The question of Papua continues to evoke strong feelings across the region, often giving rise to heated exchanges.
Perspectives vary widely on the current situation and what might pave the way for lasting stability.
But any meaningful discussion must take into account international law and, crucially, Indonesia’s legal and constitutional frameworks, under which Papua is presently administered.
A useful starting point is the historical and legal foundation of the issue. Papua’s status was not left unresolved following the sequence of events between 1962 and 1969.
The New York Agreement placed the territory under the UN Temporary Executive Authority, leading to the transfer of administration to Indonesia on May 1, 1963.
The 1969 Act of Free Choice (PEPERA) was later noted by a United Nations General Assembly resolution. From that point, the international community accepted Papua as part of the Republic of Indonesia.
The debate over “who Papua belongs to” was, institutionally speaking, concluded.
The more substantive questions today concern governance and whether Papuans receive justice, security, and adequate services.
For the Pacific, separating these issues is essential to forming balanced assessments.
While political aspirations from various groups fall within the realm of legitimate expression, they do not alter the legal position underpinning Papua’s current status.
Papua is not without difficulties.
Recurrent clashes between armed groups and State authorities have serious consequences for human rights, public safety, and development.
In some districts, the high cost of basic goods reflects the continued dependence on air transport.
Schooling in certain areas has been disrupted due to security concerns, and families have suffered losses through violence.
Teachers, health workers, and other service providers have also been targeted.
As the authority responsible for special autonomy in Papua, Indonesia remains best placed to address these challenges.
Moving the conversation outside the State framework risks distancing the discussion from the mechanisms with the power to effect change.
Environmental concerns also merit careful attention.
Papua contains some of Indonesia’s most significant forest and biodiversity reserves.
Fears around land clearing, mining, plantation expansion, and major infrastructure projects are legitimate and require oversight.
Yet connectivity, through roads, ports, and airfields, remains central to lowering living costs and improving access in remote highland communities.
The challenge lies in pursuing development without undermining ecological integrity. Effective governance, transparent licensing, community participation, and consistent monitoring will be critical.
Economic development has accelerated significantly since the early years of integration.
Papua has been one of the largest recipients of central government transfers since the introduction of special autonomy in 2001.
The recent devolution of authority and increased funding have brought administrative services and budgets closer to remote regions once accessible only by light aircraft.
In 2025, Indonesia formed an executive committee to speed up implementation of development commitments.
Major projects — from the Trans-Papua Road and upgraded ports to scholarships and improved clinics in high-risk areas — reflect a continued investment in integration.
Security and service delivery are closely intertwined. Schools, clinics, and infrastructure projects often stall when staff face threats or violence.
In these situations, security forces are not only State representatives, but also the enabling factor that allows essential services to function.
Reporting that frames violence as flowing from only one direction risks obscuring the complexity of the situation and diminishing civilian experiences.
For Fiji and other Pacific nations, particularly within the Melanesian Spearhead Group, maintaining open dialogue with Indonesia remains important.
While the Papua issue is sensitive, constructive engagement can influence outcomes that matter to Papuans — improved access to services in remote areas, protection for public servants, expanded
education pathways, and opportunities for regional monitoring of development progress.
Four considerations may help guide regional discussions.
First is the historical and legal context from 1962 to 1969, which established Papua’s international status.
Second is the urgent need to close service and human-rights gaps, primarily through Indonesia’s existing mechanisms as the governing authority.
Third is the ongoing need to monitor development funding to ensure benefits reach Papuans.
Fourth, while separatist sentiment exists, the most productive Pacific role lies in supporting measures that enhance safety, opportunity, and quality of life within Indonesia’s current framework.
Papua is recognised internationally as part of Indonesia, and that status remains unless changed by legal or constitutional means.
The key challenges today revolve around equitable development and civilian protection.
For the Pacific, sustained engagement, continuous dialogue, and a focus on practical improvements may offer the most realistic path toward better outcomes for Papuan communities.
- ALIFERETI SAKIASI is a reporter with The Sunday Times. The views expressed herein are his alone.
A year after Prabowo Subianto’s election, Indonesia’s democracy is under strain as power centralises, dissent is curtailed and the military’s influence grows.
Prabowo Subianto, a former army general with a disputed record of human rights abuses, was elected president last year through a democratic vote. Now he’s trying to destroy the system:
“Democracy needs a rewrite to suit the times because it’s not the Indonesian way.” Translation: Not his way.
“Our new political paradigm must be uniquely Indonesian. We cannot follow the politics of other countries. Western democracy may not necessarily suit us.” Not a message to encourage the legit
overseas investors he craves.
Video of the portly Prabowo, then 73, shuffling around the floor during last year’s campaign was o captivating (and embarrassing) that voters assumed he was now a fun fellow, a cuddly grandpa.
As Venezuelan Opposition leader Maria Corina Machado said when accepting the Nobel Peace Prize this month: “Many thought that charisma could substitute the rule of law.”
Voters with memories assumed Prabowo had reformed, learned to relax alongside young people led by the dour slim lad on his ticket. Small-town caterer Gibran Rakabuming Raka is half his superior’s age and
has a unique quality as the eldest son of Prabowo’s predecessor, the quiet-mannered President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo.
Gibran, a civilian like his Dad, wouldn’t know whether the trigger is in the butt or muzzle. He’s married and has two kids, so relatable.
It’s a great combo for the electors – age and experience, plus enthusiasm and vigour. No surprise that the other two capable candidates couldn’t get a leg up in the race, let alone on the dance floor.
The music stopped suddenly – as foreseen. Old men hate being measured against cool cats who can handstand while dialling WhatsApp.
The President and Vice President have nothing personal in common. One’s a warhorse, the other a pony. For the past year, Gibran has trotted along the plotted path, trying to smile. He’d like to get frisky, but that’s risky.
His credibility and threat levels to the Presidency have come down with his gaffes – he told expectant Mums to quaff sulphuric acid to avoid stunted babes. The corrosive is used in car batteries and drain cleaners.
He meant folic acid, aka vitamin B9. Women know more about pregnancies and medicines than men, even elected ones, so he said ‘sorry’. Another error: The Palace rule is to blame victims and never apologise.
More seriously, he was legally attacked by retired military men for becoming Vice President through nepotism and corrupting the Constitution. The vets either couldn’t maintain their rage or were warned off; the
issue briefly dashed ahead but never got traction.
Once in office, Prabowo summoned his rivals for an unrefusable offer.
They could retain their praiseworthy purity as elected opponents with no facilities, or swell the bloated ministry in Jakarta, and enjoy lush offices and salaries few Indonesians can wrap their sarongs around.
The victors of democracy got other bonuses - green camo uniforms and combat boots. If they wanted a vehicle to impress constituents, it had to be a Maung (tiger), a Land Rover lookalike designed for quick
conversion from leisure to warfare.
In brief, the doctrine that militaries and base politicians use for monochromes: ‘You’re either for us or against us.’ Decisions were predictable.
When the news broke of the deal, it was back to street warfare. Riots cost ten lives and hundreds of injuries; buildings and vehicles were torched.
The Jakarta Globe reported that the protests were powered by “public anger over lawmakers’ AUD $4,500 monthly housing allowance, seen as emblematic of elite privilege at a time of economic hardship.” Motorbike
delivery guy Affan Kurniawan was working, not protesting, when crushed by a 14-tonne armoured carrier. Outrage erupted.
Prabowo told the media he’d ordered “stern action against rioters and looters,” blaming unnamed others, though not the driver of the killer vehicle: “Some of the unrest bore the signs of terrorism and treason,” he frothed.
No details. POTUS would have been proud.
Almost 4,300 people were allegedly arrested for violations of freedom of assembly and expression throughout 2025 – 70 per cent during the ‘Ash August’ demos.
Before the streets had been hosed down schoolrooms needed a washout from the free-meal food poisoning scandal that crippled 10,000 young students.
Infuriated by criticism of his pet project, Prabowo turned to stats rather than apologies, claiming only 0.00017 per cent of meals served had been crook. The heartless message was no solace for thousands of parents,
tearing soiled undies off their screaming beloveds.
His office cancelled the pass of a professional reporter who dared to ask how he intended to handle the crisis. She’s learned her place, and it’s not in the Palace press corps.
Next year, the scheme will cost AUD $30 billion, three times more than the funds spent so far. Health and education budgets are being plundered to make up the shortfall.
Then came the floods in Sumatra that took a thousand lives. Prabowo can’t be blamed for the weather, but he’s responsible for unchecked developers felling forests, loosening the soil, and triggering landslides.
Tempo magazine discovered 23 mining permits had been allocated in the areas most damaged.
Lesser regimes might rethink policies, but the Special Envoy for Climate and Energy says Indonesia will keep excavating and exporting coal, whatever the international community thinks. No risk that
Hashim Djojohadikusumo’s snub to the Greenies will be reversed – his brother is the Prez.
It took Prabowo six days to visit after devastated regional governments had howled for the declaration of a national state of emergency; he only promised to rebuild infrastructure and "confront" climate change,
whatever that means.
In Aceh, he announced that the situation was improving and that the current arrangements were “sufficient”. Victims’ videos showed otherwise. He then went to Pakistan.
Is PS callous like his idol, Trump? We don’t know; tough talks with independent journos aren’t happening.
The divorcee is happiest as a bloke’s bloke standing in a Maung ploughing through ranks of saluters. His fashion designer son Didit Hediprasetyo, 41, prefers to be seen around Paris catwalks than rifle ranges.
It’s been reported that Prabowo is militarising the civil service and promoting officers into management where merit and experience aren’t prerequisites.
After a year in office, we’ve learned the Republic’s eighth President is neither cuddly nor a gramps. More than half of the nation’s 285 million aren’t driven by testosterone, so governing for all needs the quality of inclusion.
Five of his 53 ministers are women. That smells of misogyny.
Prabowo has 46 months left to strut; Indonesian men’s life expectancy is under 70. Should Allah beckon, we may yet see a President Gibran.
That could trigger another Year of Living Dangerously. The military and oligarchs would turn restive. It wouldn’t be the best time for democracy – or tourism.
The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Indonesian president Prabowo Subianto is urging the expansion of oil palm cultivation in Papua as a means to produce alternative fuel to replace hydrocarbon-based energy.
He conveyed the directive during a briefing at the State Palace in Jakarta on Tuesday, December 16, 2025, attended by six governors and 42 regents from Papua, members of the Red-and-White Cabinet, and the
Executive Committee for the Acceleration of Special Autonomy Development in Papua.
“Going forward, we hope that oil palms will be planted in Papua to produce fuel from oil palms,” Prabowo said.
In addition to oil palm, Prabowo encouraged the cultivation of sugarcane and cassava to produce ethanol, aiming to implement the program within five years.
The initiative is part of Indonesia’s broader strategy to achieve national food and energy self-sufficiency, reduce dependence on fuel imports, and save billions in subsidies.
Prabowo highlighted that Indonesia spends hundreds of trillions of rupiah annually on fuel imports. By leveraging oil palm and cassava cultivation alongside renewable energy sources such as solar and hydropower,
he estimated potential annual savings of around Rp520 trillion.
“If savings can reach Rp500 trillion, each regency could receive an allocation of Rp1 trillion from these efficiencies,” Prabowo said.
“This is achievable. The potential exists, the plans are in place, and progress will become evident as we move forward. It may not happen overnight, but we are already on the right path.”
Deputy Home Affairs Minister Ribka Haluk said that, in addition to regional heads, President Prabowo also summoned the Executive Committee for the Acceleration of Papua’s Special Autonomy Development.
“Today, the President will hold a meeting with the executive committee for the acceleration of Papua’s special autonomy, as well as ministries and agencies and regional governments, governors, and all 42 district
Haluk, who is also a member of the committee, said the President wanted to provide direct instruction to regional leaders regarding efforts to speed up development in Papua.
She added that during the meeting, the President opened space for dialogue with governors and district heads, which is expected to help align central government programs and policies with regional needs and the
"The main point is to harmonize central government programs and policies for accelerating development,” she said.
Regarding Papua’s development focus in 2026, she noted that the executive committee had recently launched the Papua Development Master Plan (RIPP) together with the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas).
The President’s directive on accelerating development in Papua had previously been conveyed by Home Affairs Minister Tito Karnavian.
“The President will provide directions on steps to accelerate development in Papua,” the minister said on Monday (December 15).
According to him, the President has a very strong commitment to speeding up development in Papua.
Previously, Papua Governor Matius Fakhiri expressed readiness to position Papua Province as a benchmark for accelerating development across all regions in Papua.
According to him, Papua has more complete infrastructure compared with newly established provinces, giving it a strategic role in driving progress in eastern Indonesia.
Fakhiri said Papua must set an example in implementing development in education, health, and human resources.
Related news: Indonesia plans 100,000 ha land clearing for Papua rice program
Related news: Indonesia start construction of 6 police-run MBG kitchens in Papua
Related news: Southwest Papua marks anniversary with progress report, new targets
Translator: Mentari, Kenzu
Editor: Azis Kurmala
"Ministries and agencies' programs are often not aligned and not known by governors, district heads, and mayors," he said during the launch of the 2025—2029 Papua Development Acceleration Action Plan in Jakarta on Tuesday.
Karnavian emphasized that the three main tasks of the Executive Committee for the Acceleration of the Papuan Special Autonomy Development are synchronization and harmonization of programs, supervision, and evaluation, in line with President Prabowo Subianto's wish to accelerate Papua's development.
He wanted the committee, which was formed in October 2025, to be able to organize and align ministries and agencies' programs with development needs in Papua.
He explained that the socio-historical conditions in Papua, which lack a strong internal unifying force among the indigenous Papuan peoples, coupled with the difficult-to-access terrain, are the main factors contributing to the development gap.
This situation, he continued, requires a planned and coordinated approach to accelerating development.
He further said that failure of central government programs often occurs due to a lack of follow-up program support from regional governments.
To this end, he suggested that the implementation mechanism for the 2025–2029 action plan should allow for feedback from regional heads in Papua so that central and regional programs can be effectively aligned.
In addition to program harmonization, the minister also urged the committee to regularly monitor regional governments that face obstacles in carrying out the development acceleration agenda.
He proposed that evaluations be carried out every three or four months. If no significant improvements are made, the results of the evaluation will be directly monitored by the president, and intervention may be taken if needed.
On that occasion, Minister Karnavian also stressed that development acceleration in Papua must genuinely offer a tangible impact on the community.
"Regional heads in Papua may propose budget increases. But the most important thing is ensuring that the budget genuinely flows all the way to the grassroots level," he remarked.
Related news: President convenes Papua regional leaders to accelerate development
Related news: Southwest Papua marks anniversary with progress report, new targets
Related news: West Papua first to roll out digital IDs for indigenous Papuans
Translator: Fianda Sjofjan, Raka Adji
Editor: Azis Kurmala
During a briefing for regional heads across Papua in Jakarta on Tuesday, Prabowo received a report from BGN Head Dadan Hindayana that the target of 2,500 operational SPPGs or MBG kitchens across Papua could be realized by March 2026.
However, the president acknowledged that the geographical and on-the-ground conditions in Papua would make it hard to achieve the target in three months, given that there are currently only 179 SPPGs operating in the region.
"We are prepared if there is a delay. I think clearly, we hope that by August 17, 2026, all 2,500 SPPGs in Papua will be operating," he said.
On that occasion, he also asserted that priority programs would be realized across all provinces in Papua, including MBG.
Meanwhile, the BGN Head reported that as of December 16, 2025, a total of 179 SPPGs are operating in Papua.
The budget needed for BGN to operate 2,500 SPPGs in Papua, with a target of 750,000 beneficiaries, is estimated to reach Rp25 trillion (around US$1.5 billion).
Hindayana stated that this estimated budget is naturally higher than the MBG program costs on Java island.
The free meals program was launched on January 6, 2025, as one of the priority programs of President Prabowo, aimed at improving the nutritional status of children under five, pregnant women, breastfeeding mothers, and schoolchildren up to the high school level.
With a target of reaching 82.9 million beneficiaries across Indonesia, the program is one of the largest programs implemented in the country.
Related news: Indonesia start construction of 6 police-run MBG kitchens in Papua
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Related news: A glimpse into Papua's journey under free meals program
Translator: Mentari Dwi, Raka Adji
Editor: Azis Kurmala
