issue, arguing that Persipura is one of the few institutions capable of bringing Papuans together across the region, including people from coastal, lowland and highland communities.

“Even though Papua has now been divided into six provinces, that cannot change the love, pride and the status of Persipura, which stands above everything else for the people of Papua,” he said.

Kareth said PT Freeport Indonesia’s logo should have appeared on Persipura’s new jersey as a sponsor when the team was officially launched. (*)


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