1) What’s next for Papua after the
MSG diplomacy?
2) Papuan Police Station Attacked
3) The attackers of Police Station in
Puncak Jaya were maintained group, said Police Chief
4) Landslides in Papua Kill at Least 5
People And Injure Several
5) Deprivation of Pure Weapons Guerrilla
Actions TPN - OPM
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1) What’s next for Papua after the MSG diplomacy?
Budi Hernawan, New York | Opinion | Mon, January 06 2014, 10:54 AM
The 2013 Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) summit undoubtedly marked a historic moment on the long journey of Papua’s international diplomacy. During the top diplomatic gathering of the Melanesian countries, the Papuan representatives were invited for the first time.
While this political decision constitutes a breakthrough for the political impasse in Jakarta, the decision is still pending a follow-up visit by a foreign ministerial mission to Jakarta and Jayapura. The visit, however, is subject to the Indonesian government’s approval, not the MSG’s (The Jakarta Post, Oct. 26, 2013).
Papuan international diplomacy is not novel. If we look back to the second Papua Congress in 2000, it is one of the mandates that some 500 Papuan representatives entrusted to the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP).
This body consists of Papuan leaders who live inside and outside Papua. Over the last decade, however, the body has lost its key figures, who used to undertake international diplomacy.
The chairman, Theys Eluay, was kidnapped and assassinated by the Indonesian Army Special Forces. Viktor Kaisiepo, the PDP spokesperson for Europe, died in Holland, while Willem Zonggonau and Clemens Runawery, the PDP spokespersons for the Pacific, died in Australia and Papua New Guinea, respectively. Similarly, Agus Alua, who then became the speaker of the Papuan People’s Council (MRP), and Beatrix Koibur died in Jayapura.
In engaging the international diplomacy, we know that Papuans use the term “rectifying the history” to reclaim their silenced history of the transition of power of Papua in the 1960s. This part of history remains a contentious subject of dispute between Papua and Indonesia.
Supported by historical research, Papuans believe that the transition of power through the 1969 UN supervised plebiscite, PEPERA or the so-called the Act of Free Choice, was flawed. On the contrary, Jakarta holds the opposite narrative. It states that the transition was legal and internationally recognized due to the blessing of the UN General Assembly over the result of PEPERA.
The positions are not only at odds with each other but also have generated the history of violence in the last half-century.
Rectifying the history also suggests an element of demanding accountability of the international community for their participation in endorsing the result of PEPERA in 1969. While many may think that this call is utopian and unrealistic, the political landscape that enabled the second Papuan Congress was down-to-earth and real.
Indonesia was under President Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid who endorsed reconciliatory initiatives across the nation. There was a narrow window of opportunity for Papuans and they did not wait. Instead, they convened the Congress and interrupted the status quo of the world’s silence over the silenced Papuan history.
The reclaiming of the Papuan history is not limited to the area of diplomacy. It covers a broader sphere of Papuan lives. It translates into the revival of the Papuan indigenous culture. It inspires the integration of Papuan religious beliefs into formal religions. It inspires the ways in which Papuan rename their places of history and interest.
Let’s go back to the issue of diplomacy to see what would be the key challenges for Papuan diplomacy in the coming years. At least three major challenges we can identify.
The first is the existing Pacific diplomacy. Toward the end of the year we haven’t heard any further news about whether Jakarta has extended any specific date for MSG to visit.
Jakarta’s failure to receive an MSG visit will delay the deliberation of the membership of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL). While the postponement would not stop the Papuan leaders, it would cause a major setback to their efforts to secure a formal position within the MSG.
The second challenge is the national political landscape. We know that both Jakarta and Jayapura have been busy in drafting the Special Autonomy Plus. It is framed to be an advancement of the existing Special Autonomy. Both the President and the governor of Papua believe that this package will provide greater room for improvement and it has to be done before the 2014 elections.
That is why both leaders sent their special envoys to travel overseas to persuade the Papuan leaders living in exile and also to inform the Indonesian diplomatic missions. This whirlwind will certainly suck most of the energy out of Jakarta and Jayapura. As a result, they may not want to get distracted with other issues.
This situation is likely to impede any further engagement with the Papuan peace initiatives promoted by the Papua Peace Network (PPN) and the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
Similarly, the MSG proposal and requests from the UN Special Rapporteurs may not get any further traction.
The biggest challenge would be the global justice market itself. This market is already crowded and chaotic with wars in Syria, Libya, Central Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, etc. We may ask a hard question: How can Papua compete with these issues, if it should?
While some would argue that the Papuan conflict is not able to attract world attention because of its low number of casualties, the world’s history shows the opposite.
We learn from the history of genocide in the 20th century that world leaders disgracefully failed to respond in time, even though they were bombarded with detailed information from the field.
For instance, currently the Central African Republic faces an imminent threat of genocidal killings between the Muslims and Christians. Four hundred people were already killed. Instead of using the word “genocide”, the world leaders prefer the term “mass violence” to label the ongoing carnage (New York Times, Dec. 9, 2013). This framing illustrates the reality that publicizing carnage will not necessarily mobilize the world leaders to take action to stop it.
When they do take action and even the UN Security Council deploys a UN peacekeeping force, this force does not necessarily have all necessary power and capacity to end violence and protect civilians.
Let’s take another example from today’s world: the UN peacekeeping force MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It took two years before the Security Council equipped the UN Peacekeeping force with the authority to fight back, which constitutes the first mandate that has ever been established.
In other words, Papuan diplomacy remains challenging. It has to navigate domestic, regional and international politics with different and often conflicting interests.
The Papuan leaders, however, are not naïve. They know the reality as they have struggled with it in the last half-century. They will continue working for the pelurusan sejarah of Papua regardless of their limited capacity and resources.
On the other hand, the Indonesian authorities are also well aware of the complexity of the world’s diplomacy. Given the strength of the state, they are in a much better position to continue their work to safeguard the state narrative of Papua.
Since the two positions remain at odds with each other, what can be done to solve it? There is no other option left but peaceful dialogue between Jakarta and Papua as the PPN has tirelessly promoted. Given the challenges mentioned above, the question is who will buy it this time?
While this political decision constitutes a breakthrough for the political impasse in Jakarta, the decision is still pending a follow-up visit by a foreign ministerial mission to Jakarta and Jayapura. The visit, however, is subject to the Indonesian government’s approval, not the MSG’s (The Jakarta Post, Oct. 26, 2013).
Papuan international diplomacy is not novel. If we look back to the second Papua Congress in 2000, it is one of the mandates that some 500 Papuan representatives entrusted to the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP).
This body consists of Papuan leaders who live inside and outside Papua. Over the last decade, however, the body has lost its key figures, who used to undertake international diplomacy.
The chairman, Theys Eluay, was kidnapped and assassinated by the Indonesian Army Special Forces. Viktor Kaisiepo, the PDP spokesperson for Europe, died in Holland, while Willem Zonggonau and Clemens Runawery, the PDP spokespersons for the Pacific, died in Australia and Papua New Guinea, respectively. Similarly, Agus Alua, who then became the speaker of the Papuan People’s Council (MRP), and Beatrix Koibur died in Jayapura.
In engaging the international diplomacy, we know that Papuans use the term “rectifying the history” to reclaim their silenced history of the transition of power of Papua in the 1960s. This part of history remains a contentious subject of dispute between Papua and Indonesia.
Supported by historical research, Papuans believe that the transition of power through the 1969 UN supervised plebiscite, PEPERA or the so-called the Act of Free Choice, was flawed. On the contrary, Jakarta holds the opposite narrative. It states that the transition was legal and internationally recognized due to the blessing of the UN General Assembly over the result of PEPERA.
The positions are not only at odds with each other but also have generated the history of violence in the last half-century.
Rectifying the history also suggests an element of demanding accountability of the international community for their participation in endorsing the result of PEPERA in 1969. While many may think that this call is utopian and unrealistic, the political landscape that enabled the second Papuan Congress was down-to-earth and real.
Indonesia was under President Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid who endorsed reconciliatory initiatives across the nation. There was a narrow window of opportunity for Papuans and they did not wait. Instead, they convened the Congress and interrupted the status quo of the world’s silence over the silenced Papuan history.
The reclaiming of the Papuan history is not limited to the area of diplomacy. It covers a broader sphere of Papuan lives. It translates into the revival of the Papuan indigenous culture. It inspires the integration of Papuan religious beliefs into formal religions. It inspires the ways in which Papuan rename their places of history and interest.
Let’s go back to the issue of diplomacy to see what would be the key challenges for Papuan diplomacy in the coming years. At least three major challenges we can identify.
The first is the existing Pacific diplomacy. Toward the end of the year we haven’t heard any further news about whether Jakarta has extended any specific date for MSG to visit.
Jakarta’s failure to receive an MSG visit will delay the deliberation of the membership of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL). While the postponement would not stop the Papuan leaders, it would cause a major setback to their efforts to secure a formal position within the MSG.
The second challenge is the national political landscape. We know that both Jakarta and Jayapura have been busy in drafting the Special Autonomy Plus. It is framed to be an advancement of the existing Special Autonomy. Both the President and the governor of Papua believe that this package will provide greater room for improvement and it has to be done before the 2014 elections.
That is why both leaders sent their special envoys to travel overseas to persuade the Papuan leaders living in exile and also to inform the Indonesian diplomatic missions. This whirlwind will certainly suck most of the energy out of Jakarta and Jayapura. As a result, they may not want to get distracted with other issues.
This situation is likely to impede any further engagement with the Papuan peace initiatives promoted by the Papua Peace Network (PPN) and the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
Similarly, the MSG proposal and requests from the UN Special Rapporteurs may not get any further traction.
The biggest challenge would be the global justice market itself. This market is already crowded and chaotic with wars in Syria, Libya, Central Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, etc. We may ask a hard question: How can Papua compete with these issues, if it should?
While some would argue that the Papuan conflict is not able to attract world attention because of its low number of casualties, the world’s history shows the opposite.
We learn from the history of genocide in the 20th century that world leaders disgracefully failed to respond in time, even though they were bombarded with detailed information from the field.
For instance, currently the Central African Republic faces an imminent threat of genocidal killings between the Muslims and Christians. Four hundred people were already killed. Instead of using the word “genocide”, the world leaders prefer the term “mass violence” to label the ongoing carnage (New York Times, Dec. 9, 2013). This framing illustrates the reality that publicizing carnage will not necessarily mobilize the world leaders to take action to stop it.
When they do take action and even the UN Security Council deploys a UN peacekeeping force, this force does not necessarily have all necessary power and capacity to end violence and protect civilians.
Let’s take another example from today’s world: the UN peacekeeping force MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It took two years before the Security Council equipped the UN Peacekeeping force with the authority to fight back, which constitutes the first mandate that has ever been established.
In other words, Papuan diplomacy remains challenging. It has to navigate domestic, regional and international politics with different and often conflicting interests.
The Papuan leaders, however, are not naïve. They know the reality as they have struggled with it in the last half-century. They will continue working for the pelurusan sejarah of Papua regardless of their limited capacity and resources.
On the other hand, the Indonesian authorities are also well aware of the complexity of the world’s diplomacy. Given the strength of the state, they are in a much better position to continue their work to safeguard the state narrative of Papua.
Since the two positions remain at odds with each other, what can be done to solve it? There is no other option left but peaceful dialogue between Jakarta and Papua as the PPN has tirelessly promoted. Given the challenges mentioned above, the question is who will buy it this time?
__________________
The writer is a part-time researcher at Franciscans International, an international NGO accredited with the United Nations based in New York. The views expressed are his own.
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2) Papuan Police Station Attacked
Jayapura. A group of armed men attacked a police station in the Kurik district of Papua’s Puncak Jaya regency on Saturday, taking hold a number of guns and ammunition from the site.
According to reports, the group — made up of an estimated 20 people — outnumbered the two police officers who were at the post, as five other police on schedule that evening were conducting patrols in the surrounding areas.
“During the attack, the perpetrators took with them eight long guns and ammunitions,” said Sr. Comr, Pujo Sulistyo, Papua Police spokesperson.
According to him, one officer was at the station’s kitchen and the other was securing the post when the perpetrators broke into the station. Officers’ attempts to take back their guns failed as they were outnumbered.
“The two officers escaped through the backdoor to the river and then reported the incident,” he said, adding that a manhunt for the perpetrators has been launched.
“Members of the police as well as the military are still going after the men, even a team from the National Police has been deployed to help,” Pujo said.
Puncak Jaya district police chief Sr. Comr. Marselis told Jakarta Globe on Sunday that the perpetrators responsible for the attack are allegedly members of the Yambi Group under the leadership of Leka Telenggen. Leka is affiliated with the leader of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), Goliat Tabuni, who resides in Tingginambut district.
“The attackers are from the Leka Telenggen’s group from Yambi. They have dozens of members and are still under the leadership of Goliat Tabuni,” Marselis said, adding that the group had escaped to Yambi after the incident.
“[The Yambi group] consists of only a few dozen members, but they mingle well with local residents and have influenced residents to participate in their movement, which makes the situation very difficult,” he said, explaining the group’s strength and influence.
Human rights watchdog Imparsial raised concerns that the attack could be a deliberate attempt by a group of thugs trying to disrupt peace in Papua ahead of the legislative and presidential election set for April and July, respectively.
“If the attack has anything to do with the general elections, then this is definitely very dangerous, because it means a certain political elite has taken advantage of the armed men to fulfill their personal interests,” Imparsial executive director Poengky Indarti told the Globe on Sunday. “That could mean that the armed group are not people fighting for [Papua’s] independence but instead are no different from a group of thugs.”
Poengky added that the group could have been promised financial reward in return for their attacks. “If they are indeed fighting for independence, then they would not want to work for the sake of money or for the sake of any particular political elite,” he said.
According to Imparsial, acts of violence also became the background of the latest district chief election in Puncak Jaya and Puncak districts. “The violence was linked to the process of democracy that was ongoing at the time,” Poengky explained.
As such, he called on the police to ensure they hunted down and captured the group. “Arrest them, but at the same time respect the rights of local residents living in the areas surrounding the groups’ hiding place.”
He emphasized that going after the group behind the violence could be tricky, because local residents live around the area. “This could further amplify the residents’ trauma,” he said.
Intelligence officers should more actively involve themselves in ensuring such acts of violence do not continue to take place. “Intelligence officials should play an even greater role in giving information,” Poengky said.
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4) Landslides in Papua Kill at Least 5 People And Injure Several
Torrential downpours that have showered Papua for days have seen at least five killed and several others injured while across Indonesia other cities are warning of potential problems and advising people to take precautions.
The incident occurred on Saturday following a landslide in Sentani Hawai district.
The landslide took place at an excavation site belonging to Conny Pallo, who has been questioned by the police.
“There are three people with injuries and they have been rushed to the Yowari Hospital for medical treatment,” said Papua Police spokesperson Sr. Comr. Sulistyo Pudjo on Saturday. “Several eyewitnesses have been questioned about what happened.”
According to him, one of the injured, 22-year-old Yoas Taplo, sustained bruising on his left foot and his right eye, 24-year-old Fery Uopka sustained wounds on his head, left leg and foot, while another victim, 11-year-old Ahmad Khoirul, sustained injuries on his left leg.
Reports said the landslide also buried a number of houses trapping people inside.
Police have identified the bodies as Yance Monim, Fredi Monim and 5-year-old Dwi Junuardi.
Sulistyo said local search and rescue teams as well as the Sentani Kota district police immediately helped evacuate the victims to the Yowari hospital.
“Police have also set up a dedicated line to aid with the investigation,” he said.
A similar landslide occurred at the Wajib Senyum compound in South Jayapura on Tuesday, covering several houses in the area.
The tragedy resulted in the deaths of two pregnant women who were buried in the ruins.
Officials helping with the evacuation reportedly rushed the women to the Dr. Soedibjo Sarsdadi Marin Hospital immediately after they were found, but were pronounced dead on arrival.
This year’s rainy season has also become a cause for concern for residents living in Malang, East Java, who have been warned of floods and landslides.
According to M. Thoriq, chief of the housing and city planning for the city’s public works and building monitoring office, said six landslides occurred in Malang towards the end of 2013 and that the number would continue to rise with the recent weather conditions.
“Residential areas located near the Brantas River are especially prone to inundation,” Thoriq said on Sunday, as quoted by Tribunnews.com. “Riverside areas are crowded with houses and we are having a hard time organizing preventative measures.”
“We are calling on the public living in areas that are on the same level as rivers to be watchful in this kind of weather,” he added.
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A google translate of posting on KNPB web page. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic.
Original bahasa link at
5) Deprivation of Pure Weapons Guerrilla Actions TPN - OPM
January 06 , 2014 By : militant Category : News
by : Victor Yeimo
Speculation about who the perpetrators and motives in I glanced deprivation weapons , Puncak Jaya is still going on after almost 10 years of armed conflict continue to occur in Puncak Jaya . In fact , this area is real , and has been ongoing armed struggle between the West Papua National Liberation Army ( TPN - PB ) Colonial Indonesian Military and the military and police.
West Papua National Liberation War taken command of Commander Gen . Goliath Tabuni have repeatedly stated that the purpose of open warfare and guerrilla warfare that is going on is purely to expel Indonesian colonial occupation of West Papua on the ground . Thus, Goliath Tabuni repeatedly rejected any mention of OTK , GPK / B , terrorists , and other designations that aim to reduce the value of struggle .
Forfeiture action weapons on January 4, 2014 in I glanced at the Police Station , Puncak Jaya is a pure guerrilla operations carried Tanggamati Telenggen leader who is a member of the leadership of Commander Gen TPN.PB . Goliath Tabuni . Forfeiture action is one of the weapons that guerrilla tactics are always there in the world of war and struggle , so it is wrong to Poengky Indarti of Impartial who do not know the situation in the field of Puncak Jaya was called the guerrilla action as gangsters or for the sake of money and elections .
TPN.OPM guerrilla action is not new , so the military police , NGOs , and all parties, especially the local media and national Indonesia does not need to seek out the perpetrators of the action, because TPN.OPM are actors who always exist even if there is no resistance election or other colonial interests . Goliath repeatedly said he and all the members who are not scattered about the war to eat, drink, or money , but purely to fight for the liberation of the people of Papua .
Goliath Tabuni is an official member Kelly Kwalik TPN.PB taken command in the 90s to 2004 . In Puncak Jaya he was appointed commander of the region and the Congress TPB - 2012 and PB in Biak , Goliath was elected to the High Commander TPN.PB. Goliath was sworn in on December 14, 2012 at Tingginabut , Puncak Jaya . TPN.PB is a wing of the military defense of West Papua who fight for the ideals of the West Papuan independence .
The mention of the perpetrator as OTK , GPK / B , Gangster and others would have a fatal impact to the process of making the subject of conflict resolution , and even worse , a vague mention of it will be used by the interests of rulers and military leaders who have always played in the murky water . The parties to the conflict participate obscure actors actually impressed maintain conflict .
Therefore , all parties must honestly state the truth without having to cover up the truth about the perpetrators and motives of armed resistance between TPN.OPM and the Indonesian Military . TPN.OPM always responsible for all events in Puncak Jaya via the official website at www.komnas - tpnpb.net ; Or also via phone directly through Anton Tabuni , so that journalists and all the parties do not make speculative statements .
