1) Papuan students stage protest for Papua's independence

2) West Papua safe for investment: Governor

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http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/12/01/papuan-students-stage-protest-for-papuas-independence.html

1) Papuan students stage protest for Papua's independence

News Desk The Jakarta Post

Jakarta and Surabaya | Sat, December 1, 2018 | 01:26 pm

Papuan students start their rally on Saturday in front of Plaza Surabaya on Jl. Pemuda in Surabaya, East Java, on Dec. 1, the day pro-independence activists declare as Papuan independence day. (The Jakarta Post/Wahyoe Boediwardhana)

Around 300 members of the Papuan Students Alliance in Surabaya, East Java, staged a protest on Saturday, nearly clashing with a separate group that appeared to be staging a counterprotest.

The students initially gathered in front of the RRI Studio on Jl. Pemuda. They displayed images of the Morning Star flag, the symbol of the separatist movement for Papuan independence, and demanded that Papuans be given the right to self-determination in the name of democracy.

The group held a march that was to head toward Grahadi State Building on Jl. Gubernur Suryo, but the police blocked access because there was a ceremony in the front yard of the building.

Tensions escalated when a group consisting of around 200 people from the Communication Forum of Indonesian Veterans' Children (FKPPI) and youth organization Pemuda Pancasila showed up to stage what appeared to be a counterprotest, resulting in the two groups yelling at each other.

The two groups attempted to attack each other, but the police prevented any physical altercations from breaking out.

FKPPI East Java deputy chairman Gatot Sutantra said that, by demanding an independent Papua, the Papuan Students Alliance was committed to a separatist movement.

“We reminded them to disperse, otherwise the police would disperse them,” Gatot said as quoted by tempo.co.

The police also gave a warning to the students, calling on them to disperse as they had no permit to stage the demonstration. (foy)

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https://en.antaranews.com/news/120946/west-papua-safe-for-investment-governor

2) West Papua safe for investment: Governor

Reporter: antara  4 hours ago

Manokwari, W Papua (ANTARA News) - West Papua Governor Dominggus Mandacan has said the province was safe for investment, and thus, invited investors to invest in the area.

"Indonesia is included in the list of the top 10 safest countries in the world, and West Papua ranks first as the safest in the country," the governor remarked here on Friday.

He said the safest predicate was obtained by West Papua based on the results of a survey conducted by the central government.

Hence, the governor has called on the community and all elements to keep the West Papua area conducive.

According to him, the West Papua Provincial Government has a motto, "Realizing West Papua safe and dignified". The motto has been implemented and must be interpreted so that all government development programs run smoothly.

"So far, we have lived in harmony and unity. All religions can coexist, maintain each other and this is a blessing for us all," the governor said.

Mandacan then invited the investors to invest in West Papua, for along with the community, he is ready to provide security guarantees to investors who want to contribute to regional development through the business that will be carried out.

"I have conveyed this to investors at a meeting held some time ago. We have guaranteed that West Papua is safe and conducive," the governor said.

Reporting by Toyiban
Editing by Otniel Tamindael 

Editor: Heru Purwanto

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Media release- AWPA condemns the raid by the Indonesian Security forces on the KNPB Headquarters in Jayapura

Update. The FRWP campaign has reported that 12 West Papuans and 86 Indonesian solidarity activists were  arrested today in Ternate, Indonesia for protesting in support of West Papua's freedom.   Truly brave solidarity from Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua AMP and Front Rakyat Indonesia untuk West Papua!

https://www.facebook.com/Kolkotpembebasanternate/videos/2255616641336578/UzpfSTUzNjExNDQwMDA5OjEwMTYxMTg5NjUyNjI1MDEw/
Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

Media Release-AWPA condemns the raid by the Indonesian Security forces on the KNPB Headquarters in Jayapura 

AWPA condemns the raid by the Indonesian Security forces on the KNPB Headquarters in Jayapura yesterday afternoon the 30 November.

The security forces also arrest a resident who was simply gardening.

General Chairperson of the West Papua National Committee Agus Kosay said that the security forces  arrived in  six army trucks, two police cars, five police two-axle cars and six minibus cars.

The combined security forces swept  the dormitories and  damaged a number of facilities during the raid. 

"The two front doors were broken and suddenly painted in black. The cupboard was kicked to shreds and one blackboard was damaged. Students who took pictures were also told to delete," he said.

A spokesman for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) Ones Suhuniap said, a number of police officers came to their offices with complete weapons.

"The police raided the KNPB headquarters. But they also damaged assets belonging to the KNPB. Including the burning of the KNPB flag," he said. (*) (Source Jubi)

AWPA also condemns the arrest of the 18 activists from the Front Rakyat Indonesia Untuk West Papua (FRI-WP) and are detained in Kupang City Police Station.

 

Indonesian Consulate in Sydney 1st December

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Below. Flag raising on Leichhardt Town Hall (Inner West Council) 30 November

Media release West Papuan National Flag raised in Sydney
30 November 2018

The Australia West Papua Association thanks the Inner West Papua Council in Sydney for supporting the raising 

of the West Papuan National  Flag on its Leichhardt Town Hall  today ,30 November at 9am. to commemorate  the first   official flying of the Morning Star flag on the 1st December in 1961. (Note Council closed Saturday 1st Dec.)…………..

Photos at

https://awpasydneynews.blogspot.com/2018/11/media-release-west-papuan-national-flag.html

1) Indonesian Security Forces raid KNPB headquarters

1) Indonesian Security Forces raid   KNPB headquarters

2) Jelang 1 Desember, Bintang Kejora dikibarkan di Balai Kota Sydney

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1) Indonesian Security Forces raid   KNPB headquarters

The security forces  conducted  raids on the  West Papua National Committee (KNPB) Headquarters in Jayapura, (16.32 Papua Time (WP). 

The security forces also arrested he authorities also arrested a resident who was simply gardening.

General Chairperson of the West Papua National Committee Agus Kosay said that the security forces  arrived in  six army trucks, two police cars, five police two-axle cars and six minibus cars.

The combined security forces swept  dormitories from units one to six,”.

Not only that, the authorities also damaged a number of facilities during the raid. A number of students who tried to capture the moment of the raid also did not escape the repressive actions of the police.

"The two front doors were broken and suddenly painted in black. The cupboard was kicked to shreds and one blackboard was damaged. Students who took pictures were also told to delete," he said.

A spokesman for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) Ones Suhuniap said, a number of police officers came to their offices with complete weapons.

"The police raided the KNPB headquarters. But they also damaged assets belonging to the KNPB. Including the burning of the KNPB flag," he said. (*) (Source Jubi)

 

photos from facebook posting

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2) Jelang 1 Desember, Bintang Kejora dikibarkan di Balai Kota Sydney

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi ,

Jakarta, Jubi - Tepat pada pukul 9 pagi waktu Sydney, Australia, Jumat (30/11/2018) bendera Bintang Kejora berkibar di Leichhardt Town Hall, Sydney. 

 

Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) , dalam rilisnya yang diterima Jubi, Jumat (30/11/2018), berterima kasih kepada Inner West Papua Council di Sydney 

karena telah mendukung pengibaran bendera nasional West Papua di tempat itu…………….. 

https://tabloidjubi.com/artikel-21521-jelang-1-desember-bintang-kejora-dikibarkan-di-balai-kota-sydney.html

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Photos -West Papuan National Flag raised in Sydney

Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

Media release West Papuan National Flag raised in Sydney
30 November 2018

                                                            Leichhardt Town Hall

The Australia West Papua Association thanks the Inner West Papua Council in Sydney for supporting the raising 

of the West Papuan National  Flag on its Leichhardt Town Hall  today ,30 November at 9am. to commemorate  the first   official flying of the Morning Star flag on the 1st December in 1961. (Note Council closed Saturday 1st Dec.).

On the 1st December in 1961, the Morning Star flag (the West Papuan National flag) was flown for the first time officially beside the Dutch Tricolor.  The Dutch were finally about to give the West Papuan people their freedom. However it is one of the great tragedies that at their moment of freedom it was cruelly crushed and West Papua was basically handed over to Indonesia in 1963.

                                                  Rex Rumakiek (Secretary of ULMWP) with a local Resident preparing to raise the flag

Fifty-seven years later, the West Papuan people are still struggling for their right to self-determination.

Joe Collins of AWPA said "West Papuans continue to face arrest and torture simply for holding peaceful rallies to bring attention to the world the injustices they suffer under Indonesian rule. Recent arrests of activists are to intimidate them into not talking part in activities to celebrate their national day".

One  posting to facebook by a West Papuan reported that "Approaching the first of December, Indonesian army and police were dressed in plainclothes, backing militia groups carrying out intimidation and terror in Papuan student dormitories in Indonesia".

      -----------------------------------------------------------------------                                   

Foreign affairs boss wants business at border boosted

https://www.thenational.com.pg/foreign-affairs-boss-wants-business-at-border-boosted/

Foreign affairs boss wants business at border boosted

November 29, 2018The National

By CLIFFORD FAIPARIK
Papua New Guinea and Indonesia have to develop economic activities along the border, Foreign Affairs and Trade Secretary Barbara Age says.
This is for West Sepik and Indonesia’s Papua Province.
Age was speaking yesterday during an economic development cooperation forum between PNG and Indonesia in Port Moresby
“We are seeing huge opportunities along the border in Batas/Wutung,” Age said. “There is greater potential to enhance business activities along the border by establishing the necessary mechanisms.
“For instance, establishing an economic zone along the border, and the necessary infrastructure and facilities, could contribute to greater cross-border trade.”
Meanwhile, a senior Indonesian government official said there was more economic potential to be developed between the two countries,
“The potential is there, but unfortunately, not many people from both countries know about it and also that we share the same land border,” Asia-Pacific and African affairs directorate general-secretary Rossy Verona said.
“That’s why we are having such a meeting so that we will identify the challenges and move on.
“We want to share a lot of cooperation with PNG, we want to share the potential of our state-owned companies, we want to develop more cooperation along the border .
“PNG is an important partner to Indonesia and we need to develop our border to develop well.”
Verona is leading the joint Indonesian government and business delegation to meet with their PNG counterparts to discuss potential economic activities between both countries.
Age has praised Indonesian Ambassador Ronald Manik for his effort in finalising the extradition treaty between Indonesia and PNG.
“This treaty, which came into force in 2018, is promoting relationships between Papua New Guinea and Indonesia,” she said
Age also thanked the Indonesian government for helping PNG host a successful Apec Leaders’ Summit, help with the supply of formal attire for staff of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, protocol training and training for Apec Joint Security Task Force members in small arms and light weapons.

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1) Why special autonomy cannot bring improvement to Papuans and why it cannot overcome separatism?

2) Government should pay more attention addressing HIV-AIDS in Papua

3) The secret deal to destroy paradise

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https://tabloidjubi.com/eng/why-special-autonomy-cannot-bring-improvement-to-papuans-and-why-it-cannot-overcome-separatism/

1) Why special autonomy cannot bring improvement to Papuans and why it cannot overcome separatism?

Published 10 hours ago on 28 November 2018 By pr9c6tr3_juben

The Special Autonomy Law that implied to the implementation of the autonomy funds from the Government of Indonesia to Papua Province (yet it shared with West Papua Province that established in 2007) has been 17 years on 21 November 2018. However, many people claimed that some goals have not yet achieved during this period.

DR Agus Sumule, a team member who drafted the Special Autonomy Law, said overall it’s still under the expectation, though this law was stipulated for two reasons, namely to improve the welfare of people and to be against separatism.

“The improvement of people’s welfare can be measured using the modest method, and that also applies throughout the world, such as the Human Development Index (HDI). Meanwhile, the HDI in both provinces of Papua and West Papua is still the lowest. Although there are some efforts to scale up the HDI and the leap was considerably big, but it’s not big enough if compared to other provinces. The existing method is not effective enough. Therefore, it needs another breakthrough,” Sumule told Jubi by phone on Thursday, 22 November 2018.

“On the other hand, the Special Autonomy has been given with the expectation that the separatist movement will fade away. Therefore the Special Autonomy Law also includes some aspects such as the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and so on. Because it doesn’t work, so who knows that the threat has gone.”

Apart from claims of progress in many sectors, continued Sumule who’s also the Dean of the Faculty of Agriculture of the University of Papua, Manokwari, West Papua Province, until now the  autonomy policy still cannot overcome the problems of both provinces.

Education must start from villages

One of the main objectives of the Special Autonomy fund for Papua is to increase the human resources through education. Although some efforts made in increasing Papuan human resources have shown some results, these do not provide both provinces with better condition.

Then Sumule took an example that currently, the number of students in Papua and West Papua is approximately 800 thousand, which half (400,000) is indigenous Papuans. Of that number, more than 200 thousand are at the elementary school. However later, more than half do not continue their study to junior high school.

Furthermore, He said it needs a breakthrough in education, for example, improving primary education. “Many say that we need to construct a dormitory. How could it be? How can we build a dormitory for 800 thousand people? That’s impossible.”

To solve this problem, he suggested that villages should become a target for education rather than cities by providing schools from the lower to higher levels.

No stipulation for a 25-year period

In regards stipulation, Agus Sumule also corrected people’s assumption that the Law No. 21 of 2001 about the Special Autonomy for Papua will terminate after 25 years running.  He said it’s not true. This arrangement only applied for the provision of  (autonomy) funds, while the regulation will still there though there is no guarantee that it would stand onwards (though it can be changed if necessary). However, there is no article in the law stating that this regulation only valid for 25 years.

“What would be ended (25 years) is related to finance,” said Sumule.

If the Special Autonomy Fund discontinued, it must ensure that the availability of funds to continue development. However, if it continues, we should consider its distribution due to nowadays many indigenous Papuans have become a minority in many regions of Papua and West Papua provinces. If there is no change in the allocation of funds, the beneficiaries who might receive compensation (and benefits) must be not indigenous Papuans.

He also maintained if the central government is willing to continue the provision of the special autonomy funds, how can they assure that the funds do not become ‘sugar’ that attracts more migrants to Papua. “That’s the question. Surely this is a big problem,” he said.

Papua’s Special Autonomy leaves assignments 

Separately, Chairman of the Papuan House of Representative Yunus Wonda said the implementation of Special Autonomy in Papua still gives uncompleted assignments to do.

According to him,  there are a few of policies covered in the articles of the Special Autonomy Law have not implemented yet, such as the recognition of local political party, the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commision and the human rights court as well.

“The appointment of 14 representatives of indigenous Papuans in the Papuan House of Representatives has done, but not other things. Until now the central government has not seriously resolved many cases of alleged human rights violations in Papua by establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission,” said Wonda.

Moreover, he said that the main issue in Papua is the human rights violation because it has a tremendous impact on other issues. Hence, its resolution could bring a sense of justice to both victims and their families. Both the settlement process and resolution of human rights violations have become an international concern, so the Government of Indonesia must take this seriously.

“This is a crucial agenda that needs to address, and we count on the president elected for the next period,” he said.

Meanwhile, Papua Governor Lukas Enembe in the commemoration day of the Special Autonomy Law held in Gedung Olahraga Cenderawasih, Jayapura, Papua on Wednesday (21/11/2018) said during its 17-years journey in Papua, the Special Autonomy Law is still not perfect as expected by many people, due to its weaknesses and limitation. To mention one, he exemplified that Papua never had a proper grand design from the beginning. (*)

Reporter: Arjuna Pademme

Editor : Pipit Maizier 

----------------------------------------------------

https://tabloidjubi.com/eng/government-should-pay-more-attention-addressing-hiv-aids-in-papua/

2) Government should pay more attention addressing HIV-AIDS in Papua

Published 3 hours ago on 29 November 2018

 By pr9c6tr3_juben

HIV-AIDS still becomes a ‘scary ghost’ for Papua Province.

A data released by the Ministry of Health in March recorded that within 12 years (2005-2017) the number of people living with AIDS in Papua has reached 19,729. This number is the highest rate among other Indonesian provinces, while the total of AIDS cases in Indonesia is 102.667.

The second highest rate of AIDS occurred in East Java for 18,243, following by Jakarta at 9,215, Central Java at 8,170, Bali at 7,441 and West Java at 6,502. However, the data showed that Papua Province is at the third rank for the number of people living with the HIV (29,083) compared to Jakarta (51,981) and East Java (39,633). Following Papua in the fourth and fifth ranks are West Java and East Java with 28,964 and 22,292 cases respectively.

Given the fact that the number of population in Papua Province is lesser than the provinces of Jakarta, East Java and West Java, it makes Papua becoming the province with the highest case rate of AIDS in Indonesia until December 2017. The case rate is cumulative of the number of people living with, died from AIDS and the total number of HIV-AIDS cases per 1000,000 population.

The case rate for Papua Province is 620,56 which 18,149 people living with AIDS and 1,580 people died from AIDS during 1987-2017, whereas West Papua Province is in the second place; at 216,46 including 1,699 people living with AIDS and 42 died from AIDS.

The updated figure for HIV-AIDS cases per 30 September 2018 in Papua Province is 38,874. It shows that Nabire Regency has the highest HIV-AIDS cases (7,420) and it followed by Jayapura Municipality at 6,189, Jayawijaya Regency at 5,964, Mimika Regency at 5,670 and Jayapura Regency at 2,918.

Most cases occurred in Papua are due to sexual intercourse with several partners which reach 14,148 (HIV) and 23,610 (AIDS), whereas another factor is the Most cases or risk factors occurred in Papua due to sexual intercourse with several partners are 14,148 (HIV) and 23,610 (AIDS). Another factor is the transmission from mother to child that reaches 212 for HIV and 473 for AIDS.

Responding to this situation, the Chairman of AIDS Commission (KPA) of Papua Province Constant Karma told Jubi on Wednesday, 22 November 2018, that firstly people must fully understand about the transmission of HIV.

He said HIV is transmitted through blood, semen, vaginal fluids if we have direct contact with wounds on the skin or open mucous membranes of people who already infected, such as mouth, nose, vagina, rectum and penis’ external urethral.

“HIV can also be transmitted through vaginal, oral and anal sex, as well as contact with blood and other body fluids. But kissing can be safe if both partners have no sore or mouth sprue. Touching, hugging and normal interacting with people infected with HIV are also safe,” he said.

He recommends people to have safe sex by using a condom and avoiding touching blood or other people’s body fluids.

“We never know who has HIV, because there is no stereotype and perhaps people don’t realise that they are already infected. So avoid to have direct contact with blood and body fluids of other people because it might have risks for HIV transmission, especially if we have open sores on any part of our body,” he said.

Karma said that the high rate of HIV-AIDS in Papua was due to people are still reluctant to conduct examinations.

“This figure indicates that the rate of people who already entered the stage of AIDS. It becomes a problem because if they get at this stage, it will be difficult to recover their condition,” he said.

Karma also said that KPA still difficulties related to funds to reduce the number of people living with HIV-AIDS in Papua. “In the past, we have collaborated with some international NGOs but not anymore because Indonesia currently regarded as a developed country. Therefore these NGOs are paying more attention to other developing countries,” he said.

Moreover, he said KPA Papua’s funds are insufficient to cover all areas of Papua, especially the mountain areas.

AIDS prevalence has reduced since 2014

Head of the Technical Implementation Unit for AIDS, TB and Malaria, Papua Health Office, dr. Beery Wopari, said that since 2014 HIV and AIDS cases in Papua had decreased, although not too significant.

“In 2014 there were 4,452 new cases found in 29 regencies and municipality, but until 2018 there were 1,993 new cases detected or found,” he said.  It means that most people are willing to conduct health examinations or do early detection of the disease, explained Wopari.

“Although it is undeniable that many people are still reluctant to conduct medical checks,” he said.

Wopari hopes that the elimination process carried out by Nabire Regency which has the highest HIV-AIDS rate can be emulated by other districts in Papua Province. Nabire District Health Office has carried out medical checks for people who come for treatment at the community centres.

“The number of people living with HIV and AIDS in Nabire is currently growing. There is a regulation that requires all community centres in Nabire to carry out the preliminary tests to all patients who come for treatment to reduce it. “It is good so that we can treat people who have been infected with HIV before the patient enters the stage of AIDS,” he said. (*)

Reporter: Roy Ratumakin

Editor: Pipit Maizier 

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(Note. lots of photos/maps etc in report)

3) The secret deal to destroy paradise

The story behind the single biggest threat to the rainforests of Indonesia.

BY MALAYSIAKINI, MONGABAY, TEMPO, THE GECKO PROJECT ON 28 NOVEMBER 2018 

Mongabay Series: Indonesia for Sale, Indonesian Forests, Indonesian Palm Oil

• The secret deal to destroy paradise” is the third installment of Indonesia for Sale, an in-depth series on the opaque deals underpinning Indonesia’s deforestation and land-rights crisis.
• The series is the product of 22 months of investigative reporting across the Southeast Asian country, interviewing fixers, middlemen, lawyers and companies involved in land deals, and those most affected by them.
• “The secret deal to destroy paradise” is based on a cross-border collaboration between Tempo, Malaysiakini, Mongabay and Earthsight’s The Gecko Project.
• ……………...

https://news.mongabay.com/2018/11/the-secret-deal-to-destroy-paradise/

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1) Catholic schools seen as good models due to higher quality of teachers, principals

2) Indocopper scheme aims to prevent selling of Freeport's shares: SOE Ministry

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https://www.ucanews.com/news/state-and-church-team-up-on-papua-education/83959

State and church team up on Papua education

1) Catholic schools seen as good models due to higher quality of teachers, principals

Ryan Dagur, Jayapura  Indonesia  November 27, 2018

Senior high school students at Teruna Bakti Catholic School in Wamena, Papua, sing as Catholic educators visit their school on Nov. 22. (Photo by Ryan Dagur/ucanews.com)

Indonesia's minister of education and culture, Muhadjir Effendy, has emphasized the importance of working closely with the Catholic Church to address problems with the education system in many parts of the country including Papua.

Effendy, who attended a meeting of the National Council of Catholic Education that ended on Nov. 25 in Jayapura, said the ministry aims to improve the deteriorating state of education in Papua.

He said help was needed from both the church and educators.

The minister lauded the church's high-quality education programs for Papuan students, including providing school meals in a region where malnourishment is a huge problem.

"We will work hand in hand with the church, which has made a great contribution to the education sector, such as in Papua," he said.

About 300 Catholic educators — priests, nuns, principals and experts under the umbrella of the National Council of Catholic Education — spent much of the four-day meeting discussing how Catholic schools should respond to religious intolerance, extremism, the challenges of a multicultural society and the overall poor quality of Indonesian teachers.

Franciscan Father Vinsensius Darmin Mbula, chairman of the council, agreed with the minister. He said there are many areas where the government and Catholic schools can collaborate, such as provide training for teachers and principals.

"The council will start the training of teachers and principals next year," the priest said.

Sylvo Lobya, director of the Catholic Schools Foundation in Jayapura Diocese, said its effort to find higher-caliber school principals has encountered difficulties due to the high costs involved in traveling to Java, where the most talented personnel can be sought.

He hoped either the government or church would pitch in and help out.

"There is no [teacher training] institution here," he said. "Training for two people in Java can cost 100 million rupiah [US$6,900]," he said.

According to John Giay, an educator in Timika Diocese, many school facilities are in dire need of an upgrade. "Most of the school buildings here were built during the Dutch occupation," he said.

According to Bishop Leo Laba Ladjar of Jayapura, who also attended the meeting of Catholic educators, Papua's education problems are so complex that cooperation among all stakeholders is necessary.

He said the quality of teachers is just one area of concern. Geographical conditions pose another challenge as this tends to impact the attendance rates of both students and teachers.

"All of these things must be addressed," the bishop said.

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http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/11/27/indocopper-scheme-aims-to-prevent-selling-of-freeports-shares.html

2) Indocopper scheme aims to prevent selling of Freeport's shares: SOE Ministry

Stefanno Reinard Sulaiman The Jakarta Post

Jakarta | Tue, November 27, 2018 | 12:04 pm

The government responded on Monday to Papua Governor Lukas Enembe's opposition to the assignment of PT Indocopper Investama (PTII) as the company that will accommodate 10 percent of gold and copper miner PT Freeport Indonesia’s (PTFI) shares that have been allocated for Papua.

State-Owned Enterprises Ministry mining, strategic industries and media affairs undersecretary Fajar Harry Sampurno said on Monday the decision to assign PTII to accommodate Papua’s shares in PTFI was to prevent the possible sale of shares by certain parties.

Fajar referred to an example of a local administration in West Nusa Tenggara that lost 24 percent of its shares in PT Multi Daerah Bersaing, a joint venture company established to accommodate the shares during the divestment process of gold and copper mining company PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara.

PTII currently holds 9.36 percent of PTFI's shares. State-owned mining holding company PT Indonesia Asahan Aluminium (Inalum) is set to acquire 100 percent PTII's shares. Under the ongoing divestment process, Inalum plans to control 51.23 percent of PTFI's shares.

The government will hand over 10 percent of PTFI's shares to Papua – represented by the Papua provincial administration and the Mimika regency administration.

Under the scheme, Inalum and Papua’s administration-owned company will own 60 percent and 40 percent of PTII, respectively. The 40 percent stake in PTII is equal to 10 percent of PTFI's shares.

After the divestment, Inalum, PTII and FCX will respectively own 26.23 percent, 25 percent and 48.76 percent of PTFI's shares. (bbn)

1) NZ Labour MP Poto Williams -Service of worship dedicated to praying for the end of Colonisation of West Papua

2) Review “SEE NO EVIL” by Maire Leadbeater 

3) Kidnapping West Papuan children to harvest their organs?

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1) NZ Labour MP Poto Williams gave this speech at the Special Evensong for West Papua held at Christchurch Transitional  Cathedral last night,

Poto Williams

MP for Christchurch East

Assistant Speaker

25/11/18 Transitional Cathedral, 5pm

Service of worship dedicated to praying for the end of Colonisation of West Papua

 

Human rights were first expressed in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in several international treaties since then. Countries who sign up to these treaties are obliged to include the rights in their own domestic laws.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights sets out the basic human rights that should be protected for everyone. New Zealand, led by Prime Minister Peter Fraser, played a key role in drafting the Declaration along with representatives from around the world.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, along with the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, together make up the International Bill of Human Rights. Both of the Covenants came into force in 1976. They set out everyday rights such as the right to life, equality before the law, freedom of expression, and the rights to work and education.

Indigenous People’s human rights are protected under the international treaties and conventions, as well as by the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (or “UNDRIP”).

The United Nations General Assembly adopted a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in September 2007. It was described by the UN as “a landmark declaration that brought to an end nearly 25 years of contentious negotiations over the rights of native people to protect their lands and resources, and to maintain their unique cultures and traditions.”

The New Zealand government officially endorsed the UNDRIP in 2010, after opposing it for almost three years. 

The Declaration sets out a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity, well-being and rights of the world’s indigenous peoples. The Declaration addresses both individual and collective rights; cultural rights and identity; rights to education, health, employment, language, and others. It declares discrimination against indigenous peoples unlawful and promotes their full and effective participation in all matters that concern them. It also affirms their right to remain distinct and to pursue their own priorities in economic, social and cultural development. The Declaration explicitly encourages harmonious and cooperative relations between States and indigenous peoples.

Actions by the government of Indonesia have been noted as a concern by advocates for human rights. Both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have criticised the government on multiple subjects. Although the country has had national human rights institutions, the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) since 1993, which enjoys a degree of independence from government and holds UN accreditation, the commission itself has little effect as it was not given any legal teeth against discriminatory practices committed by the government.

 

International human rights organisations have criticised the Indonesian government's handling of protesters from the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in the Papua conflict, in which the OPM seeks the secession of Papua and West Papua. A report to the Indonesian Human Rights Network by the Allard K Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic, Yale Law School alleges human rights violations in the region. The Indonesian military denies allegations of human rights abuses in Papua. 

 

We have as the sovereign country of New Zealand railed against Human Rights abuses in other nations and hold that as a principle of participation in the global community. However on the matter of supporting the self determination of the indigenous people of West papua we remain silent. When the international petition seeking a free vote for West Papuans was presented at the NZ parliament, only 4 members of the New Zealand parliament signed it.

 

Examination of the Coalition agreement and the confidence and supply agreement of the NZ Government in this the 52nd Parliament, show no agreements in the International Human Rights field and certainly nothing about West Papua.

West Papua was originally populated by Melanesian people some tens of thousands of years ago. After little contact with the Western world, it was finally formally colonised by the Netherlands in 1898. The islands that now make up Indonesia were also colonised by the Dutch but when the Republic of Indonesia became an independent nation state in 1949, West Papua did not join the country. 

The Dutch government recognised that West Papua was geographically, ethnically and culturally very different to Indonesia and so the Dutch government began preparing West Papua for its own independence throughout the 1950s. At the end of 1961, West Papua held a Congress at which its people declared independence, and raised their new flag – the Morning Star.

But within months the dream was dead. The Indonesian government wanted all of the former Dutch colonies in the Asia-Pacific region and the Indonesian military soon invaded West Papua. Conflict broke out between the Netherlands, Indonesia and the indigenous population regarding control of the territory. Unable to secure enough support for its invasion of West Papua, the Indonesian government turned to the Soviet Union for help. 

It was the height of the Cold War and the US government was worried that Indonesia seeking Soviet Union support might increase the spread of communism in South East Asia. In a letter from the American President to the Dutch Prime Minister, the US government strongly urged the Dutch government to hand over West Papua to Indonesia, in an attempt to appease a communist friendly Indonesian government. 

The US government managed to engineer a meeting between Indonesia and the Netherlands resulting in the New York Agreement, which in 1962 gave control of West Papua to the United Nations and one year later transferred control to Indonesia. The Papuans were never consulted. However, the agreement did promise them their right to self determination – a right which is guaranteed by the UN to all people in the world.

The United Nations decolonisation committee did not accept a petition signed by 1.8 million West Papuans calling for an independence vote.

The petition, presented by the independence leader Benny Wenda  asked the UN to appoint a special representative to investigate abuses and to put West Papua back on the decolonisation agenda.

But the UN decolonisation committee says the West Papua cause is outside its mandate, which extends only to the 17 states identified by the UN as "non-self governing territories."

The committee's chair and Venezuela's representative to the UN, Rafael Ramírez, says he had received no formal petition document, and his office had been "manipulated" for political purposes.

Mr Ramírez also says the committee accepts Indonesia's sovereignty over West Papua, which took control of the western half of New Guinea in 1969.

In a statement, Indonesia's UN representative, Triansyah Djani, who sits on the committee, called Mr Wenda's petition a hoax and separatist propaganda.

NZ Labour MP Louisa Wall has called for West papua to be included on decolonisation list.

Vanuatu's Prime Minister Charlot Salwai, a long time supporter of West Papuan self-determination, told the General Assembly in New York that decolonisation must remain on the UN agenda.

He said the Human Rights Council must investigate human rights abuses in the Indonesian provinces.

The Marshall Islands president, Hilda Heine, told the assembly's 73rd session that the Pacific Islands Forum supported "constructive engagement" with Indonesia on the issue.

While Tuvalu's Prime Minister Enele Sopoaga continued his call for recognition of the indigenous people.

Indonesia rejected what it called attacks on its sovereignty with vice president Muhammad Jusuf Kalla demanding respect for its territorial integrity.

 

Indigenous west Papuans do not have access to health and education in the same way of other in Indonesia. According to statistics, the province's overall health status is the lowest in Indonesia. Indonesian Department of Health reports show that in the central highlands, with a population of around 400,000, there is only one hospital with 70 beds, and 15 health centres with a doctor in the 13 subdistricts covering an area of 53,000 square kilometres. 

There are many remote, outlying villages which have no access to health services, health centres nor clinics. There appears to be a disproportionate emphasis placed on "family planning" rather than on hospital and medical services throughout the province. A local Indonesian health worker has stated that in one remote region of 40,000 inhabitants, 100 per cent of females of child-bearing age are acceptors of family planning.

 An Indonesia-based human rights researcher says malnutrition is widespread throughout Papua as imported foods have shattered traditional diets.

West Papuans had long lived off traditional Melanesian staple foods such as sago, sweet potato and traditional pork, but these had been increasingly replaced by rice and instant noodles.

This comes as Indonesian health officials responded to a health crisis in Papua province's Asmat district where a deadly outbreak of measles had been exacerbated by malnutrition.

Papuan police last week said there were more than 10,000 malnourished people in Asmat.

Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch said "Their staple diet changed dramatically. Nowadays I see them consuming rice. Why? Rice is coming from their national government as their main diet."

Mr Harsono said that in Asmat people were also consuming less of the traditional sago as land was being used up for palm oil and mining.

An Indonesian health official with one of the teams Jane Soepardi told RNZ Pacific many of the children she visited last week had zero immunity.

Mr Harsono said the government had been quite speedy in getting to affected areas but that the death toll underscored Jakarta's neglect of Papuans' basic health rights.

Andreas Harsono said restrictions on access to Papua should be lifted so it could receive international assistance

 

We have to ask ourselves why, in the face of this overwhelming evidence are we all, NZ included, continue to be silent on behalf of West Papua.  NZ was slow in east Timor, its response to West papua is glacial. A hand full of NZ MP’s are working alongside Catherine Delahunty and the other groups across the country, but our movement is slow to gain the traction. 

It is also not without interference by Indonesian officials. 

We face a tough battle, it is of mammoth proportions. One small Melanesian nation in the pacific sisterhood, seeking from the most powerful, one thing, the basic human right to decide for itself. We, those who support their rights to freedom, are isolated and in small pockets around the globe. Even in NZ we struggle to have a coherent movement. We cannot continue in this way. We must act as a collective, which is the pacific way. Join with our other pacific nations to stand up against the tyrannical practices imposed upon these people. Please, I urge you, to make a pledge to make a difference to the people of West Papua. 

Finally to quote from Micah 6:8 He has shown you, O mortal, what is good. And what does the LORD require of you? To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God.

 

https://www.freewestpapua.org/info/history-of-west-papua/

https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/367641/pacific-leaders-call-out-indonesia-at-un-over-west-papua

https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/349276/health-crisis-highlights-devastation-of-traditional-papuan-diet

https://www.hrc.co.nz/

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http://reidsreader.blogspot.com/2018/11/maireleadbeaterseenoevilsomething-new.html

We feature each fortnight Nicholas Reid's reviews and comments on new and recent books.

2) “SEE NO EVIL” by Maire Leadbeater (Otago University Press, $NZ49:95) “LET’S GET LOST” Text by Nicola McCloy - photographs by Jane King (Penguin / Random House, $45)

When a book is subtitled “New Zealand’s betrayal of the people of West Papua”, you know it is a book of advocacy – that is, a book arguing a case. In See No Evil, Maire Leadbeater, veteran activist in many causes, is not concerned to tell a general history of modern Papua or Indonesia, but to indict the complacency and complicity of New Zealand in Indonesia’s take-over of the western half of the land we used to call New Guinea. (Indonesians prefer to call it West Irian or Irian Jaya). 

As her friend, former Green MP Catherine Delahunty says in her Foreword: “There is no claim here that New Zealand is a global superpower with the ability to turn the situation around single-handedly, but it is a wealthier neighbour whose self-interest has aligned it with state violence, torture and structural genocide.”

Leadbeater sets out her argument succinctly in her Introduction. As the Dutch decolonised in the 1940s and 1950s, and as the Dutch East Indies ceased to be, New Zealand’s government at first favoured a united and independent Papua / New Guinea. But this was the era of the Cold War, so New Zealand agreed with Australia and the United States that Indonesia would be a helpful buffer against Communism. Hence by the 1960s it joined others in giving Indonesia a free hand in West Papua.

Having set up this argument, See No Evil then delves into more detailed history. The Papuan peoples were labelled “Melanesian” by Europeans and have accepted that appellation. Racially, culturally and linguistically they are quite distinct from the Malay peoples who became Indonesians, and very few Indonesians lived in West Papua. When Papua was colonised by Europeans, the eastern half was divided between the Germans and the British. Then after the Second World War – and after brief Japanese occupation of some areas -  it was administered by Australia. Meanwhile the western part was a Dutch colony. 

The Dutch were apparently more benign colonisers than the British or Germans and, when they resumed control after the Second World War, they were a great improvement on the Japanese occupiers.  But after 1945, the world admired the Indonesian national liberation movement, and Indonesian nationalists lay claim to all of the Asian empire from which the Dutch were withdrawing. New Zealand and Australia at first supported continued Dutch control of West Papua until such time as Papuans themselves could vote on independence. Those West Papuans who could make their wishes known were opposed to an Indonesian takeover. But by the 1950s, the US saw Indonesia as suffering from too much communist influence, hoped the Indonesian nationalist leader Sukarno would be a bulwark against Communism and therefore did not want to thwart his expansionist ambitions. 

As Leadbeater sees it (in Chapter 4) the Dutch administering West New Guinea were more humane administrators than the Australians administering East New Guinea. They mixed more easily with Papuans on social occasions and were genuinely trying to form a cohort of Papuans capable of ruling the country, even if at that time, in the central highlands, there were still many Papuans beyond western influence. Walter Nash, New Zealand’s prime minister at the end of the 1950s, advocated one united and independent Papua / New Guinea. The Netherlands set out a 10-year timetable for ceding independence, under UN supervision, while continuing to train Papuans.

In 1961, a New Guinea Council was inaugurated, the Morning Star flag (of Papuan independence) was raised and local elections were peacefully and successfully held in coastal areas. But at this moment of hope, there was increasing Indonesian infiltration of West Papua. The United States, wishing to accommodate Indonesian ambitions, brokered a new “agreement” between the Netherlands and Jakarta. This New York Agreement involved allowing Indonesia to take over administration from the Dutch in 1963, after seven months of United Nations supervision, and then only after another 6 years, in 1969, to “consult” the Papuans on the question of independence. In New Zealand, the academic Kenneth Cumberland was one of the few to protest publicly against this arrangement and to still hope for a united, independent Papua.

The New Zealand government by now had very mixed feelings about Indonesia, and in 1963-65 New Zealand forces were among those who fought against Indonesia in its “confrontation” with Malaysia. America was also now worried that Sukarno used too much anti-colonial rhetoric and sometimes welcomed the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as a major ally. It also seemed clear that as 1969 approached, Indonesia would not honour the planned plebiscite on West Papuan independence. Indonesia had already made Indonesian the only official language in West Papua.

In 1965, in Indonesia itself, some generals were assassinated. Leadbeater says this was not a communist initiative, and its perpetrators had nothing to do with main PKI, but it gave the military strongman Suharto an excuse to crack down on Communists. Between 500,000 and 1 million suspected communisits were killed by the Indonesian army and police and there was also a purge of ethnic Chinese. From this point on, Suharto was clearly taking over from Sukarno, though it was was Sukarno, with his incoherent foreign policy, who referred to 1965 as “The Year of Living Dangerously”. 

By now, Indonesia was moving both troops and settlers into West Papua. Despite moneys that the Dutch had contributed as they left, Indonesia did little to improve West Papuan infrastructure or health services. There was little international protest. Increasingly New Zealand, Australia and others saw friendly relations with 112 million Indonesians as being more important than the needs or wishes of a few million Papuans. 

In the central West Papuan highlands, there was a rebellion against Indonesia’s gradual takeover, but it was put down with great brutality. Finally in 1969, the Indonesian government and troops used coercion to rig a supposed “Act of Free Choice”, forcing Papuans to accept their overlordship. Western and Arab and Asian nations (such as India) accepted Indonesia’s position. In 1975, (Eastern) Papua New Guinea ceased to be under Australian control and became independent. In West Papua, there was continued guerrilla resistance throughout the 1970s, but the Papuan independence movement (the OPM) suffered factionalism and split. A dirty war was carried out by Indonesia, in which napalm and the strafing of villages played a part. Villages in the highlands were forcibly “modernised” by being re-aligned to break up tribal and family connections. By 1984, there were about 220,000 sponsored and unsponsored Indonesian migrants in West Papua and the Papuan population was being “swamped” in coastal areas and ports. 

Not to be overlooked in all this were matters of economics and international investment. In the 1930s, a major oilfield was found in West Papua by an American team (Leadbeater says its existence was not revealed to the Dutch colonial government) and large seams of gold were found in the interior mountains.

By the 1990s, having bought a major concession from the Indonesian government, the Freeport-McMoRan company was controlling huge copper and gold mines, paying massive kickbacks to corrupt Indonesian officials. Freeport-McMoRan was the largest taxpayer on West Papua and the source of over half West Papua’s GDP. But it was also a major polluter and none of its profits found their way to the West Papuan people.

There were internal challenges to the Suharto regime by the 1990s. In 1997, Suharto was persuaded to step down and there was some liberal reform in Indonesia itself – but not very much, as the military still had great power. There was hope for a “Papuan spring”, with Indonesia proposing “special autonomy” (as opposed to independence) for West Papua. But this proposal was never really followed through, and the behaviour of the Indonesian army did not augur well for the future. Indonesia had lost East Timor after a popular, UN-supervised referendum there. In revenge, the Indonesian army went on a rampage in East Timor and killed much of the population before UN forces were able to take over. Such “punishment” could be West Papua’s in similar circumstances.

So far, in a bland and boring fashion, I have simply summarised the relevant history as it is narrated by Maire Leadbeater. But this ignores the main target of her criticism, which is the way successive New Zealand governments have complied with Indonesia’s absorption of West Papua. Her comments on this matter tend to come in self-contained paragraphs. 

Of the massacre of communists in Indonesia in 1965, she writes: “Western nations, including New Zealand, were influential actors in the drama. From the documentation available it cannot be concluded definitively that the US or any other Western government played a direct role in fomenting the events of 1 October, but there is plenty of evidence that officials were waiting in the wings for the PKI to misstep or mount a coup so that their friends in the Indonesian military could move against them. New Zealand, as a junior partner in the Western alliance, was kept well informed.” (p.120)

Similarly, of Indonesia’s “Act of Free Choice” in 1969, she says: “The New Zealand Department of Foreign Affairs prepared a briefing paper for the New Zealand UN Mission in September. There was no attempt to disguise the fact that the Indonesian authorities used coercion, bribery, intimidation and indoctrination to achieve the desired result. But it was now done and dusted.” The New Zealand report said there was no “practical” alternative to what the Indonesians had done, Indonesians had in effect been in control of West Papua for six years, and New Zealand would therefore not protest in the UN should there be a debate on the matter. (p.157)

She notes that in supporting the Columbo Plan, New Zealand allowed Indonesian military pilots to train in New Zealand, as well as welcoming over 500 Indonesian students. In 1972, Suharto visited New Zealand and was given an effusive state reception by National Party prime minister Marshall. The same friendly attitude towards Indonesia continued with Norman Kirk’s Labour government and the later Lange government. New Zealand governments were mainly interested in trade and regional security, with little thought for the Papuan people. 

Leadbeater’s final chapter has the self-explanatory title “New Zealand chooses the wrong partners, but West Papuans find Pacific allies”. In the last two decades successive New Zealand governments (National-led and Labour-led) have endorsed a  common defence strategy with Indonesia; and New Zealand had programmes training Indonesian pollice.  But, says Leadbeater,  “The strategy of engaging with Indonesia’s security forces in an effort to improve their practice has failed. It is time for a re-evaluation, especially in the light of claims that the West Papuan people are experiencing a slow genocide.” (p.232) Leadbeater here defines genocide not as methodical extermination, but as deliberate imposition upon West Papuans of appalling living conditions, limitations of medical aid, and especially the huge influx of non-Papuan Indonesians, ensuring that the island’s culture and traditional identity are wiped out. 

As a slight sign of hope, she refers to some positive news coverage of Papuan independence-seekers at times when Indonesia has eased censorship a little. She is impressed by the way churches and other humanitarians have continued to support West Papuan aspirations and the favourable media coverage Papuan leaders receive when they visit New Zealand. But in her “Conclusion”, she still notes that the current Labour-led government of New Zealand has essentially continued the same policies of preceding governments, making trade and good relations with Indonesia their priorities.

I might have a very few little quibbles with this book. The tone is lowered when that old charlatan Rewi Alley is quoted as a reliable source (pp.126-127). The survey of Indonesian events probably underplays the upsuge of popular Muslim feeling that was a major factor in the anti-communist movement – and the fact that Indonesia now is a very Islamic country aligned with some questionable forces.

These are, however, quibbles only. This is a detailed work of polemic. I ended it thinking how similar Indonesia’s gradual and often brutal conquest of West Papua has been to another, and even more lethal, conquest by a totalitarian nation. Just as Indonesians “swamp” Papuans, so do Han Chinese “swamp” Tibetans as China has taken over Tibet and suppressed its culture. And the pile of corpses there has been even greater. Now the Chinese are apparently following the same policies among the Uyghur people of its westernmost province.

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https://www.freewestpapua.org/2018/11/26/merauke_nov2018/

3) Kidnapping West Papuan children to harvest their organs?

NOVEMBER 26, 2018

We routinely receive disturbing reports of violence and arrests happening in West Papua. Because there is a lack of media presence on the ground inside West Papua, campaigns like ours are often the first point of contact for the people of West Papua to tell the outside world about human rights abuses. 

In a horrific report circulating around social media and the Indonesian news site Marijinnews.com, an incident that resulted in at least one shooting victim being rushed into emergency surgery, and the arrests of a reported 27 Papuans, started because Merauke residents “were horrified by the issue that developed some time later in the region over the widespread kidnapping of children to be taken kidneys and other vital organs for sale.”

According to the Marijinnews report, because of  concern for the safety of their children, residents were in pursuit of possible kidnappers who had entered their village. As residents had been unsuccessful in finding the unknown persons they abandoned their search and were headed to their homes. At this time police arrived and instructed the search party to go home. In response, someone supposedly told the police to go home, and a conflict ensued. The incident resulted in beatings, arrests, and one man who remains in intensive care after surgery from being shot from behind.   

Secretary General of the Union of Catholic University Students of the Republic of Indonesia(Perhimpunan Mahasiswa Katolik Republik Indonesia/PMKRI) Merauke Branch  said “We from the PMKRI Merauke Branch strongly condemn this inhumane act. Not only because there are our members who are victims but this is a matter of how the police function to protect and serve the community.”

Buried from what should be the lead of this urgent story is the report about “widespread kidnapping” of children whose organs are allegedly being sold. If this is the case, where are all of the investigative journalists from every international news outlet getting to the details of this alarming situation? If this is in fact a “widespread” issue, how can it, at the very least, not be reported in Indonesian newspapers? Why are Merauke residents and a Catholic student union group policing their own village? The fact that they felt they need to secure their own children, and have a confrontational relationship with Indonesian police, is a very telling indicator that something is deeply wrong here.

The complete truth about what is happening in West Papua can only be told if journalists are given open and unrestricted access to the region. In response to criticism over the lack of access, the Indonesian government says  all journalists have to do is apply for permits. It is commonly known that few of these permits are granted, and even when they are, journalists are kept under heavy surveillance. To read more about the lack of press freedom in West Papua please read the accounts of journalists Victor Mambor and Cyril Payen detailed in the New Internationalistarticle Pressed into silence: West Papua, Indonesia, & World Press Freedom Day

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