Saturday, November 1, 2025

Papua Quarterly Report Q3 2025: Violence and Impunity: Killings and arrests as security forces expand across West Papua

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/general/papua-quarterly-report-q3-2025-justice-denied-fatal-shootings-arbitrary-detentions-and-the-failure-of-accountability-mechanisms/


Papua Quarterly Report Q3 2025: Violence and Impunity: Killings and arrests as security forces expand across West Papua

This 12-page document outlines cases and developments, including human rights violations and their patterns, the escalation of armed conflict and its impact on civilians, significant political shifts in Indonesia affecting West Papua, and international responses and initiatives. It covers the period from 1 July to 30 September 2025.

Summary

Human rights

The human rights situation in West Papua between July and September 2025 was overshadowed by a notable increase in military deployments and operations in West Papua’s highland regions since August 2025. The rapidly expanding presence of military personnel, even in remote districts across the central highlands, has caused further internal displacements and accelerated the escalation of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). Human rights statistics neither indicate improvements nor significant deterioration of the human rights situation throughout the reporting period. However, ongoing documentation of abuses such as killings, torture, ill-treatment, arbitrary detentions, and violations of the freedom of peaceful assembly shows that the government continues to pursue a security-based conflict approach in West Papua. 

Political tensions have escalated, with security forces cracking down on protesters and arbitrarily detaining activists. In Sorong, Southwest Papua province, police arrested over a dozen people in August 2025 for their participation in protests against the transfer of four political detainees. Security forces cracked down on the protest, with one bystander being shot. The lack of capability among security forces in West Papua to handle conflict situations without using excessive force has repeatedly caused cases where minor incidents escalate into civil unrest with extensive damage and civilian victims. On 27 September 2025, members of the 123/Rajawali military Task Force opened fire on civilians in the town of Agats, Asmat Regency, South Papua Province, killing one person and injuring four with bullets. The incident unfolded as the military personnel were handling a report of public disturbance involving an intoxicated man. 

Civil unrest in Yalimo Regency, Highland Papua province, in response to an escalating conflict between Papuans and non-Papuan students on 16 September, and outbreaks of horizontal violence between Papuans and non-Papuans in the Deiyai Regency on 18 August 2025, illustrate a historically growing horizontal social tension. The social injustice is fuelled by the racial discrimination and marginalisation of indigenous Papuans, which the government has failed to address over the past decades. Patterns of racial discrimination have also become evident in an escalating intimidation campaign against Papuan students across Indonesia between April and July 2025.

The widespread impunity among security forces is a major driver of human rights violations in West Papua. There are only a few examples where the internal investigation and prosecution mechanisms have succeeded. On 3 July 2025, the Military Court III-19 Jayapura found Navy Officer Agung Suyono guilty of murdering Mrs Kesya Irene Yola Lestaluhu at the Saoka Beach in Sorong on 12 January 2025. In contrast to this case, the majority of human rights violations involving police or military have resulted in lenient sentences or are stuck in legal limbo. No progress has been made in arresting suspects in the Molotov bomb attack against Papuan Media outlet Jubi after one year of investigation, despite CCTV recordings and witness testimonies. Likewise, the Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua) branch office in Sorong expressed concerns regarding the legal process into allegations of arbitrary detention and torture committed by officers of the Sorong City Police against Papuan civilian, Mr Ortizan F. Tarage on 15 May 2025. Despite being officially reported to police authorities, the case remains stagnant as of September 2025, with no suspects named and no transparent investigative progress.

The aggravating healthcare crisis in West Papua has come under scrutiny following revelations of alleged corruption amounting to IDR 10 billion at the Nabire Regional General Hospital (RSUD Nabire) and a series of deaths reportedly caused by medical malpractice and neglect at the Yowari Hospital in Sentani, the General Hospital in Serui, and the Maybrat hospitals. The reports raise human rights concerns relating to the right to health, accountability, and equal access to public services in Indonesia’s easternmost provinces.

New satellite data analysis and interactive mapping tools have revealed the unprecedented scale of deforestation and ecosystem destruction across West Papua, with the National Strategic Projects driving 24% of the forest loss in 2024. A new study published by Nusantara Atlas provides a detailed analysis of land clearing trends across West Papua, revealing an alarming acceleration in environmental destruction driven by government mega-projects and corporate interests, particularly in the Merauke area. 

A documentary by the Gecko Project reveals the devastating impact of Indonesia’s National Strategic Project (PSN) in Merauke, Papua Selatan Province, exposing how large-scale agricultural expansion under the guise of national food security results in the systematic violation of indigenous rights and environmental degradation. The project aims to convert at least 1.6 million hectares of indigenous Malind territory into rice and sugarcane plantations, secured and implemented by the military. On 19 August 2025, civil society organisations and victims of PSN filed a judicial review petition at Indonesia’s Constitutional Court challenging key provisions of the Job Creation Law (Law No. 6/ 2023) that legitimise facilitation and acceleration of PSN projects at the expense of constitutional rights and environmental protection.

Conflict

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati announced on 20 August 2025 the creation of 500 new battalions as part of the biggest peacetime military expansion in decades. These are shocking news for more than 102,966 people in West Papua who remain internally displaced as a result of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the TPNPB as of October 2025. In August 2025, the total number of IDPs in West Papua had surpassed 100,000.  HRM documented 29 armed attacks and clashes throughout the third quarter of 2025, a significantly lower number than in the second quarter of 2025, when 47 such incidents were documented. However, the total number of annual clashes in 2025 will again be higher than in 2024, with 135 armed attacks, indicating a further deterioration of armed violence in West Papua. This is also reflected in the figure of IDPs, which keeps rising as Indonesian security forces intensified operations in the regencies of Puncak, Puncak Jaya, Paniai, and Pegunungan Bintang between July and September 2025, with additional troop deployments to Lanny Jaya, Yahukimo, and Pegunungan Bintang. The military continues expanding its military infrastructure to the district level in conflict regions and the surrounding areas.

Military operations in various locations were accompanied by the destruction of residential houses and the shooting of civilians. On 6 July 2025, a villager was reportedly executed by security force members in Gilini Village, Puncak Regency, during a military operation in Omukia District. Indonesian military (TNI) members reportedly raided the Oholumu Village, Mewoluk District, Puncak Jaya Regency, on 7 August 2025, resulting in the burning of civilian homes, the destruction of church facilities, and the shooting of three civilians. On 10 August 2025, Indonesian security forces opened fire on a group of indigenous Papuans, predominantly children, killing one minor and leaving two other minors injured.

The majority of armed hostilities occurred in the regencies of Intan Jaya, Yahukimo, and Puncak, with a few armed clashes in Puncak Jaya, Pegunungan Bintang, Dogiyai, Lanny Jaya, Mimika, Nabire, and Deiyai.  HRM counted nine civilians killed by the TPNPB. Meanwhile, two civilians were killed and seven were wounded by security force members during armed clashes or counter-insurgency operations. Concerning the combatants, six security force members were killed, and five were injured during this period. In contrast, the TPNPB reportedly lost eight combatants, with five guerrilla fighters being injured during armed clashes. Australian authorities arrested two Australian men in mid-September 2025. They were charged with allegedly trafficking guns and ammunition to the TPNPB.

On 17 July 2025, members of the Indonesian security forces, including the Beoga Police Chief and Indonesian military personnel, were captured on video pressuring village leaders in Beoga District, Puncak Regency, to allocate a part of the community funds to security forces.  The case illustrates a pattern of corruption, intimidation, and militarisation of public administration in West Papua, exacerbating the vulnerability of conflict-affected communities and undermining lawful governance.

Political developments

In July, Coordinating Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra announced VP Gibran Rakabuming Raka would be assigned a special mandate to accelerate development and address human rights issues in West Papua.  As of September 2025, speculations about Gibran moving his office to West Papua have not been confirmed.

President Prabowo Subianto’s decision to grant amnesty to six political prisoners from West Papua and Maluku ahead of Indonesia’s 80th Independence Day on 17 August caused mixed reactions from human rights organisations, with advocates welcoming the releases while questioning the limited scope and timing of the presidential pardons. Human rights lawyers are raising serious questions about whether this constitutes genuine amnesty or simply delayed implementation of existing parole rights, as most of the convicts were already eligible for conditional release under existing regulations, having served more than two-thirds of their sentences.

Indonesia experienced its most significant political unrest since President Prabowo Subianto took office in October 2024, with deadly nationwide protests erupting in late August 2025 that killed at least eight to ten people and resulted in over 3,000 arrests in a nationwide crackdown. The protests, which spread across Jakarta and 38 provinces, were triggered by public anger over parliamentary perks, including monthly housing allowances for all 580 lawmakers, demands for higher wages, and lower taxes. The protests escalated after an armoured police vehicle ran over a civilian in Jakarta on 28 August 2025. Demonstrators adopted the black flag from the Japanese TV series “One Piece” as their protest symbol, prompting Minister of Human Rights, Natalius Pigai, to suggest the government could ban the flag on national security grounds. Violence included arson attacks on regional parliament buildings in South Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, Central Java, and West Java provinces. Under public pressure, President Prabowo reduced lawmakers’ perks, fired five cabinet ministers, and announced plans to establish an independent investigation into alleged disproportionate force by security forces.

On 18 September 2025, the Constitutional Court rejected a legal petition challenging Law No. 3/2025 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), ruling that the legislative process did not violate the 1945 Constitution despite procedural controversies and widespread criticism from civil society organisations, academics, and students. The decision allows the amended TNI Law to remain legally binding, with four of nine judges issuing dissenting opinions. CSOs warned of serious implications for Indonesian democracy and civilian oversight of the military.

International developments

The World Council of Churches and Franciscans International, together with several partner organisations, convened a side event during the 60th Session of the UN Human Rights Council on 22 September 2025, examining the human rights situation in West Papua one year into Indonesia’s current administration. The event revealed a rapid increase in deforestation and growing human rights violations affecting indigenous communities across the country. Only two days after the side event, Christian Solidarity International (CSI) delivered an oral statement at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on 24 September, calling upon the UN  Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to address the growing threats and marginalisation of Indigenous Papuana. CSI particularly pointed out that the Government’s National Strategic Projects pose a threat to the way of life of the Indigenous Peoples of West Papua.

The 54th Pacific Islands Forum, held 8-12 September 2025 in Honiara, Solomon Islands, concluded with leaders celebrating achievements on climate resilience and regional security. Similar to previous PIF communiques, Pacific leaders devoted one paragraph to West Papua in their final communiqué. The statement reaffirmed “the Forum’s ongoing recognition of Indonesia’s sovereignty over West Papua (Papua)” while recalling “Indonesia’s 2018 invitation for a mission led by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights” and tasking “the Secretariat to work constructively with Indonesia on a proposed visit by Forum Leaders Envoys in 2026, in consultation with the Melanesian Spearhead Group Secretariat”. The forum’s reserved engagement with West Papua was underscored by the reported ban on raising the Morning Star flag in Honiara due to Indonesian pressure, revealing the extent of external influence on Pacific decision-making processes. Before the summit, NGOs in the Pacific region published an open letter, calling upon Pacific leaders to uphold humanitarian values in West Papua.

The international human rights organisation CIVICUS added Indonesia to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist amid widespread state intimidation, legal manipulation, and violent crackdowns on dissent, pushing civic space to a precarious point. The CIVICUS Monitor currently rates Indonesia as “obstructed”, indicating serious challenges to the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. CIVICUS observations are in line with a report published by Amnesty International Indonesia (AII) in July 2025. AII documented attacks against at least 104 human rights defenders across 54 cases during the first six months of the year.    

The shrinking civic space is accompanied by growing militarisation and the strengthening of Indonesia’s defence structure, while urgent social justice issues such as the growing gap between the rich and poor remain widely unaddressed. On 25 August 2025, Indonesia commenced joint military drills with the U.S., UK, Australia, Japan, Singapore, and other states. The exercise, named “Talisman Sabre”, was held in Australian waters beginning on 14 July. U.S. Navy Secretary described the joint exercise as demonstrating to China that participants were prepared to “operate together in defence of core values.”

Papua Quarterly Report Q3 2025: Violence and Impunity: Killings and arrests as security forces expand across West Papua

This 12-page document outlines cases and developments, including human rights violations and their patterns, the escalation of armed conflict and its impact on civilians, significant political shifts in Indonesia affecting West Papua, and international responses and initiatives. It covers the period from 1 July to 30 September 2025.

Summary

Human rights

The human rights situation in West Papua between July and September 2025 was overshadowed by a notable increase in military deployments and operations in West Papua’s highland regions since August 2025. The rapidly expanding presence of military personnel, even in remote districts across the central highlands, has caused further internal displacements and accelerated the escalation of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). Human rights statistics neither indicate improvements nor significant deterioration of the human rights situation throughout the reporting period. However, ongoing documentation of abuses such as killings, torture, ill-treatment, arbitrary detentions, and violations of the freedom of peaceful assembly shows that the government continues to pursue a security-based conflict approach in West Papua. 

Political tensions have escalated, with security forces cracking down on protesters and arbitrarily detaining activists. In Sorong, Southwest Papua province, police arrested over a dozen people in August 2025 for their participation in protests against the transfer of four political detainees. Security forces cracked down on the protest, with one bystander being shot. The lack of capability among security forces in West Papua to handle conflict situations without using excessive force has repeatedly caused cases where minor incidents escalate into civil unrest with extensive damage and civilian victims. On 27 September 2025, members of the 123/Rajawali military Task Force opened fire on civilians in the town of Agats, Asmat Regency, South Papua Province, killing one person and injuring four with bullets. The incident unfolded as the military personnel were handling a report of public disturbance involving an intoxicated man. 

Civil unrest in Yalimo Regency, Highland Papua province, in response to an escalating conflict between Papuans and non-Papuan students on 16 September, and outbreaks of horizontal violence between Papuans and non-Papuans in the Deiyai Regency on 18 August 2025, illustrate a historically growing horizontal social tension. The social injustice is fuelled by the racial discrimination and marginalisation of indigenous Papuans, which the government has failed to address over the past decades. Patterns of racial discrimination have also become evident in an escalating intimidation campaign against Papuan students across Indonesia between April and July 2025.

The widespread impunity among security forces is a major driver of human rights violations in West Papua. There are only a few examples where the internal investigation and prosecution mechanisms have succeeded. On 3 July 2025, the Military Court III-19 Jayapura found Navy Officer Agung Suyono guilty of murdering Mrs Kesya Irene Yola Lestaluhu at the Saoka Beach in Sorong on 12 January 2025. In contrast to this case, the majority of human rights violations involving police or military have resulted in lenient sentences or are stuck in legal limbo. No progress has been made in arresting suspects in the Molotov bomb attack against Papuan Media outlet Jubi after one year of investigation, despite CCTV recordings and witness testimonies. Likewise, the Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua) branch office in Sorong expressed concerns regarding the legal process into allegations of arbitrary detention and torture committed by officers of the Sorong City Police against Papuan civilian, Mr Ortizan F. Tarage on 15 May 2025. Despite being officially reported to police authorities, the case remains stagnant as of September 2025, with no suspects named and no transparent investigative progress.

The aggravating healthcare crisis in West Papua has come under scrutiny following revelations of alleged corruption amounting to IDR 10 billion at the Nabire Regional General Hospital (RSUD Nabire) and a series of deaths reportedly caused by medical malpractice and neglect at the Yowari Hospital in Sentani, the General Hospital in Serui, and the Maybrat hospitals. The reports raise human rights concerns relating to the right to health, accountability, and equal access to public services in Indonesia’s easternmost provinces.

New satellite data analysis and interactive mapping tools have revealed the unprecedented scale of deforestation and ecosystem destruction across West Papua, with the National Strategic Projects driving 24% of the forest loss in 2024. A new study published by Nusantara Atlas provides a detailed analysis of land clearing trends across West Papua, revealing an alarming acceleration in environmental destruction driven by government mega-projects and corporate interests, particularly in the Merauke area. 

A documentary by the Gecko Project reveals the devastating impact of Indonesia’s National Strategic Project (PSN) in Merauke, Papua Selatan Province, exposing how large-scale agricultural expansion under the guise of national food security results in the systematic violation of indigenous rights and environmental degradation. The project aims to convert at least 1.6 million hectares of indigenous Malind territory into rice and sugarcane plantations, secured and implemented by the military. On 19 August 2025, civil society organisations and victims of PSN filed a judicial review petition at Indonesia’s Constitutional Court challenging key provisions of the Job Creation Law (Law No. 6/ 2023) that legitimise facilitation and acceleration of PSN projects at the expense of constitutional rights and environmental protection.

Conflict

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati announced on 20 August 2025 the creation of 500 new battalions as part of the biggest peacetime military expansion in decades. These are shocking news for more than 102,966 people in West Papua who remain internally displaced as a result of armed conflict between Indonesian security forces and the TPNPB as of October 2025. In August 2025, the total number of IDPs in West Papua had surpassed 100,000.  HRM documented 29 armed attacks and clashes throughout the third quarter of 2025, a significantly lower number than in the second quarter of 2025, when 47 such incidents were documented. However, the total number of annual clashes in 2025 will again be higher than in 2024, with 135 armed attacks, indicating a further deterioration of armed violence in West Papua. This is also reflected in the figure of IDPs, which keeps rising as Indonesian security forces intensified operations in the regencies of Puncak, Puncak Jaya, Paniai, and Pegunungan Bintang between July and September 2025, with additional troop deployments to Lanny Jaya, Yahukimo, and Pegunungan Bintang. The military continues expanding its military infrastructure to the district level in conflict regions and the surrounding areas.

Military operations in various locations were accompanied by the destruction of residential houses and the shooting of civilians. On 6 July 2025, a villager was reportedly executed by security force members in Gilini Village, Puncak Regency, during a military operation in Omukia District. Indonesian military (TNI) members reportedly raided the Oholumu Village, Mewoluk District, Puncak Jaya Regency, on 7 August 2025, resulting in the burning of civilian homes, the destruction of church facilities, and the shooting of three civilians. On 10 August 2025, Indonesian security forces opened fire on a group of indigenous Papuans, predominantly children, killing one minor and leaving two other minors injured.

The majority of armed hostilities occurred in the regencies of Intan Jaya, Yahukimo, and Puncak, with a few armed clashes in Puncak Jaya, Pegunungan Bintang, Dogiyai, Lanny Jaya, Mimika, Nabire, and Deiyai.  HRM counted nine civilians killed by the TPNPB. Meanwhile, two civilians were killed and seven were wounded by security force members during armed clashes or counter-insurgency operations. Concerning the combatants, six security force members were killed, and five were injured during this period. In contrast, the TPNPB reportedly lost eight combatants, with five guerrilla fighters being injured during armed clashes. Australian authorities arrested two Australian men in mid-September 2025. They were charged with allegedly trafficking guns and ammunition to the TPNPB.

On 17 July 2025, members of the Indonesian security forces, including the Beoga Police Chief and Indonesian military personnel, were captured on video pressuring village leaders in Beoga District, Puncak Regency, to allocate a part of the community funds to security forces.  The case illustrates a pattern of corruption, intimidation, and militarisation of public administration in West Papua, exacerbating the vulnerability of conflict-affected communities and undermining lawful governance.

Political developments

In July, Coordinating Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra announced VP Gibran Rakabuming Raka would be assigned a special mandate to accelerate development and address human rights issues in West Papua.  As of September 2025, speculations about Gibran moving his office to West Papua have not been confirmed.

President Prabowo Subianto’s decision to grant amnesty to six political prisoners from West Papua and Maluku ahead of Indonesia’s 80th Independence Day on 17 August caused mixed reactions from human rights organisations, with advocates welcoming the releases while questioning the limited scope and timing of the presidential pardons. Human rights lawyers are raising serious questions about whether this constitutes genuine amnesty or simply delayed implementation of existing parole rights, as most of the convicts were already eligible for conditional release under existing regulations, having served more than two-thirds of their sentences.

Indonesia experienced its most significant political unrest since President Prabowo Subianto took office in October 2024, with deadly nationwide protests erupting in late August 2025 that killed at least eight to ten people and resulted in over 3,000 arrests in a nationwide crackdown. The protests, which spread across Jakarta and 38 provinces, were triggered by public anger over parliamentary perks, including monthly housing allowances for all 580 lawmakers, demands for higher wages, and lower taxes. The protests escalated after an armoured police vehicle ran over a civilian in Jakarta on 28 August 2025. Demonstrators adopted the black flag from the Japanese TV series “One Piece” as their protest symbol, prompting Minister of Human Rights, Natalius Pigai, to suggest the government could ban the flag on national security grounds. Violence included arson attacks on regional parliament buildings in South Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, Central Java, and West Java provinces. Under public pressure, President Prabowo reduced lawmakers’ perks, fired five cabinet ministers, and announced plans to establish an independent investigation into alleged disproportionate force by security forces.

On 18 September 2025, the Constitutional Court rejected a legal petition challenging Law No. 3/2025 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), ruling that the legislative process did not violate the 1945 Constitution despite procedural controversies and widespread criticism from civil society organisations, academics, and students. The decision allows the amended TNI Law to remain legally binding, with four of nine judges issuing dissenting opinions. CSOs warned of serious implications for Indonesian democracy and civilian oversight of the military.

International developments

The World Council of Churches and Franciscans International, together with several partner organisations, convened a side event during the 60th Session of the UN Human Rights Council on 22 September 2025, examining the human rights situation in West Papua one year into Indonesia’s current administration. The event revealed a rapid increase in deforestation and growing human rights violations affecting indigenous communities across the country. Only two days after the side event, Christian Solidarity International (CSI) delivered an oral statement at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on 24 September, calling upon the UN  Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to address the growing threats and marginalisation of Indigenous Papuana. CSI particularly pointed out that the Government’s National Strategic Projects pose a threat to the way of life of the Indigenous Peoples of West Papua.

The 54th Pacific Islands Forum, held 8-12 September 2025 in Honiara, Solomon Islands, concluded with leaders celebrating achievements on climate resilience and regional security. Similar to previous PIF communiques, Pacific leaders devoted one paragraph to West Papua in their final communiqué. The statement reaffirmed “the Forum’s ongoing recognition of Indonesia’s sovereignty over West Papua (Papua)” while recalling “Indonesia’s 2018 invitation for a mission led by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights” and tasking “the Secretariat to work constructively with Indonesia on a proposed visit by Forum Leaders Envoys in 2026, in consultation with the Melanesian Spearhead Group Secretariat”. The forum’s reserved engagement with West Papua was underscored by the reported ban on raising the Morning Star flag in Honiara due to Indonesian pressure, revealing the extent of external influence on Pacific decision-making processes. Before the summit, NGOs in the Pacific region published an open letter, calling upon Pacific leaders to uphold humanitarian values in West Papua.

The international human rights organisation CIVICUS added Indonesia to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist amid widespread state intimidation, legal manipulation, and violent crackdowns on dissent, pushing civic space to a precarious point. The CIVICUS Monitor currently rates Indonesia as “obstructed”, indicating serious challenges to the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. CIVICUS observations are in line with a report published by Amnesty International Indonesia (AII) in July 2025. AII documented attacks against at least 104 human rights defenders across 54 cases during the first six months of the year.    

The shrinking civic space is accompanied by growing militarisation and the strengthening of Indonesia’s defence structure, while urgent social justice issues such as the growing gap between the rich and poor remain widely unaddressed. On 25 August 2025, Indonesia commenced joint military drills with the U.S., UK, Australia, Japan, Singapore, and other states. The exercise, named “Talisman Sabre”, was held in Australian waters beginning on 14 July. U.S. Navy Secretary described the joint exercise as demonstrating to China that participants were prepared to “operate together in defence of core values.”

Friday, October 31, 2025

1) Alarming setback: Indonesia’s Human Rights Law revision threatens independent oversight

 


2) The shooting that killed dozens of people in Intan Jaya has been reported to the Papua National Human Rights Commission.

3) Protest wave challenges Indonesia’s authoritarian drift

4) Govt launches 250 more internet service points in Papua's 3T regions 

5) School in Papua becomes a stronghold for mother tongue preservation  


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https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/alarming-setback-indonesias-human-rights-law-revision-threatens-independent-oversight/


1) Alarming setback: Indonesia’s Human Rights Law revision threatens independent oversight

Indonesia’s National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) expressed deep concerns regarding a proposed revision to Indonesia’s foundational human rights legislation that threatens to fundamentally undermine independent human rights protection mechanisms.

The draft revision of Law No. 39 of 1999 on Human Rights, currently being prepared by the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, represents what many experts describe as a systematic weakening of Indonesia’s primary independent human rights institution. According to Komnas HAM Chair Anis Hidayah, the proposed changes would effectively paralyze the commission’s ability to fulfill its mandate.

21 problematic articles

Komnas HAM has identified at least 21 crucial articles in the draft revision that pose significant concerns for both normative standards and institutional integrity. These include Articles 1, 10, 79, 80, 83-85, 87, 100, 102-104, 109, and 127.

The most alarming provision is Article 109, which would strip Komnas HAM of four core functions that have defined its work since its establishment: Receiving and handling complaints of alleged human rights violations, conducting mediation in human rights cases, providing human rights education and outreach to the public, conducting assessments and research, except in cases involving international regulations.

The four main functions of Komnas HAM, assessment, education, monitoring, and mediation, are the heart of this institution. If these are removed, Komnas HAM’s role will be paralyzed,” Hidayah emphasized.

Compromising independence: Presidential control over selection

Perhaps equally troubling is Article 100, paragraph (2)b, which stipulates that the selection committee for Komnas HAM members would be appointed by the President. This represents a dramatic departure from current practice, where the selection committee is appointed by the Komnas HAM plenary session itself.

This change directly contradicts the Paris Principles, internationally recognized standards for national human rights institutions that emphasize independence from government control. If the selection committee were appointed by the President, the institutional independence of the Komnas HAM would no longer be guaranteed.

Conflict of interest

The draft revision would transfer many of Komnas HAM’s authorities to the Ministry of Law and Human Rights. The ministry is part of the government apparatus, in contrast to Komnas HAM, which is a semi-independent state institution, similar to the Ombudsman. This structural flaw violates the basic principle that duty bearers (those responsible for upholding rights) should not simultaneously serve as the arbiters of whether violations have occurred. Independent oversight is essential for credible human rights protection.

Beyond reducing Komnas HAM’s investigative powers, the revision would eliminate its crucial preventive functions. By removing the commission’s authority to review laws and regulations and conduct public outreach, the draft would severely hamper efforts to prevent human rights violations before they occur.

What’s at stake

The implications of this revision extend far beyond bureaucratic restructuring. Komnas HAM has served as the last line of defense for victims of human rights violations in Indonesia. While Komnas HAM is often criticised for being a toothless tiger, the institution provides critical independent voices in a system where government accountability mechanisms are often inadequate.

The commission’s objective, as established in the original 1999 law, is “to develop conditions conducive to the implementation of human rights.” This mission becomes impossible if the institution is stripped of the tools needed to fulfill it. Komnas HAM has called on the government to fundamentally reconsider the direction of this revision. The commission has prepared its own academic paper and detailed recommendations (List of Issues) that would strengthen, rather than weaken, human rights protections.

Key recommendations include:

  • Maintaining and strengthening Komnas HAM’s core functions in assessment, education, monitoring, and mediation
  • Preserving the independence of the member selection process
  • Enhancing protections for vulnerable groups, including women, children, persons with disabilities, indigenous peoples, and the elderly
  • Clarifying the distinct roles of independent institutions versus government ministries in human rights protection

International implications

This revision comes at a time when human rights spaces are shrinking globally. International observers will be watching closely to see whether Indonesia, as the world’s third-largest democracy, will strengthen or weaken its human rights legislation.

The Paris Principles, established by the United Nations, provide clear guidance that national human rights institutions must operate independently from government, with broad mandates and adequate powers. The proposed Indonesian revision moves in precisely the opposite direction.

For Indonesia’s civil society, human rights defenders, and vulnerable populations, the stakes could not be higher. The question now is whether the Prabowo government will heed calls for genuine consultation and reform, or proceed with changes that could set back human rights protection in Indonesia by decades.



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Original Bahasa link



2) The shooting that killed dozens of people in Intan Jaya has been reported to the Papua National Human Rights Commission.
October 30, 2025 in Politics, Law, and Security
Author: Pes Yanengga - Editor: Arjuna Pademme

Jayapura, Jubi – The shooting of dozens of people, which killed dozens of people in Intan Jaya Regency, Papua Mountains, on October 15, 2025, was reported to the Papua Representative of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) on Thursday (10/30/2025).

The complaint to the Papua Representative of Komnas HAM was submitted by students from Intan Jaya Regency, accompanied by the Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua).

The students reported alleged gross human rights violations that allegedly occurred during an operation by the Rajawali I, II Habema Task Force, and Task Force 712/WT in Soanggama Village, Hitadipa District, Central Papua, in mid-October 2025.

Raindhart Mur, a member of the LBH Papua team, stated that they received reports from the victims' families of alleged gross human rights violations as stipulated in Law Number 26 of 2000 concerning Human Rights Violations.


"Today, we [along with the students] have filed a complaint. We hope that the Papua representative of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), the Governor of Central Papua, the Regent of Intan Jaya, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), and the House of Representatives (DPR) will carry out their duties and form an investigative team for the alleged human rights violations," said Raindhart Mur at the Komnas HAM Papua office.

He believes that regarding the shooting incident in Intan Jaya, the local government has disregarded the right to feel safe for civilians there.

"We will write to the local government to urge them to be proactive in addressing the security situation of civilians, and also to the President of the Republic of Indonesia to immediately stop the deployment of Indonesian military personnel in Intan Jaya," he said.

Meanwhile, Frits Ramandey, Head of the Papua Representative Office of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), stated that, based on reports received from his agency's partners, who have been working for more than 15 years, 11 people were shot in Intan Jaya. However, the Habema task force reported that 15 people were killed.

"In 2025, two large-scale incidents occurred in Intan Jaya, both at the same time, at dawn, resulting in the deaths of civilians, including children," said Frits Ramandey.

He stated that the complaint filed by Intan Jaya students, members of the Somatua Intan Jaya Independent Student Community, to the Papua Representative Office of the National Human Rights Commission, constitutes their moral responsibility.

"We interpret this complaint in two ways. First, this complaint is on behalf of the individual victims who died but also survived. Second, this complaint must be seen as representing the civilians in Soanggama village, Intan Jaya, because their human rights have been violated, and their basic right to safety has also been violated," he said.

According to him, the Papua representative of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) will follow up on the complaint according to existing mechanisms. (*)



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3) Protest wave challenges Indonesia’s authoritarian drift

 November 1, 2025       

In late August 2025, Indonesia was shaken by a  wave of protests following the death of  Affan Kurniawan, a motorcycle taxi (“ojek”) driver who was struck and killed by a police tactical vehicle during demonstrations. His death became the spark for mass mobilisations across several cities.

The state responded with repressive measures like police violence, mass arrests of activists and military intimidation. Eleven people have died, hundreds have been injured and many activists, such as Lokataru’s director  Delpedro Marhaen, remain detained on vague charges. These events raise a critical question about what Indonesia’s escalating protests mean for Indonesia’s democratic trajectory amid autocratisation.

The August protests can be  traced back to Pati, a regency in Central Java. Thousands of Pati’s citizens demanded the resignation of regent Sudewo after a staggering 250% rise in property taxes. The increase followed deep budget cuts imposed by President Prabowo Subianto’s administration, which reduced fiscal transfers to local governments.

Amid the budget cuts, the elites showed insensitivity and inequity, which fed widespread discontent. Public anger deepened when parliament  raised its own salaries to  44 times the Jakarta minimum wage. Instead of dialogue, the state opted for coercion – producing a chain reaction of anger, violence and repression.

This trajectory highlights concerns raised by scholars who argue that Indonesia is experiencing not only democratic backsliding but a serious democratic erosion. In 2019,  Warburton and Aspinall detected democratic regression rooted in the failure to exclude anti-democratic figures and in citizens’ superficial support for democracy. After the 2024 elections,  Jaffrey and Warburton suggest Indonesia is edging towards “competitive authoritarianism”, borrowing Levitsky and Way’s typology. The latest  2025 V-Dem democracy report places Indonesia in the “grey zone”, indicating it no longer meets the minimum standards of electoral democracy.

The democratic decline can be traced back to the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election, when  sectarian mobilisation by illiberal-leaning Islamists against Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) reshaped the political landscape. President Joko Widodo  responded to Islamist mobilisation with repression – what Marcus Mietzner calls “ fighting illiberalism with illiberalism”. The approach extended beyond Islamist groups to other arenas of civil society.

Key democratic  institutions were weakened. The  Corruption Eradication Commission was gutted and the 2020 Job Creation Law reinforced oligarchic entrenchment. The 2024 election was tainted by  constitutional manipulation that enabled Jokowi’s son, Gibran Rakabuming, to run as Prabowo’s vice-presidential candidate. Misuse of  state resources and police intervention sealed the outcome. The result, as many feared, was a government with weak governance capacity and limited democratic commitment, deepening democratic erosion.

Research by  Shadmehr and Boleslavsky suggests repression can backfire when legitimacy is uncertain, fuelling broader mobilisation. This dynamic is visible when peaceful dissent is met with police repression. In Indonesia, Kurniawan’s death turned coercion into a catalyst for mobilisation rather than a deterrent, further delegitimising the regime’s repression.

Whether these protests can shift Indonesia’s democratic trajectory depends on organisation. As  Kurt Weyland argues, structured and organised democratic movements typically produce slower but more durable transitions. In contrast, unorganised protests risk providing a pretext for greater authoritarian entrenchment, even the imposition of martial law – a possibility floated in media reports after the riots and looting that accompanied Indonesia’s wave of protests.

Indonesia’s own history offers lessons. The Reformasi movement of 1998, though marred by violence and minority persecution, achieved a stable and more enduring democratic transition. This transition occurred largely because it  involved organised networks of students, civil society and mass organisations.

The August protests of 2025 show early signs of expanding beyond spontaneous anger towards more organised and durable action.  Indonesian diaspora groups worldwide have mobilised in solidarity, while initiatives such as the “ 17+8 People’s Demands” attempt to consolidate grievances from different civil society actors. If this momentum can be sustained and organised, the protests could become a vehicle for improving Indonesia’s democratic trajectory. But risks of fragmentation, repression and authoritarian retrenchment remain stark.

Indonesia’s current wave of protests reflects more than anger over local taxation or elite privilege. It embodies accumulated frustrations with elites’ insensitivity, oligarchic capture and democratic erosion. The protests highlight two dynamics – exposing the declining legitimacy of state coercion and the emerging possibility of democratic renewal in Indonesia. If civil society consolidates demands into an organised and broad-based movement, Indonesia may yet rediscover the spirit of Reformasi and push back against backsliding. But if the protests remain fragmented, the state’s coercive apparatus could instead entrench a more militarised authoritarian order.

 

Republished from East Asia Forum, 20 October 2025

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.


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https://en.antaranews.com/news/389341/govt-launches-250-more-internet-service-points-in-papuas-3t-regions

4) Govt launches 250 more internet service points in Papua's 3T regions 

 October 31, 2025 21:39 GMT+700

Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA) - Papua has activated 250 satellite-based internet service points across its disadvantaged, frontier, and outermost (3T) regions to boost digital access and accelerate regional development, Governor Mathius Fakhiri said on Friday.

“This satellite-based service aims to ensure equal access to digital connectivity across all areas,” Fakhiri said, describing it as a strategic step to increase internet penetration and support the province’s goal of a “progressive and harmonious New Papua.”

He added that expanded internet access would enable people in remote areas to obtain faster and more efficient education, health, and government services.

Papua’s Head of Communications and Informatics Jerry Yudianto said the 250 new service points mark the second phase of the program, following 50 points established in 2024, bringing the total to 300.

“This program helps accelerate digital transformation in Papua. All points were installed in areas with limited connectivity—such as schools, health centers, district offices, and places of worship. The service is free to the public,” Yudianto said.

He expressed hope that the network would be fully utilized to support inclusive growth.

“With equitable connectivity, Papua’s development can advance faster and more inclusively,” he added.

The Communication and Digital Affairs (Komdigi) Ministry has also promoted the use of solar energy as an alternative, eco-friendly power source for operating base transceiver stations (BTS) in Indonesia’s remote regions.

Although solar panels produce less energy than conventional generators, they have successfully powered BTS to connect essential public institutions to the internet, Komdigi said.

“Digital transformation cannot happen without reliable connectivity,” said Komdigi Minister Meutya Hafid.

“President Prabowo Subianto’s vision emphasizes digital public services, and we must ensure connectivity reaches even the most remote and border areas," she added.

Related news: RI Govt has built 397 BTS for internet network in Papua within a year

Related news: Papua calls for quick mitigation of telecommunications disruptions



Translator: Resinta Sulistiyandari
Editor: Rahmad Nasution

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https://en.antaranews.com/news/389321/school-in-papua-becomes-a-stronghold-for-mother-tongue-preservation

5) School in Papua becomes a stronghold for mother tongue preservation  

October 31, 2025 21:14 GMT+700

Sentani (ANTARA) - The Papua Language Office has recognized the Papua State Indigenous School in Jayapura District as a key model for preserving regional languages through education.

Senior linguist Antonius Maturbongs said the school’s integration of local language learning—such as Sentani—into primary and secondary curricula offers a concrete example for other regions seeking to protect their native tongues.

“The initiative shows how local education policies can sustain linguistic heritage,” Maturbongs said Friday in Sentani.

He explained that the Merauke District Education Office in South Papua is preparing a regulation to safeguard mother tongues, following a comparative study at schools in Sentani that teach the Sentani language as a local content subject.

“We held a three-day workshop with Merauke officials and visited schools to observe how local language education is implemented. This allows them to replicate the experience in their regions," he said.

According to Maturbongs, Papua has 428 regional languages, based on 2019 data, most of which are endangered due to a declining number of speakers — with some languages surviving with only one remaining speaker.

Related news: Striving to preserve Papua's Namblong language

He stressed the need for collaboration among local governments, schools, and communities to keep these languages alive.

Origenes Monim, director of the Papua State Indigenous School, said the institution functions not only as an academic center but also as a hub for cultural preservation.

“We have integrated the Sentani language into the school curriculum so it continues to be taught formally,” he said.

The local effort aligns with the Ministry of Education’s Regional Language Revitalization Program (RBD), launched in 2022 under the Merdeka Belajar (Freedom to Learn) initiative. The program promotes language use within families and schools through festivals, storytelling, and digital media.

The government also encourages early education in regional languages, particularly in remote and disadvantaged areas, to improve literacy. These efforts are supported by Government Regulation No. 57 of 2014 on the protection and development of local languages.

Related news: Ministry urges Papua regions to preserve endangered local languages

Translator: Primayanti
Editor: Rahmad Nasution


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