Monday, April 4, 2016

1) Special Autonomy Stuck due to Jakarta Interventions

2) Freeport Divestment Price Yet to be Set
3) Seven Tribes Empowerment Team Ready to Propose CEO Candidate
4) Minister’s Visit Has No Meaning, Says Yaung
5) Jokowi seen empowering Indonesian military
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1) Special Autonomy Stuck due to Jakarta Interventions
4 April 2016



The Special Autonomy Law has not solved the social gap between Papua and other regions in Indonesia – Jubi

Jayapura, Jubi – After almost 16 years, the Special Autonomy Law has not solved the social gap between Papua and other regions in Indonesia.
The Special Autonomy Law is also a materialization of the highest recognition from the Indonesian Government towards Papuan people, especially the indigenous people.
It is expected to provide opportunities and broaden the participation of indigenous Papuans in all areas of development. However, in reality, many Papuans believed it has not achieved its purpose. But Papua Governor Lukas Enembe wanted to retain it.
The Second Secretary of Papua Customary Council, John NR Gobai said the authority of Special Autonomy Law wasn’t running optimal because of overlapping rules or double standard.
“We are really different with Aceh, for instance in the use of full authority of Special Autonomy. In Papua, it is not firmed, and so many interventions from the Central Government to Papua,” he told Jubi in Abepura on Saturday (2/4/2016).
According to Gobai who also the Paniai Regional Customary Council Chief, that each Perdasus (Special Regional Regulation) or Perdasi (Provincial Regulation) always need to be consulted to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, therefore speaking on Papua Special Autonomy is clearly to be cut by the Central Government.
He said the Central Government much believes on ‘spies’ in Papua than the Regional Government. He gave example on the conflict of mining permits that are still overlapping between the authority of Papua Governor and the regents.
“It is happening because of the appliance of two regulations, namely the Law of Regional Government and Special Autonomy Law in Papua Province,” he said.
Meanwhile, the Indonesian councilor of Papua representative the Rev. Charles Simaremare firmly said in line with the rejection of Special Autonomy by Papuan people, and Papua provincial civil servants was happened because of the implementation of Papua Special Autonomy has not been run properly as the authority has not been fully given to the Provincial Government as the administrator. As its reference is not clear, he added, many Special Regional Regulations are certainly not running yet.
“Because if talking about Papua Special Autonomy, it should involve a huge authority and the important role of people is also need to be improved to prosperity,” he said. (Abeth You/rom)
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MONDAY, 04 APRIL, 2016 | 14:58 WIB
2) Freeport Divestment Price Yet to be Set

TEMPO.COJakarta-Director General of Mineral and Coal for Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry Bambang Gatot said the divestment price of PT Freeport Indonesia has yet to be decided. To date, the government is still reviewing the purchase price of a 10.64 percent stake.
“We are still discussing the price for the government to make a verdict. We only need to decide on it’s price,” Bambang said Monday, April 4, 2016.
 
Bambang said that the government has yet to summon Freeport as the review is not yet completed. The government is targeting that divestment of Freeport McMoRan Inc’s subsidiary to be completed this year. “If it fails to be completed this year, we will proceed to the next year.”
 
Earlier, PT Freeport Indonesia has proposed for divestment of 10.64 percent stake. Based on the procedure, the divestment was first offered to the central government; should the central government did not buy the shares within 90 days from the offering, the shares will be offered to regional government.
 
If the regional government did not buy the shares within 60 days, Freeport shares will be offered to state-owened enterprises (SOEs) or region-owned enterprises (BUMD). If SOEs or BUMD are not interested, divestment process will be repeated the following year.
 
Meanwhile, PT Aneka Tambang, PT Inalum, PT Timah and PT Bukit Asam are reported to be interested in buying the shares. They have also prepared a scheme to take over the shares and formed a special purpose vehicle. The SPV set up by the SOEs has claimed its readiness with an equity of US$510 million.
ANGELA ANJAR SAWITRI


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3) Seven Tribes Empowerment Team Ready to Propose CEO Candidate
4 April 2016
Jayapura, Jubi – Seven tribes empowerment team of seven tribes the land tenure owners in Freeport Indonesia mining area is now preparing their candidate for the position of the Executive Director of PT. Freeport Indonesia.
Team member Yulianus Nawipa said the team has set up a candidate, but he still kept it on secret.
“But the point is the team is deserved for that position. We have program and transparent system. We have designed it,” said Nawipa to Jubi by phone on Saturday (2/4/2016).

According to him, Papua Governor Lukas Enembe might propose a candidate to the Indonesian Government and Freeport in Jakarta. But he thought the Empowerment Team is the most feasible to appoint a candidate since it already had a clear working program.
“We have designed a system for the State’s purpose, the interest of both company and Papuan government and Papuan people in general as well,” he said.
He said the team was formed in order to eliminating the underdevelopment, discrimination in employees training and recruitment as well as the other things.
Meanwhile the Secretary General of seven tribes empowerment team Manase Degei said the team was formed due to the willingness of team members to get involved in responsibility.
“We are more about to take care of the management. It is not about tenure rights but our rights and the rights of employees from seven tribes. We want the employees of seven tribes origin at PT. Freeport could be protected,” said Degei. (Arjuna Pademme/rom)
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4) Minister’s Visit Has No Meaning, Says Yaung
4 April 2016
Jayapura, Jubi – The purpose of Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Luhut Panjaitan’s visit to Papua is to encourage an audit on the use of Papua Special Autonomy funds and address human rights violations in Papua.
But an observer on international law from the University of Cenderawasih Marinus Yaung described the minister’s precence among the government’s officials in Papua as powerless.
“In front of us (last time in Jakarta) he said he would come to Papua at the end of March 2016 for two reasons. First, to conduct an audit on the use of Special Autonomy Law as well as to give lessons to the corruptors and thieves over the Papuan people’s money,” Marinus Yaung told Jubi in Jayapura on Saturday (2/4/2016).
It is, said the minister, to ensure that those thieves and corruptors are no longer existed in Papua.  While his second purpose, said Yaung, is to resolve the severe human rights violations that were occurred in the land of Papua.
“And these issues are already raised. But what I asked to him is to resolve the Paniai Bloody Case, which earlier promised by the police to be settled in three months but it has not been settled yet after a year,” he said.
According to him, before the sever human rights violations in Papua are settled, the minister should apologize to the victims and the families, especially to Papuan women whose children shot dead on 08 December 2014. However, he was disappointed since the minister never said a word to apologize as Jokowi’s representative.
“I also regretted that he didn’t apology. I see this as a nonsense, a promise that never been fulfilled,” he said.
He also questioned why was it difficult for Indonesia to apologize to Papuan people for the state’s crime against Papuans.
About the minister’s visit to Pacific, he said it is no more that a vacation.
The Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Human Rights Affairs earlier promised to resolve the human rights violations in Papua in this year. In particular, the Paniai case, the minister believed it could be settled within this year as well.
“Yes, I guarantee,” he said when being asked whether he could guarantee the settlement of Paniai Bloody Case could reveal the perpetrator. According to Luhut, there are sixteen human rights violations in Papua that have been identified by the government. Among these cases, there are including Wasior case, Wamena case and Paniai case. (Abeth You/rom)
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5) Jokowi seen empowering Indonesian military


Francis Chan Indonesia Bureau Chief

During the Jan 14 terror attack in Jakarta, troops from the Indonesian military, Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI), watched from the sidelines as the police successfully resolved the crisis.
During the New Order era of President Suharto from 1965 to 1998, the military - then known as Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Abri) - would have led from the front, experts say. That was a time when the military was a key player not just in national defence and internal security but also in socio-political affairs, they add.
Reforms implemented after the fall of Suharto in 1998 saw Abri relinquishing its role as a major force in national development under the dwifungsi, or "dual function", mandate, which granted the military its power over civil and political affairs.

Gone too were the seats reserved for Abri representatives in Parliament as the country, which suffered decades of authoritarian rule, aspired to a more liberal democracy.
Abri was renamed the TNI and, on paper, restricted to an external defence role, while the police force, once part of Abri, has been carved out to oversee law and order at home. This includes taking the lead in counter-terrorism as Indonesia grapples with the rising threat from domestic militants, including thousands who are loyal to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
IMPLICIT BARGAIN
Jokowi seems to have struck an implicit bargain with the TNI. In exchange for unconditional loyalty and support for his broader political agenda, the President will push for improvements in military personnel welfare, modernisation of TNI equipment, maintenance of the TNI's separation from the Defence Ministry and retention of an ex-officio Cabinet post for the TNI commander.
JAKARTA-BASED INSTITUTE FOR POLICY ANALYSIS OF CONFLICT
Political observers say the TNI has been muzzled by presidents elected after Suharto, most careful not to evoke memories of the military's repressive regime during the Indonesian strongman's era.
However, the military seems to have found a second wind under President Joko Widodo, as well as new friends in certain quarters of Parliament, they add.
"Jokowi seems to have struck an implicit bargain with the TNI," said the Jakarta-based Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (Ipac), using Mr Joko's nickname.
"In exchange for unconditional loyalty and support for his broader political agenda, the President will push for improvements in military personnel welfare, modernisation of TNI equipment, maintenance of the TNI's separation from the Defence Ministry and retention of an ex-officio Cabinet post for the TNI commander."
Just days after the release of the Ipac report last month, some lawmakers called for the TNI to play a wider role beyond national defence.
TNI troops have already undertaken non-military missions since Mr Joko became President in 2014. The army, for instance, had thousands of boots on the ground fighting forest fires during the haze crisis last year. Most remain in fire-prone areas to prevent a repeat of the environmental disaster.
Mr Joko has also sent soldiers to support government projects. These include helping to stabilise staple food prices in rural areas, facilitating land acquisitions, tackling graft at ports and building infrastructure across the country.
Just last week, army engineers completed the initial phase of a 1.5 trillion rupiah project comprising a 4,325km trans-Papua highway in the easternmost region.
Mr Joko is also open to expanding the internal security role of the military, which is already heavily involved in the anti-terror offensive in Poso, Central Sulawesi, where the TNI and police are mounting a joint operation against the East Indonesia Mujahidin extremist group.
Despite its growing list of deployments, the TNI may yet push for a larger role in internal security. This, as "its warm relationship with President Jokowi deepens and its credibility with the public soars", said Ipac.
According to the report, the factors driving the TNI's push for power include a conviction that Indonesia is facing dangers only the TNI can address; distrust of civilian politicians; resentment of the police; and a sense of opportunity in the current political situation.
However, it remains to be seen if the TNI led by General Gatot Nurmantyo, an army general appointed by Mr Joko, harbours any ambition for the military to play a greater political role in Indonesia.
Still, some observers say that allowing the TNI to expand its influence beyond its role in national defence has placed the military in its strongest position since the New Order. They also fear it may reverse the democratisation process in one of the world's largest democracies.
"Almost 18 years after Indonesian democracy was re-established, Indonesia still needs to institute safeguards that will ensure that there are clearly understood limits to the military expansion now under way," say Ipac researchers.
Others, such as Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy researcher Wahyudi Djafar, say the move may also distract the TNI from its own internal reforms to modernise.
"The idea of involving the TNI in stabilising food prices could be in violation of law... (and) also compromise efforts to make the TNI a professional force," he adds.
What is worth keeping a closer eye on is the seemingly deliberate move by the current administration to synergise the TNI and the police in roles beyond security.
Perhaps there may be a hint in Mr Joko's calling on the military and police to be "guardians of diversity within the framework of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia".
Associate Professor Terence Lee from the National University of Singapore does not foresee the TNI reclaiming its position of old as a dominant force in politics.
"Firstly, there is legislation that prevents that from happening and doing so would mean overturning those laws," says Prof Lee, referring to Indonesia's State Defence Act of 2002 and TNI Law enacted in 2004.
The second is that dwifungsi is no longer part of the military's doctrine, says the author of Defect Or Defend, which examines military responses to popular protests in authoritarian regimes in Asia. "Dwifungsi is no longer taught in any of its training or educational institutions and there is no organisational ethos that justifies it."
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