1) Papuan activist Filep Karma held by airport police, interrogated and called a ‘monkey'

2) Indonesia beefs up anti-terror police unit to combat ‘extremist’ challenge

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1) Papuan activist Filep Karma held by airport police, interrogated and called a 'monkey'

KBR - January 3, 2018

Jakarta -- Former political prisoner and Papuan pro-independent activist Filep Karma was intercepted by five Air Force officers upon arriving at the Soekarno-Hatta airport in Cengkarang.

The incident occurred at around 9pm on Tuesday January 3 after he had picked up his baggage. Karma had just arrived from the Central Java city of Yogyakarta by Lion Air and was about to exit through Arrival Gate A.

After being intercepted, the Air Force officers took Karma to a room where one of the Air Force officers pointed to a small pin that Karma was wearing on his chest with a picture of the Morning Star independence flag.

"I was asked all kinds of things. 'This is the OPM [Free Papua Movement] flag isn't it?, he asked. I answered, 'No. It's just a symbol. Based on the 1945 Constitution a flag is made from cloth measuring 1x2 metres. It's not a flag'", Karma told KBR by phone on Wednesday January 3.

Feeling that he had done nothing wrong, he then tried to explain himself saying that he was a former political prisoner who had been incarcerated in jail for 12 years.

Karma also quoted the words of former Coordinating Minister for Politics, Security and Legal Affairs, Luhut Panjaitan, who gave him a guarantee when he was released from jail in November 2015.

Karma told them, "I got a guarantee from Luhut Panjaitan, if Filep Karma wants to shout about things he's free to do so. He struggles peacefully, he doesn't carry bombs. But they didn't believe me".

Annoyed because Karma continued to protest and reject the accusations thrown at him, the Air Force officers became angry. One of the officers snapped at Karma hitting the table and abusing him.

"I was called a 'monkey'. Okay I said, 'Thank you Sir for the insult that was just made'", related Karma.

Karma said that he was interrogated by the Air Force officers for almost two hours. After the interrogation, he was taken by police to the Soekarno-Hatta airport police station in Tangerang to fill out a police investigation report (BAP).

In the middle of making out the BAP, an activist from Civil Liberty Defender, Uchok Sigit Prayogi, arrived to assist Karma. Prayogi questioned police about the grounds for making the BAP and in the end the police stopped the process.

"The detective unit chief wasn't able to answer Uchok's questions because he only received the request from the AURI [Air Force]. Eventually I was released and went home", explained Karma, who was released at 12.30am.

[Translated by James Balowski for the Indoleft News Service. The original title of the article was "Dicegat TNI di Bandara Soekarno-Hatta, Filep Karma Diinterogasi dan Dipanggil 'Monyet'".]

Source: http://kbr.id/berita/nasional/01-2018/dicegat_tni_di_bandara_soekarno_hatta__filep_karma_diinterogasi_dan_dipanggil__monyet_/94285.html

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INDOLEFT News service

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https://asiapacificreport.nz/2018/01/02/indonesia-beefs-up-anti-terror-police-unit-to-combat-extremist-challenge/

2) Indonesia beefs up anti-terror police unit to combat ‘extremist’ challenge

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

By PMC Editor - 

  

January 2, 2018

Indonesia is beefing up its elite Detachment 88 (Densus 88) unit in light of increased threats from local and international terror networks, says National Police Chief General Tito Karnavian.

There will be additional 600 policemen assigned to the squad, bringing the total headcount to 1300, reports The Straits Times.

“We now have Isis, not only Al-Qaeda elements. We are also seeing those who, through the internet, got self-radicalised, learnt how to make bombs and made attack plans,” said General Tito at a media briefing in Jakarta.

“Therefore, the Detatchment 88 must be beefed up.”

General Tito, who was involved in various high-profile terrorist raids when he was a field officer with Detachment 88, said silent operations must be stepped up, meaning more preemptive strikes were needed.

This in turn required higher detection capability, he added.

Tasks within Detatchment 88 are divided into various operations: arrests and raids; investigation and cross examination; interrogation; wiretapping; and evidence handling.

Won praise, condemnation
The unit has won praise for the many raids it has made on militant networks in Indonesia, foiling attacks and arresting terrorist suspects.

However, it has also been heavily criticised for a repressive role in West Papua against indigenous self-determination and civil society groups.

In 2017, Detatchment 88 arrested 154 and killed 16 terrorists during raids, with 14 officers injured and four killed during the raids operations.

The unit made more than 150 arrests in 2016, disrupting terror plots, including the planned launch of rocket attacks on Singapore’s Marina Bay Sands from Batam island.

General Tito also unveiled plans to send more police officers for overseas studies, saying he was inspired by the late Singapore prime minister Lee Kuan Yew in his bold move in preventing corruption.

The police force has, for the first time, received an allocation of 120 scholarship positions from the Finance Ministry to send its personnel abroad. This would mean a record number of officers studying overseas in coming years.

Waves of new faces
“We want to have big waves of new faces and a less corrupt culture,” said General Tito.

“When they return to Indonesia, they will have their own community who think the same way and who will be the agents of change. We want to replicate the Singapore concept. This is what Singapore did.”

He noted that when young policemen were sent to the United States, Britain and other countries with a less corrupt culture, they would be shaped accordingly.

The plan is to send 100 of the 300 fresh graduates from the police academy overseas as well as scores of other early-career policemen, he added.

• More Indonesian stories
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1) This young man died after being persecuted by members of the TNI

2) Military violence against civilians, Kapendam XVII: Victims want to attack the TNI

Google translates of articles in Jubi. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic.

Original bahasa links  above articles

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http://tabloidjubi.com/artikel-12714-pemuda-ini-tewas-setelah-dianiaya-anggota-tni-.html

1) This young man died after being persecuted by members of the TNI

ilustrasi kekerasan, Jubi/dok

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi,

Rabu, 03 Januari 2018 — 19:30 

Jayapura, Jubi - Human Rights Activist in Nduga District, Wene Talenggen, accused the TNI Pos Maleo member who served in Nduga persecuting a young man named Anekanus Kemaringi to death. The body of the 22-year-old victim was hidden in a guard post, even rejected when the family asked for bodies of victims.

"Members are going to shoot, start firing but the post commanders say they beat them until they got battered," Wene told Jubi on Tuesday (2/1/2018)

When the incident, the victim tried to save himself by running five meters from the post, but the commander of the post allegedly named Lettu Infantry, Didik Supriyadi with one member who served when it pulled back to the post.

"The victim was helpless in front of the post, when 6 members of TNI from Nduga Koramil came to torture the victim to death," Wene added.

Ananus's lifeless body was hidden. TNI did not want to hand over when the families of the victims came to ask for the body. The process of taking the body was through the negotiation process and it was only handed over at 5 pm and immediately buried according to custom.

Note Wene, the victim was tortured and killed on January 1 at 15 pm and has been interred on January 2, 2018.

Kapendam Kodam XVII Cendrawasih, Kol Inf Muhammad Aidi said the civilian's persecution began with an attack on the TNI post. "Four citizens attacked members of the post using sharp weapons," Aidi said.

One of the attackers tried to seize the weapon from the members. At that time, there was a duel of TNI members and victims. "Members of the TNI fired shots to paralyze one of the attackers," Aidi said, explaining.

He mentioned the victim named Apenangge Kogoya came to the post in order to open house TNI post. But after the victim's event attacked members of the post that led to violence. (*)

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http://tabloidjubi.com/artikel-12721--kekerasan-tni-terhadap-sipil-kapendam--xvii---korban-ingin-menyerang-tni--.html

2) Military violence against civilians, Kapendam XVII: Victims want to attack the TNI

Rabu, 03 Januari 2018 — 18:52

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi,

Jayapura, Jubi - The head of the XVII Cendrawasih military envoy, Colonel Muhammad Aidi, said that the incident of TNI Pos Maleo violence in Nduga stemmed from the post-TNI post attack by civilians with sharp weapons.

"Four citizens attacked the members of the post using sharp weapons," said Muhammad Aidi, when questioned by Jubi, (3/1/2017)

According to Kapendam one of the attackers tried to seize the weapons from the members. "At that time, there was a duel of TNI members and victims," ​​said Muhammad Aidi, adding.

He explained that TNI members had issued a crippling shot of one of the attackers he named Apenangge Kogoya. At that time the victim of persecution of TNI apparatus came to the post that was running the open house.

Kapendam's comment is different from the statement of Nduga District Human Rights Activist, Wene Talenggen, who said the victim of Maleo Male Army violence named Anekanus Kemaringi, aged 22 years.

Wene recounts the victim along with his two colleagues initially received the postal commander and one member. "The post commanders had told stories of victims and colleagues in the lobby," Wene said.

The victim whom he called Anekanus Kemaringi had previously sat watching television. Anekanus then held a machete and was asked by the commandant heading out of the room. "At that moment there was a fighting and slaing thrust. When fallen, the machete was hit by a slashed and bloody commander, "Wena added.

He claimed there were TNI members issuing warning shots and began to persecute the victims. While the two friends of the victims who sat in the lobby post run left the post. They ran away because the fellow victim who tried to run was caught with warning shots.

"While Anekanus, withdrawn to the front of the post by 6 TNI members from the Koramil came increasingly tortured the victim to death," he said.

Anekanus breathed less than 15 o'clock. The families of the victims who discovered Anekanus were killed the next day, exactly on January 2, the families of the victims made efforts to get the bodies but did not succeed until the afternoon.

Catataan mention the body of Anekanus still detained in TNI post, from 1 to 2 noon. some figures and intellectuals, coordinating with the TNI so that corpses could be issued at 5 pm on 2 January 2018. (*)

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1) Filep Karma Questioned then released

2) In early push into Papua, palm oil firms set stage for massive forest plunder

3) Gov’t Targets Completing Trans Papua Toll Road Network in 2019

4) PDI-P, Gerindra must partner to hinder nomination of Papua governor: Expert

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1) Filep Karma  Questioned then released

A google translate. Original bahasa link at

http://tabloidjubi.com/artikel-12717-legislator-papua-sebut-pengadangan-filep-karma-di-bandara-sukarnohatta-berlebihan.html

Papuan legislators call the infiltration of Filep Karma at Soekarno-Hatta airport excessively

Rabu, 03 Januari 2018 — 17:42

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi

                                   Tokoh Papua Merdeka, Filep Karma - Jubi/Arjuna

Jayapura, Jubi - Legislator of Papua, Decky Nawipa, said the attitude of the police at Soekarno-Hatta Airport, Jakarta, which secured Papuan Freedom leader Filep Karma on Tuesday (2/1) night, seemed excessive.

He said that if the reason the former Papuan political prisoner was using the pin of the Morning Star was ridiculous, since it was not the first time Filep Karma used the star of the sphere which the Indonesian government considered a symbol of an independent Papua.

"It's not a new thing he (Filep Karma) uses the star pin in his shirt, and the ever-used pinnacle of the star is already his identity," Decky said by phone to Jubi on Wednesday (3/1/2018).

He said, why this is the first pin star kejora always stuck in Filep Karma shirt questioned. While all this time, wherever Filep travel, including to Jakarta and other areas outside Papua, he always uses pin kejora star.

"Why is it that people are now only questioned? People wearing storms are not directly categorized as independent Papuans," he said.

According to him, limiting and prohibiting the attributes of the star of the kejora will still exist, because this is not new for indigenous Papuans.

"It has been around since the Netherlands still occupy West Papua, until West Papua submitted to Indonesia," he said.

Quoted from CNN, Papuan independence leader, Filep Karma secured by Soekarno-Hatta airport police, Jakarta on Tuesday (2/1) at around 21.00 WIB, after getting off the plane.

He was taken to the Soekarno Hatta Airport Police HQ, however, was finally released.

Civil Liberty Defender activist Uchok Sigit Prayogi, who accompanied Filep Karma at the Airport Police Headquarters, said the information obtained from Filep, at that time, he departed from Yogyakarta to Soekarno Hatta airport.

"When Pak Filep arrived at the airport at approximately 9 pm, some TNI members were dressed in civilian clothes and official clothes, then took Filep's pack to the arrival room," Uchok told CNNIndonesia.com on Wednesday (3/1).

According to him, Filep admitted that since the flight from Yogyakarta to Jakarta, he was suspected by one TNI member who happened to be a plane with him. Members of the TNI had reprimanded Filep because of the attributes Filep charged.

Arriving in the waiting room, a number of security forces had questioned the pin of the Morning Star attached to the Filep outfit, as it was the flag of one civil society movement in self-determination.

"In the interrogation process Filep was bombarded, even to the point of breaking the table.Only more until 23:00 pm Then, the police came and took Filep pack to the Airport Police Headquarters for questioning.After arguing, at 01.00 pm, Filep was invited back home," he said. . (*)

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https://news.mongabay.com/2018/01/in-early-push-into-papua-palm-oil-firms-set-stage-for-massive-forest-plunder/

2) In early push into Papua, palm oil firms set stage for massive forest plunder

by Hans Nicholas Jong on 3 January 2018

• Large-scale deforestation and a high number of hotspots indicate that the arrival of the oil palm industry in Indonesia’s Papua region is wreaking the same kind of destruction wrought on forests in Sumatra and Kalimantan.
• A new report calls the scale of the problem alarming, with the potential for even greater losses as only a small fraction of the forests issued for oil palm plantations has been cleared.
• The palm oil industry’s push into the region, after nearly depleting forests in Sumatra and Kalimantan, has been helped by government programs to boost investment in Papua.

JAKARTA – The clearing of Indonesia’s last untouched swath of pristine forest has begun in earnest, with an area the size of Washington, D.C., razed for just a single oil palm plantation in Papua province, new data show.

Nearly 200 square kilometers (77 square miles) of forest have been cleared in Merauke district since 2014 for the plantation, according to the Washington-based World Resources Institute (WRI), with 10 square kilometers (3.9 square miles) being opened up just since October.

Arief Wijaya, senior manager for climate and forests at the Jakarta office of the WRI, said the scope of the deforestation was alarming. Cutting down that many trees for a single plantation area, he said, “emits 11 million tons of CO2, equivalent to the emission of 2.1 million cars in a year.”

In neighboring Boven Digoel district, at least 37 square kilometers (14 square miles) of primary forest has been cleared for another plantation. This represents less than a tenth of the total concession awarded to plantation firm PT Megakarya Jaya Raya in 2012, pointing to deforestation on an even greater scale to come.

“Although the loss is considered ‘planned’ deforestation and legal, clearing such a large expanse of natural forest can permanently damage the ecosystem and ultimately reduce its economic productivity,” the WRI said.

New frontier

The extent of this early round of deforestation spells trouble for Papua and West Papua provinces, which together make up the Indonesian half of the island of New Guinea and account for 35 percent of the country’s remaining rainforest, spanning 294,000 square kilometers (113,500 square miles).

The government and businesses have in recent years eyed the country’s easternmost provinces as a new frontier ripe for plantations, primarily oil palm, which have already nearly depleted the forests of Sumatra and Kalimantan, the Indonesian part of Borneo.

There were 59,000 square kilometers (22,780 square miles) of oil palm plantations in Sumatra in 2015, and 50,000 square kilometers (19,300 square miles) in Kalimantan, according to a recent study by Duke University and the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis. Together, they account for 96 percent of oil palm plantations in the country. The Papua region had just 2,000 square kilometers (113,500 square miles), or 2 percent.

The remoteness of the region, lack of infrastructure and a low-level armed insurgency kept many businesses out of Papua and West Papua for decades. But in recent years the government has sought to prioritize the economic development of the region, including by handing out concessions for plantations in the country’s last remaining stretches of virgin forest.

In 2012, companies submitted investment applications for a combined 15,000 square kilometers (5,800 square miles) of plantations there, and preliminary proposals for another 20,000 square kilometers (7,720 square miles).

The amount of deforestation driven by oil palm expansion in the region has increased fivefold to 710 square kilometers (274 square miles) in the 2010-2015 period from the 1995-2000 period, according to the Duke University study.

“The proportion of new plantations replacing forests is also substantially larger than in Sumatra and Kalimantan, and increased over the study period, reaching a high of 66 percent from 2010 to 2015,” the study found.

Starting fires

In Boven Digoel district alone, about 200 square kilometers is earmarked for five palm oil companies.

But that pales in comparison to Merauke, where 12,000 square kilometers (4,630 square miles), a quarter of the district’s total area, has been allotted for the government’s Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) program. Already the program has drawn criticism, with activists blaming it for more than 11,000 hotspots detected there as a result of fires set deliberately to clear vegetation — a common practice in the palm oil industry in Sumatra and Kalimantan.

Only two of the 10 proposed blocks in the MIFEE are supposed to include palm oil, but Greenpeace has noted that “significantly” more oil palm concessions are to be included.

Among the companies with concessions in Merauke is Korindo, a South Korean-Indonesian joint venture that is also the largest palm oil company in Papua. A 2016 report by the environmental group Mighty and its partners blames it for 300 square kilometers (116 square miles) of deforestation and nearly 900 fire hotspots since 2013.

Rezoning the forest

All of this has been allowed to happen with the blessing of the government, which is already resented by much of the Papuan population following decades of exploitation of the region’s riches with little of that wealth being invested back into the community. Papua and West Papua today have the highest levels of poverty in Indonesia and score lowest on human development parameters such as education, literacy, and maternal and infant mortality.

In 2015, the West Papua government revised the provincial zoning map to designate 20,000 square kilometers of protected area as agricultural zones. The previous map apportioned the majority, 53.9 percent, of the province’s 98,000 square kilometers (37,840 square miles) of forest as protected area and the rest for agriculture. Following the change, the protected portion of forest falls to just 33,000 square kilometers (12,740 square miles), while the agricultural zone is nearly double that.

Critics have questioned how potentially deforesting an additional swath of land roughly the size of the state of New Jersey will serve the interests of the local people, many of them from indigenous rural communities who are dependent on the forestsfor their livelihoods.

West Papua Deputy Governor Mohamad Lakatoni previously said the administration would work closely with indigenous groups to “prevent poaching and environmental degradation on rivers and lands,” but made no mention of how existing concessions and the zoning revision would cut into the very communities’ forests.

For Nikolaus Djemris Imunuplatia, an environmental activist from West Papua, the government’s development paradigm is a paradox. “This is against the government’s commitment to improving the welfare of Papua,” he said.

 

Banner image: The stocky, flightless northern cassowary (Casuarius unappendiculatus) is one of the birds-of-paradise for which Papua is famous. Photo by Rhett A. Butler/Mongabay

Article published by Hans Nicholas Jong

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http://www.en.netralnews.com/news/business/read/17035/gov...t.targets.completing.trans.papua.toll.road.network.in.2019

3) Gov’t Targets Completing Trans Papua Toll Road Network in 2019

Thursday, 04 January 2018 | 01:56 WIB

JAKARTA, NNC - Basuki Hadimuljono, Minister of Public Works and People's Housing, targets the construction of Trans Papua to be completed in 2019. This is in line with President Joko Widodo's program by building infrastructure in the border areas and eastern Indonesia.

"We expect Trans Papua to connect all areas in Papua by 2019,” he said in Jakarta on Wednesday (3/1/2017).

Currently, the development of road connecting Sorong to Merauke has been built along 3,900 kilometers of the total target of 4,330 kilometers.

"Trans Papua is 4,300 kilometers, in 2017 already 3,900 kilometers. We still need to build 400 kilometers by 2019,” he said.

In addition, the Trans Papua toll road network will also be connected to the border road of Indonesia with Papua New Guinea. The Papua border road stretches from north to south connecting Jayapura City to Merauke City along 1,098.2 km.

The border road that has been successfully opened along 892.3 kilometers.

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https://en.tempo.co

4) PDI-P, Gerindra must partner to hinder nomination of Papua governor: Expert

Nethy Dharma Somba

Jayapura, Papua | Wed, January 3, 2018 | 05:26 pm

The two parties with the highest number of seats in the Papua Legislative Council (DPRD) -- namely the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Gerindra Party -- must form a coalition if they want to hinder the nomination of Papua incumbents Lukas Enembe and Klemen Tinal in the 2018 gubernatorial election.

Currently, the Lukas-Klemen ticket is supported by 10 parties, which control 43 out of 56 seats in the DPRD Papua. The PDI-P has seven seats and Gerindra six.

“I’m sure these two parties will form a coalition for the Papua gubernatorial election because they are fully aware that the upcoming regional election in the province is not only an event to elect a governor and deputy governor, but also a battle to maintain Papua as part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia [NKRI],” said Marinus Yaung, a political expert from the University of Cenderawasih, on Wednesday.

He said the PDI-P and Gerindra doubted the commitment of the current Papuan leaders to maintain Papua as part of the NKRI. That was why the two parties are striving to nominate a candidate with a strong commitment to maintain the solidity of the NKRI, Marinus added.

“It is even possible that several parties, which have previously backed the incumbent pair, will withdraw their support.”

Earlier, Ones Pahabol, the former Yahukimo regent, declared his nomination for the 2018 election with Yoram Mambay as his running mate. He has not yet revealed the parties supporting his candidacy. (ebf)

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1) North Sumatra police chief cancels Papua gubernatorial bid

2) In Sorong: hope and promise

3) The National Archives releases (part 1): the Keating–Suharto security treaty

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http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/01/03/north-sumatra-police-chief-cancels-papua-gubernatorial-bid.html

1) North Sumatra police chief cancels Papua gubernatorial bid

Nurul Fitri Ramadhani and Apriadi Gunawan

Jakarta/Medan | Wed, January 3, 2018 | 01:23 pm

North Sumatra Police chief Insp. Gen. Paulus Waterpauw has decided to cancel his plan to run for Papua governor in the 2018 regional elections and instead serve the police force for the remainder of his term.

"I have canceled the plan, because my term will last until 2022," Paulus said recently in Medan, North Sumatra.

Paulus said that his superiors had not intervened in connection with his decision to cancel his plan, claiming that although he had already garnered some support, he had simply decided not to proceed with his gubernatorial bid.

The former Papua Police chief had registered with the Golkar Party in order to contest the election for Papua governor. While Golkar executive Yorrys Raweyai had said earlier that the party might consider endorsing him, the party was later reported to have thrown its weight behind incumbent Lukas Enembe.

The National Police confirmed that Paulus had decided not to resign from the force, spokesman Insp. Gen. Setyo Wasisto said.

Paulus further said that most of the police personnel who were planning to resign in order to run in the regional elections were more senior than he and were nearing retirement.

Other senior police officers reportedly contesting this year's simultaneous regional elections include the National Police’s Mobile Brigade commander Insp. Gen. Murad Ismail, who will contest the Maluku gubernatorial election with the formal backing of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). East Kalimantan Police chief Insp. Gen. Safaruddin is running in the province's election and the National Police's deputy chief of education and training, Insp. Gen. Anton Charliyan, is being considered by the PDI-P as its candidate for the West Java gubernatorial election.

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http://news.abs-cbn.com/blogs/opinions/01/02/18/in-sorong-hope-and-promise

2) In Sorong: hope and promise

Karim Raslan — Ceritalah ASEAN

Posted at Jan 02 2018 05:11 PM

Sorong is booming. With 9.3% GDP growth in 2016 (almost double the national average) and located on the westernmost point of Papua, the 300,000-strong city is fast-becoming a regional transport and logistics hub, boosted by its proximity to the fabled Raja Ampat islands and the ever-elusive bird of paradise.

However, Sorong isn't a pretty sight. In fact, the city feels as if it's still emerging from the scrubland – its urban sprawl stretching many kilometres into the interior, far from the waterfront that's now bustling with activity.

Having spent some time in Papua recently, I was very curious how the younger generation – the city's millennials – viewed their future. 

Were they optimistic? Did they see the new airport, port and Trans Papua Highway as the harbingers of a prosperous future? How were relations between indigenous Papuans and newer communities – the Bugis, Javanese and Minahassans?

I met three 18-year-old students: Maria Hestina, Maria Korwa and Mega Imbiri. All three were studying at the city's largest tertiary institution, the Sorong Muhammadiyah University. 

Maria Hestina’s background was unusual. The daughter of transmigrants, her family was originally from Flores in East Nusa Tenggara. Her parents – now divorced – weren't well-to-do. Her father was a labourer while her mother sold petrol and fruits at the market. Maria Hestina and her sister lived with her mother while her younger brother was with her father. 

“As the eldest of three siblings, and the first to go to university, there’s a lot of hope pinned on me. My sister is 12 years old and my brother is only 7—I have to set an example for them.”

Maria Korwa’s family has been in Papua for generations. She was the product of an inter-religious marriage: her father was Muslim while her mother was Christian. In an arrangement that is common in Indonesia, her brothers were Muslim but her sisters and she were Christian. 

“My entire family is scattered across the Republic. I have 6 siblings: two are in Jakarta, two in Raja Ampat, one in Pulau Doom (“Doom Island”) and another in Manokwari. It’s reassuring to know that wherever I go, I will have someone to rely on. Someday, I too will make my own way.”

Mega Imbiri was the daughter of a fisherman and a housewife, both of whom are Papuan natives.

“My father has to go out to sea every day and sometimes comes back with very few fish. He has to brave the rain, the waves and saltwater…As a child I would hold his hands; they were always coarse.”

“I want to be an office worker. I imagine myself leaving the house at 8:00am in neatly-pressed clothes and ending work at 4:00pm to return my family. That’s the life I want.”

Papua has long been considered a restive, troubled part of Indonesia. 

However, Sorong on the very “tip” of the island has largely escaped the turmoil of the interior. 

Instead, the city has benefited enormously from the current administration's focus on strengthening transportation links with the rest of the republic – creating a boom that more than matches Timika, the central Papuan town, home to Grasberg, the world's largest gold mine and second largest copper mine run by the controversial American miner Freeport-McMoran.

The three young women present a positive “spin” to the Eastern Indonesian region. Their religious diversity is remarkable – Maria Hestina is Catholic, Maria Korwa is Pentecostal Christian and Mega Imbiri is Protestant. Maria Hestina is a first-generation transmigrant while Maria Korwa and Mega Imbiri are natives. 

The three of them, all close friends, work together at a Christmas booth in Sorong’s Ramayana Mall (named after the ancient Hindu epic), selling bags. 

They are all studying in the same class, working towards a degree in Public Administration – a diverse group brought together at a university founded by the second-largest Islamic organization in the country. 

Maria Korwa is unequivocal about the province’s problems: “There’s a lot of crime in Sorong. Every day, there are muggings, fuelled by alcoholism and drug addiction—including glue-sniffing among youths.”

Maria Hestina adds: “Around 2005-2006, the water supply was very unreliable and we often suffered from blackouts. It has improved since then, but there’s still a long way to go.”

“The price of petrol has also gone up—it’s now IDR5000 per litre. I know because my mother sells petrol; people are finding it difficult to cope.”

Mega Imbiri has her own take: “Development is difficult in Papua. The terrain is hilly and heavily forested. It will take years before projects see results. What makes me very happy is the attention Jokowi (Indonesian President Joko Widodo) has been giving Papua. He’s visited the island more times than any other president before him.”

All of them nod vigorously in approval.

The administration’s initiatives have already begun to bear fruit. Maria Hestina noted that under former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jokowi, primary and secondary education was made free. On 20 December, the government announced plans to bring electricity to the whole of Papua and build new roads. 

“My goal is to become a civil servant. I want to play a role in developing my home,” says Maria Korwa. 

“Me too!” shouts Mega Imbiri, who later sheepishly adds, “It’s also a really decent job…”

Maria Hestina laughs.

“You can all serve the government! I will have my own business, providing goods to people at a fair price. There’s more than one way to contribute!”

The trio burst out in laughter. 

So, while the two provinces (Papua and West Papua) continue to represent a major challenge to Indonesian unity and stability – the eagle-eyed focus on economic growth has brought tangible gains to their people.

It's this transformation that may well hold the key to binding the island of Papua to Indonesia. 

Admittedly, this is a very positive take—that the current administration's focus on economic grievances is having an impact. 

But is it enough?

Disclaimer: The views in this blog are those of the blogger and do not necessarily reflect the views of ABS-CBN Corp.

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https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/keating-suharto-security-treaty/

3) The National Archives releases (part 1): the Keating–Suharto security treaty

1 Jan 2018|Graeme Dobell

In Jakarta’s presidential palace in December 1995, Australia’s Prime Minister Paul Keating stood with Indonesia’s President Suharto as their two foreign ministers signed a security treaty.

Keating was ebullient. Here was Australia as a regional insider, able to strike a unique bilateral deal with the delphic Javanese leader at the centre of Southeast Asia.

The Agreement on Maintaining Security secretly negotiated with Suharto was a singular achievement that became a failed leap of faith. The mix of bravado and aspiration in the treaty’s creation made it a deal between two extraordinarily different people—Suharto and Keating—more than an agreement between two extraordinarily different peoples.

The announcement of the treaty a few days before the signing ceremony shocked the rest of Southeast Asia as much as it surprised Canberra—and it blindsided the military elite around Suharto.

At the signing ceremony in Jakarta, Australia’s deputy prime minister, Kim Beazley, went up to a group of Indonesian generals he’d come to know when serving as Australia’s defence minister (1984–90) and cheerfully greeted them: ‘Hello, allies!’

The treaty was an uncharacteristic moment for proudly non-aligned Indonesia, marking a moment of sublime acceptance for Keating. And three months later, when Labor was swept from power by Australia’s voters, it became his final grand international gesture. Keating left politics expressing confidence that the security agreement would endure as a monument to Australia’s rightful place in Asia.

On the flight back to Canberra after the signing, Keating confided to Beazley his fear that the treaty would be his last ‘big picture’ moment as prime minister. As Beazley recalls that conversation with Keating: ‘He said to me, “You know, Kim, I think we are going to lose [the federal election].” Which was not good news to a deputy about to fight an election two or three months after that.’

The Liberals had been in opposition for a dozen years, and Keating told Beazley: ‘I think they can do some very silly things. I want to put in place as much ballast that they can live on while they bring themselves up to speed.’

Just as Keating had built his personal relationship with Suharto to achieve the APEC summits, so the treaty was the ultimate expression of friendship between two leaders whose closeness emphasised all their contrasts. As Gough Whitlam jested about Keating’s commitment to Suharto: ‘Paul always preferred older men.’

Beazley reflects that Keating had ‘enormous admiration for the old man’. Indeed, says Beazley, Keating ‘loved Suharto, and Suharto loved him. Suharto regarded him as a son and was enormously protective of him’.

Beazley was speaking ahead of the release by the National Archives of the 1994 and 1995 cabinet records of the Keating Labor government.

The submission Keating put to his cabinet for approval of the deal (with the draft press release to go out immediately after cabinet agreed) is a classic bit of prime ministerial fait accompli. And it’s classic Keating on Indonesia:

There is no country more important to Australia than Indonesia. Australian territory can in effect be directly threatened with military force only from or through Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. Bilaterally, this agreement will:

• provide reassurance that Australia and Indonesia recognise that each has a fundamental interest in the security of the other;
• commit each to cooperating with the other in ensuring their own security and that of the region;
• demonstrate that each has confidence in the intentions of each towards the other; and
• complement the progress that has been made in other areas of the relationship.

It will have, therefore, an important and positive effect on the attitudes of the public in each country towards the other. Through the agreement Indonesia is making a clear statement that it is not a threat to Australia and is committing itself to cooperating with us.

Standing in the presidential palace reporting the signing ceremony, I spent most of my time on the then common ASEAN obsession: staring at Suharto to check his movements and speech and health. The age-old problem of one-man rule is old age. Australia shared the region’s obsession with what would come after the strongman lost his strength. The issue of Suharto’s eventual departure was the justification for the agreement Keating never used in public. But his cabinet submission was explicit:

Whether or not the succession to President Suharto goes smoothly and what direction Indonesia’s policies will take are difficult to predict. While this agreement will not in itself obviate problems for us, it could well help us deal with that period. This agreement is an important long-term structure which will consolidate Australia’s place in the region, reinforce the stability of our region, and help reduce the uncertainties in our future.

Suharto fell in 1998, after 31 years in power, consumed by Asia’s financial crisis. By September 1999 the treaty was gone, abrogated by Indonesia’s military as Australian soldiers entered East Timor at the head of a multinational force to stop the slaughter that followed Timor’s vote for independence.

Ultimately, the logic of the security deal reasserted itself. In November 2006, Australia and Indonesia signed the Lombok treaty—an Agreement on the Framework for Security Cooperation—a broader and more detailed version of what Suharto and Keating attempted. It was among the last big foreign policy wins of John Howard’s government—a rare bit of Howard–Keating symmetry.

But there’s one crucial difference: the Lombok treaty is an agreement between two democracies, not just between two leaders.

AUTHOR

Graeme Dobell is the ASPI journalism fellow. Image courtesy of the Indonesia Australia Report.

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1) Freeport given lifeline until June 2018

 2) In a Papuan district, tribes push to revive a legacy of  Sustainaibility

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/01/02/freeport-given-lifeline-until-june-2018.html

1) Freeport given lifeline until June 2018

• Viriya P. Singgih

  The Jakarta Post

  Jakarta | Tue, January 2, 2018 | 10:14 

  The government has once again extended the temporary permit of miner PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI) until June 30, indicating that both parties were unable to settle their dispute before the Jan. 10 deadline.

The current administration has been involved in intense negotiations with PTFI, a subsidiary of American mining giant Freeport-McMoRan, since early 2017 over the latter’s future operations in the country.

While both parties have been negotiating the detailed arrangements, the government had allowed the gold and copper miner to resume exporting copper concentrate by issuing a temporary special mining permit (IUPK) backdated to Feb. 10, 2017 and valid for eight months until Oct. 10, 2017.

As they could not reach a settlement by October last year, it was decided to extend the permit until Jan. 10, before giving the latest extension.

Read also: Indonesia, Freeport still differ on valuation, other issues

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati said on Tuesday that the new deadline would provide certainty for PTFI’s operations while talks were ongoing.

“The extension of the IUPK until June 2018 is part of our efforts to finalize four key points in our negotiations [with PTFI],” Sri Mulyani Indrawati said, referring to contract extension, divestment, smelter construction and fiscal and legal certainty for Freeport's planned long-term investment.

“[The negotiation is] still ongoing, but it is almost done,” she said, adding that the government expected to issue a permanent permit before the designated timeframe.

Without such an extension, PTFI, which has been granted an export permit effective until February, would not have been able to export after the Jan. 10 deadline. (lnd)

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https://news.mongabay.com/2018/01/in-a-papuan-district-tribes-push-to-revive-a-legacy-of-sustainability/

 2) In a Papuan district, tribes push to revive a legacy of   Sustainability

by Christopel Paino on 2 January 2018 | Adapted by Basten Gokkon

• Two tribes in the foothills of the Cyclops Mountains in eastern Indonesia have ratified a village regulation that aims to formalize their age-old traditions of sustainable forestry, farming and fishing.
• Though practiced for generations, the traditions have increasingly been abandoned in favor of higher-yield — but destructive — practices such as indiscriminate logging and blast fishing.
• The new regulation stipulates customary fines on top of those imposed under national legislation, which the tribes say the government must do more to enforce.

JAYAPURA, Indonesia — On a sunny afternoon in early August, two tribal chiefs in northern Papua province, at the eastern end of the Indonesian archipelago, met to formalize the system of sustainable farming, forestry and fishing that their communities had practiced for generations.

There was a sense of urgency to the meeting of the two chiefs, known locally as ondoafi, whose people have for decades depended on the natural resources from the land and sea in their homeland at the foot of the Cyclops Mountains, but whose traditions have begun to flag.

“We must establish this regulation so that no one will carelessly take something from nature, especially the Cyclops Mountains,” said Yafet Ikari, the ondoafi of Ormu Wari village.

It may have seemed a redundant point to emphasize to the people of Ormu Wari, whose environmentally sustainable way of life was hailed as far back as 1983 by the Indonesian government, which bestowed on them an award for their efforts to conserve nature. The villagers are also known to practice herbal medicine using locally sourced plants, which they incorporate into their traditional rituals and culture.

But it wasn’t until six years later, when a devastating flood hit the region, that it became clear not everyone was abiding by the age-old traditions. The flooding, Yafet said, was exacerbated by reckless clearing of land uphill by parties “who dismissed just like that the rules that had been handed down since the time of our forefathers.”

A similar disregard for convention was also blamed for the overhunting of birds-of-paradise, for which Papua is famous.

With the formalization of these ancient wisdoms in the shape of a village regulation, Yafet hopes to restore the once deeply held respect that the people had for local customs. Under the regulation, violators will be liable to pay a fine in the form of a tomako — a traditional stone axe — and up to 25 million rupiah ($1,750) in cash. This is on top of any punishment stipulated under Indonesia’s natural resources conservation law, which can impose jail sentences of up to five years and fines of up to 100 million rupiah.

The other ondoafi, Gustaf Toto from Nechiebe village, said protecting the Cyclops Mountains — which cover 314 square kilometers (121 square miles) and comprise primary and secondary dryland forests — was a cause that had been passed down through the generations. The village deems the landscape sacred as it was part of their ancestors’ lives.

“Our customs oblige us to never clear land for a plantation in such a way that it damages the forests,” Gustaf said.

The ban on destructive activities also extends to the region’s Pacific coast, which some of the Nechiebe people ply as fishermen. Here, their customary laws bar them from blast fishing or cyanide fishing, and prohibit the catching of turtles, sea cucumbers and lobsters. The villagers also observe a ritual known as sasi laut, in which fishing activities are suspended for a period to prevent overfishing.

“Nechiebe village has a lot of potential in natural resources from the land, coast and sea,” Gustaf said.

The problem, though, is the lack of support from the local government, he said. He cited an instance when the villagers caught and reported a fisherman for blast fishing, which had damaged the surrounding coral reef. The local authorities, however, took no action against the perpetrator.

“My hope is for this village regulation on the management of natural resources in the Cyclops Mountains to be implemented by all stakeholders — not only the people of this village, but also those living outside,” Gustaf said.

This story was reported by Mongabay’s Indonesia team and was first published here, here, and here on our Indonesian site on Aug. 30, Sept. 2 and Oct. 18, 2017.

Banner image: A richly forested beach in Nechiebe village in Ravenirara district, Papua province. Photo for Mongabay-Indonesia.

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Amole Police Engage in Shootout with Armed in Papua

https://en.tempo.co/read/news/2018/01/01/055914492/Amole-Police-Engage-in-Shootout-with-Armed-Criminals-in-Papua

MONDAY, 01 JANUARY, 2018 | 16:10 WIB

Amole Police Engage in Shootout with Armed  in Papua

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - The Amole police engaged in a shootout with armed criminals at mile 61 in Tembagapura, Mimika District, Papua Province.
The shootout occurred at 7:50 a.m. local time, Chief of the Papua Provincial Police Inspector General Boy Rafli stated on Monday.
No casualty was reported in the shootout, as the armed criminals fled to the jungle.
Prior to the shootout, the armed criminals shot at two PT Freeport vehicles carrying officers. They hit the cars` front and right windows.
The attackers were members of the Waker group, according to Rafli.

ANTARA