Cashiered former general Prabowo Subianto was elected president of Indonesia last year on a contradictory campaign image.
One side showed a soft, caring grandpa, friend of the wong kecil (wee folk). The flip side promoted an urbane statesman who’d lift his country’s international status as the world’s third-largest democracy.
With a UK- and US-educated toughie at the top, he’d make the West sit up and respect a peaceful secular nation with more Muslims than any other state.
A common social media comment during the election was “give the guy a go” as he’d been endorsed by his predecessor. Popular mild-mannered seventh president Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo was constitutionally barred from a third five-year term.
All positive images of Indonesia have been incinerated in the flames of firebombed government buildings in Makassar (South Sulawesi), Bandung (West Java), and other cities in the sprawling country, as running street riots have got out of control, terrifying tourists and locals.
So far, three alleged rioters have died, scores have been injured, properties damaged, and possessions looted. Reported among the targets has been a home of the long-serving US-educated Finance Minister Dr Sri Mulyani, a well-respected economist overseas.
Other private houses linked to lawmakers have been firebombed and ransacked despite pleas for calm from religious leaders and others, suggesting that the police and army have been unable to control the leaderless mobs outnumbering security forces.
That’s always been the situation in a country where the police are “ the least trusted law enforcement institution … seen as corrupt and prone to being co-opted by short-term political interests".
TV coverage of the rioters has shown young men armed with staves, throwing rocks and fireworks. Fortunately guns are rare in Indonesia. It’s impossible to tell how many are rent-a-mob, or involved for heartfelt reasons.
Responses have been tear gas, fire hoses, batons and mass arrests – more than 600 at last count.
The tone changed badly when a Brimob (Mobile Brigade) armoured car mowed down and killed a 21-year-old motorbike courier, Affan Kurniawan. It’s a casual edge-of-survival job that attracts thousands and is popular with the poorly educated and those trying to escape farming.
This tragedy became the catalyst for more violence spreading to regional centres, including Bali. As with all autocracies, the government lashed out at the messengers.
Reuters reports that social media platforms have been told to “boost content moderation because disinformation had spread online. The government says that such disinformation has spurred protests”.
Australia and other countries have issued travel warnings, undermining the Republic’s campaign to attract more visitors to explore further than Bali and enrich the previously overlooked locals.
Prabowo’s policy of spending big on armaments has included 48 fighter jets from Türkiye for A$15.3 billion and a secret A$690 million agreement to buy and install missiles in the province of Kalimantan. This is on the island of Borneo, shared with Malaysia and Brunei, with a disputed ancient claim to territory by the Philippines.
Indonesia has a population of 285 million; it’s the richest country in Southeast Asia with a GNP regularly above 5%. It has no known enemies, though Prabowo regularly hints that foreigners have their eyes on the nation’s resources, and that human rights and similar disputes are engineered by jealous overseas NGOs.
No names, dates or proof. It’s the Trump technique of generating xenophobia. He’s also expanding the army’s reach and numbers, putting retired generals in civilian roles. His reasoning: “No nation can remain independent without a powerful defence force.”
Getting involved in an expensive ego-boosting arms race sits uncomfortably with a popular election promise to feed all schoolkids with a daily nutritious meal, The idea is to stop stunting that’s damaging hundreds of thousands of ill-fed kids.
Mainly young voters, encouraged by the belief that Vice-President Gibran Rakabuming, 38, will understand their needs, supported Prabowo with 58% of a three-way contest; now they know the guns and vegies policies were both unfunded.
Prabowo has been honouring his free-food pledges by raiding the education budget, further damaging an already wounded essential sector.
To get more money, the government (urged by Dr Sri) has been tightening tax compliance. Indonesia still runs on cash at the lower end of the economy, so millions eating in small restaurants and shopping at corner stores have escaped attention till now.
The resulting resentment hardened when it was discovered that the 580 members of the Parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) awarded themselves a monthly housing allowance of 50 million rupiah – about A$4600.
Although they have since scrapped their bonus, one earlier video allegedly showed joyful MPs celebrating their good fortune, clapping and waving in the DPR.
This is high-level hubris in a country where millions rent tiny homes or overfill relatives’ homes. It showed the disconnect between the top and bottom of society and became the trigger for the riots.
It’s always easy to be wise after an event, but strife was inevitable. That this was not foreseen by Prabowo and his military mates (or noticed but ignored) shows how unfit they are for civilian rule.
Late on Sunday (31 August) and six days after the riots, Prabowo went on TV to say he would listen to the people’s concerns:
“The authorities must protect the public, but any anarchic actions must be dealt with firmly. Some even point to treason and terrorism. I order the police and TNI (military) to take the firmest possible action, including against looting of individual homes or economic centres.”
Earlier, he’d called 16 Muslim leaders to his house.
Cleric Yahya Cholil Staquf said the men (apparently women and leaders of other religions were not invited) had held “a dialogue with President Prabowo to gain a general understanding of the nation’s challenges”.
“We urge the public to remain calm, and God willing, together …we can overcome any challenges we face.”
Prabowo has apologised to Affan’s family, offered compensation, and cancelled attendance at the 3 September parade in China to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II.
This is particularly embarrassing because the president’s message to the world has been that he’s a solid professional who leads a nation of stability and advancement. That he’s not prepared to leave Indonesia to the charge of Gibran, who is half his boss’s age and has never been in the military, shows an absence of trust.
Who’ll take over if plump Prabowo has a heart attack? That’s a question being asked by investors, who were running shy far ahead of the riots, concerned about a new sovereign wealth fund to be run by the prez. Then there’s corruption:
“Prabowo projects himself as a charismatic military leader who symbolically embodies the grievances and demands of the people, particularly concerning the issue of corruption, which is widely seen as deeply entrenched.
“ Transparency International says the fight against corruption in Indonesia has been sluggish at best. In 2024, its corruption perception index score even slipped to 37, far from the 80-point threshold for a clean and accountable government.”
How does corruption fit with street battles over how the country is run? It’s more than cash in envelopes – but a moral issue of accountability to the people by those elected to govern justly and fairly, a pact sealed by oaths.
That’s the bargain: the riots show one side thinks it’s not being kept.
The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.
A Shared Franciscan Journey
The Franciscan presence in Melanesia embraces both West Papua (W. Papua) and Papua New Guinea (PNG). Though divided by politics, these lands share the same cultural heart: communal life, respect for elders, closeness to the land, and a spirituality expressed in symbols, rituals, and kinship. Franciscan roots here go back decades.
In 1937, Dutch friars began the W. Papua mission and grew steadily, becoming an Autonomous Custody in 2007 and later a Province in 2017. On the other hand, In 1946, six friars from Sydney sailed to PNG’s Sepik District, and began a foundation that grew into a Province, long admired for its missionary vitality. Yet while W. Papua rose to Provincial status, PNG has since declined, now reduced to a Foundation under the care of the Minister General.
Today, the two Entities embody opposite trajectories: one ascending, the other struggling. But this very contrast makes collaboration not only desirable, but necessary. Guided by this conviction, the General Animator for Mission, Br. Dennis T. Tayo, accompanied by Br. Aloysius Gonzaga Rusmadit, OFM, Provincial Minister of W. Papua, and Br. Fredy (former missionary of PNG), visited both: W. Papua (August 16–22, 2025); and PNG (August 22–30, 2025). The goal was to explore and see the situation firsthand and discern concrete forms of collaboration and/or mission.
Present Realities
PNG’s Franciscan story is venerable, but fragile today needing renewal. Few missionary friars are stretched across to accompany local friars in the many responsibilities. More seriously, local friars have not been fully empowered in administration, formation, or finance, leaving the Entity dependent and uncertain about the future. What PNG needs are more missionaries who can accompany its friars, helping them build competence and confidence for leadership. Missionaries are essential—but missionaries who understand the culture, who can walk closely with the friars as equals, and who can strengthen the foundation from within.
By contrast, W. Papua is a Province in growth, marked by vitality and great promise with abundant vocations and growing ministries. Yet as a young Province, it still needs to channel its energy into sustainable ministries and parish life, robust formation, and a wider Franciscan horizon. Maturity and international exposure remain vital steps on its journey. What it needs is a fertile ground of preparation for the future ahead, especially in the aspect of mission ad gentes, blessed with sustained vocations.
In concrete terms, PNG, though rich in history, needs renewal and empowerment. W. Papua, though vibrant, needs maturity and broader international experience. Collaboration is both natural and practical. As Melanesians, the friars of W. Papua share the same cultural worldview as their brothers in PNG. Their proximity across the border makes support feasible. W. Papua can provide PNG with missionaries who are not only close at hand but culturally attuned, able to accompany as brothers. In turn, PNG’s long missionary tradition can help W. Papua open itself to the wider Franciscan world, offering a rich ground for initial missionary experience and English language proficiency training. Each Entity offers what the other lacks, creating a complementarity that strengthens both.
Encounters of Hope
During this visit, possible areas of collaboration were unearthed:
- Due to the request of the Minister General, the 2017 W. Papua Provincial Chapter, agreed and mandated the assistance to the PNG Foundation, deploying two W. Papuan missionaries (2018) and the appointment of Br. Ireneus Gonsalit as PNG Vicar (2019). Challenges including the Covid pandemic, safety concerns, and difficulties in daily sustenance halted further missionary presence. A 2023 W. Papua Provincial Chapter resolution tasked the administration to assess the PNG Foundation’s situation through an on-site visit and to report findings at the 2026 Chapter.
- Formation visits highlighted opportunities: Significantly, a joint Novitiate Formation Program is being considered, with formators from both regions working together to foster shared responsibility and enhance hands-on training of formators.
- Provita Hospital in Jayapura, entrusted to the W. Papuan friars, struggles since national health insurance cooperation was suspended. Friars in the Foundation are encouraged to promote the hospital for more captured markets in PNG, it being very accessible (2 hours travel time from Vanimo).
The journey was a small step, but small steps matter. They build bridges across borders, allowing two entities to breathe with one Franciscan spirit. Challenges remain—financial, structural, and pastoral—but Franciscan renewal always begins with fraternity and humble collaboration. May these first steps grow into a Melanesian partnership that brings life, renewal, and Gospel witness to the peoples they serve.
Br. Dennis T. Tayo, OFM
3) Out of touch: Why an increase in politicians’ allowances triggered mass protests
BY ELISABETH KRAMER
29 AUGUST 2025
On Monday 25 August, protestors took to the streets outside the House of Representatives (DPR) building in Jakarta under the banner of ‘dissolve the DPR’ (bubarkan DPR). These demonstrations were sparked by anger following an announcement by Deputy House Speaker Adies Kadir that national lawmakers would receive a new monthly housing allowance of Rp50million (approximately AUD4,700). These protests have continued through the week.
Turning violent with protestor throwing Molotov Cocktails, police have responded with tear gas, water cannons and tactical vehicles. That an online taxi motorcycle driver in close proximity to the protests was brutally killed by being run over by a police tactical vehicle has only fuelled public discontent.
The rationale for the new allowance was that legislators in the current term [2024-2029] were not receiving government housing, unlike in previous years, and were therefore entitled to compensation. This was further justified by the fact that many legislators are not from Jakarta and have to pay for accommodation when they are in town. The previously existing DPR housing complex where they received free accommodation was decommissioned in 2024 due to quality complaints from residents.
The allowance announcement led to outrage for many reasons. First, the amount of Rp50 million was seen as outrageously high—much more than what ‘ordinary Indonesians’ earn—and a poor use of taxpayers’ money. This was further exacerbated by a viral moment in which Kadir gave a nonsensical calculation for how the Rp50million amount had been determined, defended it as being insufficient to find suitable accommodation in the vicinity of the legislative complex. He claimed that around Rp78million would be required every month and so legislators would still be out-of-pocket.
While a charitable interpretation would be that Kadir misspoke, the fact that his calculations were wildly incorrect led to ridicule and undermined the rationale of the allowance. Responding to pressure, Deputy House Speaker Sufmi Dasco Ahmad clarified on 26 August 2025 that the allowance would only be applicable for one year, from October 2024-October 2025, and that it could only to be used for housing, dismissing claims that it was a salary increase. However, this explanation has done little to address the underlying concerns that prompted public anger in the first place.
So, what do these protests say about current attitudes towards politicians, their work and their lifestyles in Indonesia? Following on from the recent One Piece flag phenomenon, the critiques that have unfolded reflect much deeper issues regarding Indonesians’ perceptions of politicians. Not only are they seen as out of touch with the concerns of everyday people but also the decisions they make about government spending are made without transparency and accountability.
The housing allowance: is it justified?
One reason the new Rp50 million (AUD4,700) monthly housing allowance was such a shock to Indonesians is that it stands in stark contrast to the minimum wage rate (Upah Minimum Regional, UMR) for Jakarta, which currently sits at Rp5,396,791 (approximately AUD500) per month. As the minimum wage is government-sanctioned, the fact that another government body came out so publicly with wildly different calculations for housing, let alone other costs associated with surviving in Jakarta, hit a raw nerve.
Online media forum Kok Bisa compared the buying power of politicians and ordinary citizens. It found that on a politician’s wage it would take 2 years and 1 month to afford a house, whereas it would take 38 years and 7 months for someone on minimum wage to do the same. Furthermore, politicians do not personally pay tax on their earnings, as the state covers it for them.
There have also been calls for more transparency on how the DPR decided on the allowance amount in the first place. Defending the decision, House Speaker Puan Maharani said that the determination was thoroughly evaluated and took into account ‘the conditions and prices in Jakarta.’ A cursory scan of property websites in Indonesia such as rumah123 and lamudi.co.id, list a wide range of accommodation available for rent around the Senayan area which surrounds the legislative complex. Yes, the area is central and highly desirable, but fully-furnished 2-bedroom apartments can still be found for under Rp10 million per month. Considerably larger houses at the low-end of the price spectrum can be found for Rp20 million per month.
Of course, there are other neighbourhoods close by that offer comparable options at significantly lower prices. The previous accommodation for DPR members was in Kalibata, a neighbourhood around 10 kilometres away from the DPR offices. This does beg the question of how legislators landed on the allowance sum of Rp50million per month in the first place, and whether politicians’ entitlements are too high.
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) and the Indonesian Institute have framed the debate in terms of what politicians already earn, highlighting that their compensation is already generous and their accommodation should not be further subsidised with public funds. In the aftermath of the announcement, several politicians have made public their earnings. Puan Maharani and Dasco Ahmad have both stated that their take home pay is around Rp100 million per month (AUD9,381), including base wages, allowances and higher duty benefits.
But the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Forum Indonesia untuk Transparansi Anggaran (Fitra) has claimed it to be closer to Rp230million (AUD21,578). For reference, the Central Statistics Agency (Badan Pusat Statistik, BPS), put the average monthly salary for managers in Jakarta at Rp14,329,826 (AUD1,341) (August 2024).
Other discourses that have emerged include comparing Indonesian politicians salaries to other countries around the world, including other ASEAN countries and many European states like Sweden. In a more local example, DPR salaries have been contrasted with those of teachers (particularly non-formal teachers or guru honorer), who receive between Rp1-2million (AUD93,81-187,64) per month—although there are reports of them receiving much less, particularly in rural areas.
Politicians out of touch
With politicians’ salaries way above average pay rates in Jakarta, politicians have been accused of being unworthy of such high salaries and out of touch with the concerns of everyday Indonesians.
Netizens have flocked to social media to complain, including by posting comedic videos about how much they survive on in Jakarta. Some link their complaints to recent viral videos of politicians dancing (berjoget) and singing during legislative sessions, while another netizen compiled images of politicians asleep during debates. The underlying message is clear—what are you actually doing to earn your keep?
The public response of some politicians has added further fuel to the fire. Accused of being out of touch, KBR.ID have called the situation an ‘empathy test‘ for politicians, which several seem to have failed. Project Multatuli compiled a list of quotes which exemplified the haughty retorts of politicians.
In some choice examples, PDI-P member Deddy Sitorus was quoted as saying that comparing legislators to becak drivers or workers is a ‘logical fallacy’, while Nasdem member Ahmad Sahroni stated that people calling for the dissolution of the DPR ‘are the dumbest people in the world.’ Nasdem member Nafa Urbach refuted criticism of the housing allowance, arguing that due to traffic her commute to the DPR from outer suburb Bintaro was ‘’extreme” (luar biasa) so she needed the allowance to live closer to work. Kompas, in a sly lampooning of this argument, calculated that by taking public transportation and walking she could be at work within 35 minutes.
Online discourse criticising the decision has drawn much from ideas about the appropriate use of public funds and that, as taxpayers, Indonesians should have a say in how politicians are compensated. Much has been made about Indonesia’s economic situation which led to drastic cross-sectoral funding cuts earlier in 2025, including to the education and health budgets, and regional fund transfers. In an economic context where the government has been forced to take drastic measures and promote ‘efficiency’ within the national budget, a high additional allowance for lawmakers seems like a poor use of already limited funds.
Attempts to silence criticism have further angered the public. Reminiscent of the political debate surrounding flying the One Piece flag on Indonesia’s national day, the Deputy Minister for Communication and Digital, Angga Raka Prabowo, called on social media platforms TikTok and Meta to assist with deplatforming ‘provocative content.’ In their attempts to mediate online channels, places where citizens can post their political complaints and critique government policies, politicians have only intensified the perception they believe that they should be above criticism.
Questioning the position of politicians
The protests and commentary on the housing allowance, both online and offline, reflect a revived spotlight on debate about the role of politicians and public expectations of them.
While the announcement of the housing allowance provided an impetus for outrage, the issues subsequently discussed are reflective of a much deeper dissatisfaction with the way the government is run. These August 2025 protests are part of a more recent history of protests stemming from the Dark Indonesia (Indonesia Gelap) movement, which aimed to highlight a plethora political complaints.
One of the fundamental reasons that the housing allowance has triggered anger is related to public perceptions of politicians and their role as representatives of citizens’ interests. Arguments that since politicians’ salaries are funded by public money, they should be beholden to the public fuels these complaints.
Indonesians are used to politicians falling short of expectations, evidenced by the high number of politicians embroiled in the corruption scandals flooding national news. But the housing allowance was particularly jarring because people could directly compare it to what they earn themselves.
This has opened the floodgates for a more intense focus on politicians’ salaries and, more importantly, whether they are worthy of them. Here, the argument is that if politicians do not understand what it is like to live as an ordinary person in Indonesia, how can they possibly represent ordinary people’s interests?
These complaints are not new. They reflect a long-existing divide between political elites and everyone else within Indonesian society. But with increasing social media commentary and debate, Indonesians are better able to connect across grievances and mobilise, both online and offline. The call for accountability and increasingly vocal demands that politicians answer to the public are reflective of an rising sense of dissatisfaction with the status quo, which, if not resolved, might lead to an ever-rising number of protests in the future.
