Wednesday, January 21, 2026

1) Indonesia-Australia Security Architecture Must Include Papua Considerations


2) West Papua under siege: Rising militarisation and civil society resistance

3) Unlawful military detention of three Indigenous Papuans in Agandugume District, Puncak Regency


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https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/indonesia-australia-security-architecture-must-include-papua-considerations/

21 Jan 2026 

1) Indonesia-Australia Security Architecture Must Include Papua Considerations  

By Geo Dzakwan Arshali & Alfath Aziz Kurnia


Indonesia-Australia relations are entering an unprecedented phase of formalised security cooperation, marked by a watershed Treaty on Common Security set for signing in early 2026. Regardless of how closely both governments are now deepening their cooperation, Papua remains a sensitive point for the two nations that, if left unaddressed, could undermine the durability of this emerging security architecture.

Modern Indonesia-Australia ties have oscillated between cooperation and suspicion, often hinging on questions of sovereignty. The first formal bilateral security agreement — the 1995 Agreement on Maintaining Security — was a breakthrough, committing both sides to consult on mutual security interests. But this pact collapsed in 1999 when an Australia-led UN peacekeeping force entered East Timor as it voted for independence. A decade later, both countries sought to rebuild ties through the 2006 Lombok Treaty, which explicitly reaffirmed Indonesia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, specifically over Papua. Despite these assurances, bilateral relations came under strain again in 2013 after revelations that Australian intelligence had tapped senior Indonesian officials, including then-President Yudhoyono, before being restored through a Joint Understanding on a Code of Conduct for intelligence matters in August 2014.

The current Australia-Indonesia Treaty on Common Security, which represents a significant upgrade over earlier iterations, outlines commitments to consult each other if either is threatened, and to hold regular security dialogues at the leader and ministerial levels. It deliberately stops short of a mutual defence pact — respecting Indonesia’s non-alignment posture — but symbolically elevates the partnership to its highest level ever. Interestingly, this pact comes on the heels of Australia’s Pukpuk Treaty with Papua New Guinea (PNG) in mid-September 2025 — PNG’s first alliance and Australia’s first new defence treaty since ANZUS. This formal mutual defence arrangement underscored Canberra’s strategic focus on its northern approaches amid Beijing’s growing influence in the Pacific.

On the sidelines, however, some Indonesian elites likely see the Pukpuk Treaty as a response to Jakarta’s increasing strategic ties with China and to reports that Russia had informally sought basing access at Biak in Papua province. Though the Australian and PNG counterparts consulted Indonesia before signing, the sense of strategic signalling persists.

Fortunately, the establishment of the Indonesia-PNG-Australia Trilateral Defence Ministers’ Meeting in December 2025 offers a direct mechanism to enhance cooperation in areas of mutual interest. Complemented by the Indonesia-PNG Defence Cooperation Agreement, specifically its focus on border management, these arrangements may help further ease sensitivities among the three countries.

Australia may have no territorial claim in Papua, but instability there would directly affect its northern approaches and test Canberra’s new mutual defence commitments under the Pukpuk Treaty. And any perceived future presence of Russian or Chinese influence in Eastern Indonesia, even if framed as cooperation with Jakarta, would alter the regional balance in ways Canberra cannot afford to ignore.

Traditionally, West Papua is precisely the issue that Canberra and Jakarta avoid discussing in any institutional context. For Indonesia, Papua, comprising its restive easternmost provinces, is an internal issue of territorial integrity, non-negotiable and sensitive to the core. But for many Australians, Papua has long been viewed through a human rights and self-determination lens, even as their governments tread cautiously on the issue. Canberra’s perceived sympathy for West Papuan separatism has long irritated Indonesian policymakers. This was evident in January 2017, when “insulting” training materials at an Australian base appeared to question Indonesia’s sovereignty over Papua and demean the country’s five founding principles of Pancasila, prompting a brief but sharp downturn in their relations. This demonstrated that Papua must be part of any Indonesia-Australia security framework, because it is the issue most likely to trigger miscalculation if left unaddressed.

This risk is not hypothetical. In mid-January 2026, armed separatists of the Free Papua Movement fired shots to intimidate Freeport Indonesia workers while surrounding them at a company outpost in Central Papua, prompting a high-risk rescue operation by Indonesian security forces. The incident shows how Papua’s volatile security environment can escalate rapidly, with implications that extend to Indonesia’s eastern neighbours.

Indonesia’s approach to Papua, and what it expects from Australia, is now evolving under President Prabowo. The ex-general has made no secret of his desire to bolster Indonesia’s military might across the archipelago, notably its Eastern region. His administration, which includes hardliners, has so far continued a security-heavy approach in combating West Papuan rebellion. In August 2025, Prabowo launched six new regional military commands to strengthen its defence posture by extending territorial reach and deploying forces to key strategic areas amid global instability. One of these new commands is based in Merauke, South Papua — establishing a whole army division headquarters in a province adjacent to PNG. Alongside this, Indonesia is beefing up its air and naval presence in its eastern waters.

What Indonesia’s Prabowo might want from Australia’s Albanese regarding Papua sits alongside Australia’s own specific expectations of Indonesia vis-à-vis Papua.

Jakarta will likely demand explicit respect for Indonesia’s territorial integrity and firm reassurance of non-interference in Papuan matters in every possible aspect. At the same time, Indonesia will likely make it clear to Australia that it intends to engage with all major actors, since the treaty is partly designed to allow Prabowo to demonstrate that he can balance relations with both U.S.- and China-aligned partners.

Concurrently, Australia’s 2024 National Defence Strategy adopted a posture of “deterrence by denial” to prevent hostile power projection near its northern approaches rather than relying solely on coalition support. Prabowo’s appearances alongside non-Western leaders during the 2025 China Victory Day Parade have likely sharpened Australian concerns that Indonesia might edge closer to a China-led CRINK Axis that seeks to challenge U.S. hegemony in the global order. The priority for Canberra is hence to secure transparency regarding any foreign presence or strategic involvement, specifically from nations of the so-called Axis of Upheaval, in Indonesia’s Eastern region. Australia will expect any developments to be communicated clearly under the new treaty’s consultative framework.

As Southeast Asia’s natural leader and the Pacific’s principal security actor, Indonesia and Australia, respectively, carry a special responsibility for regional stability within an architecture of collaboration that, if successful, could anchor regional security in an era of great-power uncertainty. But this architecture must be comprehensive — and that means institutionalising trust exactly where distrust has historically run deepest.


Geo Dzakwan Arshali is undergraduate student in International Affairs Management at School of International Studies, Universiti Utara Malaysia, and Research Intern (Regional Security Architecture Programme) with Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) at S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS). He is concurrently an Emerging Leaders Fellow at FACTS Asia, Cadet Researcher (Outgoing) at Asian Institute of International Affairs and Diplomacy (AIIAD), and Senior Analyst & Program Manager at World Order Lab.

Alfath Aziz Kurnia is an undergraduate student in International Affairs Management at the School of International Studies, Universiti Utara Malaysia. He is currently an undergraduate researcher at the Asian Institute of International Affairs and Diplomacy (AIIAD) and a Content Writer at World Order Lab. His research interests focus on war studies and international security, with particular attention to Southeast Asia’s relations with external powers and regional maritime security issues.

This article is published under a Creative Commons License and may be republished with attribution


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(Photos in report)
Human Rights Monitor


2) West Papua under siege: Rising militarisation and civil society resistance

The Indonesian government’s militarised approach to conflict resolution and economic development in West Papua has reached alarming levels, triggering widespread internall displacementhuman rights violations, and growing civil society resistance. According to a December 2025 report by the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), entitled “Papua in the Grip of Military Operations,” the region has become the site of Indonesia’s longest-running military operations, which have been taking place in the Papuan provinces since 1961.
People across West Papua have gone to the streets to voice their rejection of the growing military presence and expanding role of the military, ranging from economic development to education and health services in conflict-affected areas. Ongoing raids against the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) have frequently been accompanied by human rights violations, including enforced disappearancesextra-judicial killings, and torture. Civil society groups, church leaders, and human rights organisations are united in calling for an immediate halt to military operations, demilitarisation, and meaningful engagement in a peaceful dialogue.

Scale of militarisation in West Papua

Between 2024 and early 2025, YLBHI recorded the deployment of approximately 29 non-organic army units to West Papua, including five new battalions added in October 2024, with each unit averaging around 450 soldiers. The government’s plan to establish 100 territorial battalionsdemonstrates the military’s expanding role as both a security actor and development implementer. In Intan Jaya Regency alone, dozens of military posts were established in September 2025, as troops took control of villages. The local indigenous population and human rights observers are concerned that the extensive military presence in Intan Jaya serves the purpose of securing the gold-rich Wabu Block mining concession covering approximately 1.18 million hectares.
The YLBHI report documents at least 36 victims of extrajudicial killings between 2023 and 2025, with the death toll reaching 151 people from 2018 to 2024. Almost none of these cases have been legally processed or brought before a Human Rights Court. The majority of displaced persons are women, children, and the elderly, facing severely limited access to education, healthcare, and food. Reports indicate that military operations have been accompanied by the use of drones and helicopter gunships to drop explosives on civilian areas.
Komnas Perempuan (National Commission on Violence Against Women) has documented severe impacts on women and children, including reports of sexual violence against internally displaced females and the use of places of worship as military outposts. Commissioner Yuni Asriyanti statedthat as long as a militaristic approach continues, it will be impossible to imagine peace in West Papua, as this approach silences women’s voices, ignores their specific needs, and deepens structural violence.

Civil society protests against militarisation

In response to escalating militarisation, civil society groups across West Papua have mobilised in peaceful protest. Between late October and early November 2025, demonstrations took place in Nabire, Enarotali, Sugapa, and Jayapura, demanding an end to military operations and the withdrawal of non-organic troops. Further protests against the rising militarisation in West Papua occurred in the regencies Intan Jaya and Yahukimo in January 2026.

Protests in Sugapa, Intan Jaya

On 13 January 2026, the Intan Jaya Student and People’s Movement (GPMR-I) organised a peaceful demonstration in Sugapa, the capital of Intan Jaya Regency, with an estimated 500 to 1,000 participants. Protesters gathered at multiple points before marching to the Intan Jaya Regent’s Office. The action was a direct response to the heavy military presence, military emergency, and the humanitarian crisis since armed conflict significantly intensified in Intan Jaya in 2019. Ongoing military operations have a severe impact on civilian life, particularly for indigenous Papuans. They live in constant fear of military operations and armed clashes in the immediate vicinity of their homes.
The GPMR-I presented comprehensive data on the humanitarian impact of militarisation. According to the data üpresented, approximately 23 non-organic military posts have been constructed in Intan Jaya Regency, resulting in the total paralysis of 52 out of 59 educational facilities. Six health facilities, including hospitals and health centres, have ceased functioning. The movement documented 62 civilians killed by Indonesian military personnel without legal process, while more than 60,000 people have fled Intan Jaya and Puncak Jaya Regencies to safer areas such as Timika and Nabire, unable to return to their homes.
Upon arriving at the Regent’s Office at 11:45 am., protesters were informed that the Regent Aner Maiseni had departed for Nabire. After waiting until 2:30 pm for a response from Deputy Regent Elias Igapa and the regent’s staff, the coordinators announced that demands would not be submitted without the regent present. The protesters demanded immediate action on the stagnation of education, health services, IDP return, and the ongoing security crisis.

Protest against militarisation in Sugapa on 13 January 2026

Protests in Dekai, Yahukimo

On 21 January 2026, the Yahukimo Student Front of Indonesia organised a protest in Dekai, the capital of Yahukimo Regency, in response to massive military deployments that occurred between 9 and 29 December 2025. According to organisers, approximately 600 Indonesian military personnel were deployed by sea via the Braza River, with additional airdrops continuing through late December, including the deployment of a new Brimob (Police Mobile Brigade Corps) unit. The protest was also attended by school children, a possible reason why security forces refrained from dispersing the protest violently.
The Yahukimo Student Front’s statement documented a pattern of human rights violations dating back to 2021, including shootings and arbitrary arrests of civilians, as well as incidents involving drone attacks and the alleged use of booby traps or anti-personnel land mines. As of August 2025, approximately 1,890 people in Yahukimo had been forced to flee their homes, with IDPs facing severe health crises due to limited medical access.
The protesters issued 25 demands, including the immediate withdrawal of military forces, cessation of aerial bombing, release of political prisoners, and the granting of the right to self-determination as a democratic solution. They also called for the revocation of permits for 28 military posts operated by the Cartenz Peace Unit in Yahukimo, as well as unconditional access for the United Nations, foreign journalists, and humanitarian agencies in Intan Jaya.

Protest against militarisation in Dekai on 21 January 2026

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Human Rights Monitor

3) Unlawful military detention of three Indigenous Papuans in Agandugume District, Puncak Regency

On 16 January 2026, Mr Kataw Kulua, 27, Mr Yaikunus Murib, 26, and Mr Lois Murib, 29, were arbitrarily arrested by personnel of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) near the BNPB Logistics Warehouse, Agandugume District, Puncak Regency, Central Papua Province. The three men were unarmed, not in possession of firearms, ammunition, or any illegal items, yet were accused by the military of being members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). As of 18 January 2026, they remain under military custody without access to judicial oversight.
According to information documented by a local human rights defender, the three indigenous Papuans were detained during a military patrol at approximately 10:30 am while they were heading home after buying things at a store. Following their arrest, they were taken to the Rajawali II Military Post and subsequently to the Yonif 142/KJ Post for questioning.
The military personnel reportedly failed to provide an arrest warrant or an explanation of legal grounds. Following the interrogation, the three detainees were not handed over to the police as required under Indonesian law. Despite the absence of evidence linking Mr Kataw Kulua, Mr Yaikunus Murib, and Mr Lois Murib to armed activity, the military personnel kept them in detention as of 18 January 2026. Updated information on the arrest is currently being verified.  

Human rights and legal analysis

The arrest and continued military detention of the three Papuan men constitute arbitrary arrest and detention, in violation of Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to liberty and security of person and prohibits deprivation of liberty without lawful grounds and due process.
The TNI has no mandate to conduct law enforcement functions against civilians, including arrest, interrogation, or detention. Under Indonesian law, such powers rest exclusively with the Indonesian National Police (Polri). The continued military detention of the victims without charge, judicial review, or access to legal counsel further violates Article 28D(1) of the Indonesian Constitution and Articles 17 and 18 of the Indonesian Criminal Procedure Code (KUHAP).
The presumption of guilt based solely on alleged affiliation with an armed group, without evidence, reflects a pattern of collective punishment and criminalisation of indigenous Papuan civilians in the Papuan provinces. Unlawful military detention without civilian oversight exposes the detainees to a risk of being subjected to torture and enforced disappearance.
Detailed Case Data
Location: Agandugume, Puncak Regency, Central Papua, Indonesia (-3.9025963, 137.9185611) 
Region: Indonesia, Central Papua, Puncak, Agandugume
Total number of victims: 3
#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Kataw Kulua
male27 Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
2.Yaikunus Murib
male26 Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
3.Lois Murib
male29 Indigenous Peoplesarbitrary detention
Period of incident: 16/01/2026 – 16/01/2026
Perpetrator: , Indonesian Army (TNI-AD)
Perpetrator details: Yonif 142/KJ members
Issues: indigenous peoples

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Tuesday, January 20, 2026

Bishop slams ‘excessive’ military presence in Indonesia’s Papua

 



Bishop slams ‘excessive’ military presence in Indonesia’s Papua 

The conflict in Papua has left thousands killed and displaced since the 1960s


By Jacobus E. Lato Published: January 20, 2026 11:31 AM GMT

Church leaders in Indonesia’s Christian-majority Papua have criticized the ‘excessive military’ presence in the region, calling it a flawed state policy to counter insurgency in the conflict-scarred easternmost territory.

Augustinian Bishop Bernardus Bofitwos Baru of Timika said that the military presence has instilled fear and insecurity in the local community, whose life and activities are disrupted at regular intervals.

According to government data, approximately 12,300 military personnel are stationed in Papua, the Indonesian part of Papua New Guinea, which is now divided into six provinces.

Since being annexed by Indonesia in the 1960s after the end of Dutch colonial rule through what is largely considered a sham referendum, Papua has endured a low-intensity armed secessionist insurgency and the military’s counter-insurgency operations, which left thousands killed and displaced in the region.

The government cites national security for “influx of soldiers” in Papua, which Papuans have detrimental impacts on their lives, causing panic, fear, and security concerns, disrupting the livelihoods of the community, Baru said on Jan. 18.

The soldiers have placed restrictions on movement, and traditional activities such as hunting, gardening and community gatherings, which are being hindered, said the prelate, an ethnic Papuan and rights defender.

"Military posts and soldiers are everywhere. People are afraid because they have implemented an activity schedule, which means it's not just a curfew anymore, but a broader loss of security," Baru told UCA News.

Such a security system “intrudes into people's personal matters, [and] could be subtly killing the community,” he lamented.

Baru urged the government to engage in dialogue with community representatives to counter the threat of insurgency posed by rebel groups, including the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB).

The military’s arbitrary restrictions have negative impacts on the Catholic community, Banu said.

Priests have reported several cases of adverse impact on the congregation, "which encourages me to ask the government to discuss this issue with the church,” he said.

Local media reports suggest that apart from tackling insurgency, the military is being used to safeguard the interests of business oligarchs who are engaged in establishing farms, palm oil plantations, and mines.

A Catholic priest and activist serving Bilogai and Sugapa in Central Papua, who did not want to be named, fearing repercussions, said the military occupied a Catholic school compound last September. It has disrupted the learning environment.

"The community is now in trauma. From there, the soldiers spread out to the surrounding villages. And to this day, they have not returned to their posts,” the priest told UCA News.

The priest said local leaders and village chiefs have met with military commanders and have appealed to end restrictions on their lives and livelihoods.

“We also explained all the customs and traditions, including our hunting equipment and gardening tools, so that the military personnel would not suspect the civilians as rebels,” he added.


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Monday, January 19, 2026

1) Take charge, Papua media owner tells scribes


2) Resilience from Indigenous Communities through the Film Teman Tegar Maira

3) Merauke Solidarity Condemns the Issuance of HGU by the Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning

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https://islandsbusiness.com/news-break/take-charge-papua-media-owner-tells-scribes/

 1Take charge, Papua media owner tells scribes

 January 20, 2026 _  NETANI RIKA 

 A WEST Papuan media owner has urged journalists in his country to become key players in covering major issues in Papua, rather than mere spectators dominated by foreign media.

Victor Mambor – owner of the pro-democracy news site, Jubi – made the call during the 1st Papua Media Festival in Nabire Regency, Central Papua.

Mambor emphasized that Indigenous Papuan journalists should be the main actors in covering the potential of their own region, rather than relying on media from outside Papua.

The workshop was moderated by Roni Hisage and attended by university students and journalists at a festival initiated by the Papuan Journalists Association.

Meanwhile, North Jayapura Police have closed their investigation into the detonation of an explosive device outside Mambor’s home in January.

The investigation has been criticised for irregularities, as well as a lack of transparency, with Mambor only informed of the letter in October through the Papuan representative for the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights.


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2) Resilience from Indigenous Communities through the Film Teman Tegar Maira
January 20, 2026 in Mamta Reading Time: 3 mins read
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Author: Fitri Ramadhani - Editor: Arjuna Pademme

Jayapura, Jubi – The film "Teman Tegar Maira Whisper From Papua" depicts the message of resilience of indigenous communities through their close relationship with the forest. The film will be shown in cinemas across Indonesia starting February 5, 2026.

The film's producer, Chandra Sembiring, said the message conveyed in the film is learning resilience from indigenous communities.

"We want to convey the climate crisis from the perspective of indigenous communities, their resilience, and their closeness to nature," said Chandra Sembiring after the film screening at a cinema in Jayapura Mall, Jayapura City, Papua Province, Monday evening (January 19, 2025).

The film, directed by Anggi Frisca, tells the story of how two children from different backgrounds embark on a journey that changes their lives.

It all started with curiosity about birds of paradise, and ultimately led to a fight for forest rights for their future.

Amidst the misty mountains of Papua, a brave 12-year-old girl named Maira fights to defend the forest she lives in. Enter Tegar, an 11-year-old boy with a physical disability from the city, who wants to learn more about the forest his grandfather once told him about.

Through a blend of music, storytelling, and stunning landscapes, Maira is a tribute to friendship, resilience, and the unheard voices of nature.

The film is expected to contribute to and encourage stakeholders, including artists, to mitigate the damaging impacts of the irreversible climate crisis.

The 97-minute film also depicts how indigenous peoples use nature or forests as a source of food, medicine, and to live in harmony with nature.

Chandra said that through the film, he wants to inspire future generations to speak up for indigenous peoples, making them a subject and issue of public discussion.

"When I went [to several remote areas in Indonesia], I saw what resilience truly is. So, regarding indigenous peoples, I always want to highlight the importance of resilience," he said.

According to him, this film doesn't simply use Papua as a backdrop, but as a subject, not an object. Therefore, the cast and crew involved are local people to open access and a space for expression.

"It may be more popular to bring national artists to the region to make films, but we're trying to open up access and space for Papuan children to become actors and actresses to express their art. They have artistic blood, and quite good motor skills," he said.

Joanita Chatarine Wakum, an Indonesian Idol graduate who plays Teh Isy, Tegar's nanny in the film, stated that the film not only showcases the beauty of nature through images, but also tells a story through every movement and lyric.

Like the lyrics, "Passing rain, rivers, swamps, forests again, passing behind the mountain. Aaah, just a short distance away, by boat, in the same village behind that mountain."

Joanita Wakum believes that music is universal and can touch the hearts of even children.

"Beyond being a singer, I feel this is my way of expressing Papua through my work [film]. This film isn't selfish, just because I brought a team from Jakarta, no. But it involves fellow artists from Kaimana, and ultimately, we can proudly say, 'This is our film,'" said Joanita Chatarine Wakum.

In her role as Teh Isy, Joanita Wakum explains that good intentions alone are not enough, reflecting the challenges faced by Papua, not just in Papua. However, she believes there is always a better path, orchestrated by God.

"We should be proud of our traditions. If we love our land, we will surely know how to preserve it," she said.

Joanita Wakum encouraged the younger generation, especially in Papua, to grow in caring and preserving Papuan culture, saying it's both cool and extraordinary.

Meanwhile, a member of the audience, Afny Fadilla Rahmadani (23), said the film not only addresses environmental issues but also culture and folk songs.

"They dared to bring out the regional language of Papua itself, so that many people outside Papua can learn the local language," Afny said.

According to her, this film educates the public, especially children, to protect the environment from an early age.

"[My impressions after watching this film] were mixed, sis. When I saw the scene where the forest was destroyed, I cried, and even my friend next to me was shocked. I cried because it was so relatable, as many indigenous people struggle to fight for their forests. So, I got carried away by the atmosphere and cried," said the 2025 Papuan Language Ambassador. (*)

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Original Bahasa link

3) Merauke Solidarity Condemns the Issuance of HGU by the Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning
January 20, 2026 in Press Release Reading Time: 3 mins read
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Author: Jubi Admin - Editor: Arjuna Pademme
Jayapura, Jubi – Merauke Solidarity condemns the issuance of the Right to Cultivate (HGU) by the Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/Head of the National Land Agency (ATR/BPN), Nusron Wahid.

The issuance of the HGU is considered to serve corporate interests, plundering nature and privatizing customary land in South Papua Province.

Minister of ATR/Head of BPN, Nusron Wahid, issued a Decree on the Right to Cultivate (HGU) and the Right to Build (HGB) covering 328,000 hectares, under the pretext of ensuring land availability and legal certainty of land rights for developers of national food, energy, and water self-sufficiency areas in South Papua Province.

The HGU and HGB decrees were issued to PT Agrinas Pangan Nusantara. This was conveyed by Nusron Wahid to the media after a coordination meeting on the development of national food, energy, and water self-sufficiency areas at the Coordinating Ministry for Food Affairs in Jakarta on Monday, January 12, 2026.

Merauke Solidarity believes that the decision to change the designation of forest areas and large-scale HGU (HGU) rights, as well as the establishment of the South Papua Province Spatial Plan (RTRW) (Regional Regulation No. 3 of 2025), was made hastily, without the consent and consultation of the indigenous Papuan peoples, the Malind Anim, Yei, Wambon Kenemopte, and Awyu tribes.

"They (these tribes) reside in and own customary territories that are targeted for extractive zones in the National Strategic Project (PSN). The state ignores the principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). The state fails to recognize, respect, and protect the authority and rights of indigenous peoples, their right to life, their right to land, and their customary territories," wrote Merauke Solidarity in a press release on Tuesday (January 20, 2026).

According to Merauke Solidarity, the Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/Head of the National Land Agency (BPN) stated that the forest area targeted by the National Strategic Project (PSN) in South Papua is state-owned, uninhabited, and unsettled.

However, this statement is seen as indicating the persistence of colonialist paradigms and practices in state development policies. The perception of Papua as empty and unclaimed is still widespread, making it seemingly normal to control and occupy customary lands and forests, while denying the existence and rights of indigenous communities.

The decisions to establish the Provincial Spatial Plan (RTRWP), State Forest Areas, and grant HGU (Cultural Rights) are considered forms of natural plunder, land grabbing, and the privatization of customary lands within an extractive economy through regulations aimed at commodifying and serving the expansion of extractive industries such as agriculture, intensive plantations, biodiesel, biomass, and bioethanol, all in the name of achieving food and energy self-sufficiency.

Merauke Solidarity believes that the widespread plundering and exploitation of natural resources, neglect, and exclusion of the people's existence and rights, the dismantling of agricultural systems and community food businesses, the depletion of soil vitality, deforestation, and the destruction of High Conservation Value Areas (HCVA) are being carried out through violence, cunning, corruption, and cruelty.

They stated that these methods have been proven to cost lives and property, causing social unrest and conflict, and climate change and its inevitable impacts. The Sumatran disaster and others have provided lessons in socio-ecological disasters, which we must not repeat.

Merauke Solidarity states that the large-scale appropriation of indigenous peoples' livelihoods and privatization of customary lands in the name of development, and the abuse of law and power, constitute unjust acts and violate the 1945 Constitution, contradict laws and international instruments on human rights, indigenous peoples' rights, climate change, and biodiversity protection, and violate customary law.

"We, the coalition of civil society organizations and victims of the National Strategic Project, united in Merauke Solidarity, declare and strongly condemn the state's policy of issuing regulations and decrees, including the South Papua Provincial Spatial Plan (PPS Regulation No. 3/2025), the Minister of Forestry's Decree (No. 591/2025) concerning changes to the designation of Forest Areas, and the Decree on the granting of Cultivation Rights and Building Rights, which rob indigenous peoples of their rights, destroy their socio-cultural life, and damage and disrupt the balance of the ecosystem."

Merauke Solidarity calls on the president and regional governments to immediately halt the National Strategic Project and large-scale extractive economic development projects, which are unfair and sacrifice the people and the environment.

We fully support the efforts of the victims and people affected by the National Strategic Project to stand in solidarity in the struggle for justice and the right to life, to defend and secure indigenous territories. (*)

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1) Most Gearek residents remain displaced after military operations

2) Occupation of West Papua casts shadow over Indonesia's rise to presidency of UN Human Rights Council

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1) Most Gearek residents remain displaced after military operations
January 19, 2026 in Lapago Reading Time: 2 mins read
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Author: CR-18 - Editor: Arjuna Pademme

Wamena, Jubi – Most residents of Gearek District, Nduga Regency, Papua Highlands, who have been displaced since early December 2025, have reportedly not returned to their hometowns.

At least 100 families from Gearek District reportedly fled to various areas deemed safe, including the forest, in early December 2025 due to military operations in their villages.

Yuli Bugiangge, an Nduga intellectual figure and Chair of the Woken Foundation, stated that most of the displaced residents have not yet returned to their hometowns.

"When the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) dropped bombs and [conducted] military operations, the civilian population was scattered. 50 families fled to Keneyam [the capital of Nduga Regency]. 15 families fled to Asmat Regency, 10 families fled to nearby districts, and most residents sought refuge in the forests, avoiding the threat of military fire. So, more than 100 families fled, and most have not returned to their villages," said Yuli Bugiangge during an interview with reporters in the courtyard of the Weneroma Church in Sinakma, Jayawijaya Regency, Papua Highlands, on Sunday (January 18, 2026).

"Since the military operation in Gearek District, the community has been traumatized and has not returned to their hometowns."

According to him, after the military operation, the Woken Foundation went to Gearek District, Nduga Regency, to collect data.

"[We] can confirm that on December 11, 2025, the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) used a helicopter to fly over a residential area, but due to poor weather conditions, it ultimately returned to Timika [Mimika Regency]," he said.

According to Bugiangge, the military again flew over Gearek District using six helicopters on December 12, 2025, and dropped five bombs on civilian residential areas.

"After dropping the bombs, the military opened fire on civilian residential areas, one of which was Kanjelak in Gearek District, which became a military target," he said.

Bugiangge said that as a result of the military operation, a 7-year-old child named Atiana Giban reportedly died, and the victim's mother was shot in the calf while trying to escape the gunfire.

"The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) killed a small child by air before landing. After landing, they (the TNI) took the body and then disappeared. The joint team that went there didn't find the body. The TNI used six helicopters and dropped 52 personnel for the operation in the Gearek District, Nduga Regency," he said.

Yuli Bugiangge said that during the military operation, six residents' homes were burned, including that of a local Christian.

Bugiangge continued, explaining that the Gearek District residents were traumatized as a result of the military operation, and most are still in evacuation centers. They also missed out on the Christmas atmosphere on December 25, 2025.

"The six houses that were burned belonged to church leaders, pastors, and shepherds. They were not occupied by the TPNPB-OPM," he said.

Previously, a joint team led by Theo Hesem, Director of Papuan Human Rights, along with members of the Nduga Regency People's Representative Council (DPRK), and the district head, visited the location and installed billboards prohibiting military operations in civilian settlements there.

"We hope that with this prohibition sign, there will be no more military operations that could kill civilians. We, the Woken Foundation, have put up billboards prohibiting military operations, in addition to billboards from the joint team from the Nduga Regional Government and the Papua Humanitarian and Integrity Foundation (YKKMP)," said Yuli Bugiangge. (*)


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NIT

2) Occupation of West Papua casts shadow over Indonesia's rise to presidency of UN Human Rights Council

Andrew Mathieson 
Published January 19, 2026 at 6.00am (AWST) 

Human rights violations against Indigenous West Papuans on their ancestral territory makes Indonesia's appointment to head the United Nations Human Rights Council a "mockery" of the position, according to a prominent West Papuan independence leader.

Jakarta diplomat Sidharto Reza Suryodipuro is set to assume the Council presidency on behalf of Indonesia courtesy of last week's rotational election ceremony in Geneva.

The criticism from Benny Wenda, the exiled leader of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, has been scathing.

"Indonesia is totally unfit to hold the presidency of the UN Human Rights Council," he said from the UK.

"How can Indonesia possibly lead on human rights when they are hiding from the world their 60-year occupation of West Papua with 500,000 men, women, and children dead?"

Indonesia annexed the former Dutch New Guinea in 1963 and initially renamed the territory Irian Jaya. The Netherlands government of the day had favoured returning the land to ethnic Melanesian Papuans to govern for themselves.

The USA pushed the UN to support Indonesia's occupation at the time, and the territory's sovereignty has since been highly contested.

"Indonesia holding the presidency of the Human Rights Council in 2026 is akin to an Apartheid South Africa leading it back in 1980," Mr Wenda said.

Independent observers kept out of West Papua

While violations relating to Indonesia's ongoing military operations throughout West Papua have been long canvassed by human rights' defenders, Jakarta still tightly restricts access for foreign media, international humanitarian groups, non-government organisations (NGOs) and even diplomats.

The conflict between Indonesia's military forces against West Papua's pro-independence guerilla resistance movement, according to Mr Wenda, has left more than 100,000 Indigenous West Papuans displaced from their traditional tribal lands.

He said West Papuans have suffered breaches of international law "on a daily basis for the past 63 years", not just in relation to violent conflict but through other violations that ranged from land rights violations to infringements on the right to freedom of speech.


Indonesian military protects companies exploiting West Papua

Indigenous people of the Muyu tribe have been the most recent victims, according to an investigation from the Papua Advocacy Institute.

The Muyu clashed with employees of Korindo, a Korean and Indonesian logging and palm-cutting company, resulting in the death of, at least, one local clansman.

The Indonesian military blamed Papuan guerrillas for the tragedy.

"The recently reported violence in the Korindo operation appears to be a result of long-standing dispute over land rights between Korindo and the local traditional landowners, not only the Muyu tribe but also the Auyu, Mandobo, and Marind tribes from other parts of South-West Papua that were also affected by the operation Korindo," Papua Advocacy Institute spokesperson Matthew Jamieson said in a recent statement.

"Besides, there is a long history of violence by Indonesian security forces in the region.

"Sometimes the Indonesian military and police work to protect Korindo's interests, and other times they launch brutal and reckless military operations against the civilian population and small groups of West Papua guerrilla fighters."

The recent incident is one of several acts of military violence committed against West Papuan people, according to the Papua Advocacy Institute.

"The information we have received indicates that the human rights situation in West Papua is deteriorating rapidly," Mr Jamieson said.

Allegations of torture and assassinations by Indonesian forces

There have been ongoing reports over the past two months that have included the formation of militias in regional centres, torture of Papuan activists by Indonesian security forces, the killing of three civil state officials by Indonesian police in the Star Mountains range, isolated shootings of Papuan citizens by military personnel in West Papuan capital, Jayapura, and cases of grave torture against an Indigenous man by the military.

According to the Jakarta-based Human Rights Watch researcher Andreas Harsono the nation is still grappling broadly with issues of human rights, including religious freedoms. He said more scrutiny could improve greater tolerance and recognition among Indonesian officials.

Mr Harsono said there has been some form of recognition in Indonesia of rights' violations in the West Papua territory.

"Indonesia has a very bad human rights record in West Papua. Even in Indonesia, many high-ranking officials and military commanders recognise that," he said.

"But at the same time, I think there are some efforts within Indonesia - including in the military - to be better."

He said that despite this, the conflict in West Papua is intensifying, with the numbers of Indonesian troops being deployed increasing against a growing number of weapons being stockpiled by Papuan militants.

"Indonesia is very good at wishy-washy talk in delaying things"

Mr Harsono also noted a planned visit from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to investigate West Papuan reports of persecution has not gone ahead.

Two years ago, Indonesia's government told the UN resident coordinator in Jakarta to leave immediately over the the global intergovernmental organisation's criticism of human rights in West Papua.

"Indonesia is very good at wishy-washy talk in delaying things," Mr Harsono said. "That is what Indonesian diplomats did over this UN visit to West Papua."

Mr Sidharto has promised to use Indonesia's new position to present a new form of diplomacy, which the UN is hoping will pave the way for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua.


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