Tuesday, January 19, 2021

1) West Papua in 2021: arrests, abductions and plans for ethnic cleansing



2) Spatial access to health care: a case study on community health centers in Asmat District, Papua, Indonesia
3) Intan Jaya Conflict (5): A Deadly New Armed Conflict

——————————-



1) West Papua in 2021: arrests, abductions and plans for ethnic cleansing
January 18, 2021 in News


Following the announcement of a Provisional Government of West Papua and rejection of Jakarta’s ‘Special Autonomy’ 

renewal, the Indonesian state has pursued its strategy of aggressive arrests and violence against peaceful demonstrations for independence.

ULMWP Chair Benny Wenda was named interim President of the Provisional Government on December 1, 2020, as 

the Papuan people roundly rejected renewal of the failed 2001 Special Autonomy law.

Highlighting the vast resources the Indonesian state is dedicating to crushing dissent over  renewal of ‘Special 

Autonomy’ across West Papua, a large convoy of heavily-armed police vehicles was photographed heading toward demonstrations in Manokwari on January 11, 2021.

On January 7, West Papuan activist Alvarez Kapisa was arrested by Indonesian security forces. Kapisa helped organise meetings where West Papuan’s overwhelmingly asserted their rejection of the colonial ‘Special Autonomy’ law,

 calling for their legal right to self-determination, decolonisation and independence.

Nine more Papuans were arrested in Biak and Supiori between January 4-7 by joint Indonesian military and police 

patrols for questioning over their support for Benny Wenda’s provisional government and rejection of ‘special autonomy’. 

In Biak they include Yusup Daimboa, Soleman Rumayomi and Yermias Rabrageri, as well as five villagers in Supirori. In Serui, Frans Kapisa, Yonathan Ruwayari and Yuliana Rumbara have also been detained. The International Lawyers for West Papua has released a statement condemning their treating.

On January 4, at 5pm, popular activist and National Committee for West Papua (KNPB) leader Naftall Tipagau was 

abducted by police intelligence agents. The husband and father was attacked and dragged into a black van in front 

of his family, in Intan Jaya, where military operations have displaced over 13,000 people.

He is yet to be released and no charges been made by police.

Tipagau actively reported in Intan Jaya, where the Indonesian military has recently killed Papuan priests.  The recently discovered Wabu Bloc of gold reserves is planned for extraction by Freeport McMoran, the mining company responsible for decades of environmental destruction and human rights abuses at the Grasberg gold and copper mine in West Papua.

Papuans and political leaders around the world were horrified on January 6 as plans for a complete ethnic cleansing 

of Papuans were revealed by Indonesian General Hendropriyono.

The retired Kopassus general and former head of the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency (BIN) declared his proposal to forcibly remove two million Papuans from their homeland and replace them with Indonesians.

He stated his plans for Indonesia to: ‘transmigrate these two million people to Manado and move two million Manadonese 

over to Papua. What for? So that we could racially separate them from Papuans in PNG, so that they could feel more like Indonesians instead of foreigners’.

This plan for ethnic cleansing matches the history of Indonesian population management, described as settler colonialism

 by a recent study. In 1985 the head of the Indonesian ‘Transmigration’ policy of population resettlement described the aim 

of the programme thus: ‘The different ethnic groups will in the long run disappear because of integration, and there will

 be one kind of man.’

That same day, Indonesian forces tortured and killed Mispo Gwijangge, a Papuan who was only 14 years old when he was first arrested in 2018. The 16-year-old boy was falsely charged with the killing of 17 Indonesian soldiers in Nduga, and was imprisoned and tortured for 333 days.

In Serui, Papuan elder and Chairman of West Papua National Authority (WPNA) Waropen regency, Jeremias Rabrageri was arrested by colonial Indonesian forces on December 30, 2020, along with his son, Reiner Rabrageri, after declaring his support for Benny Wenda’s provisional West Papuan government.

In the week before Christmas, 4,850 TNI soldiers were deployed to West Papua to assist the Indonesian Police. TNI soldiers were placed throughout West Papua to shut down the peaceful demonstrations marking two decades of failed special 

autonomy that ended on January 1, 2021, and the displays of support for Benny Wenda’s provisional government.

This deployment comes alongside a confession, on December 23, by an Indonesian military chief that TNI soldiers tortured, murdered and burned two West Papuan brothers in their custody. The bodies of Luther and Apinus Zanambani were 

then thrown into a river in April 2020.

This is not the only recent execution they have carried out, on October 26, 2020, Catholic Catechist Rufinus Tigau 

was also murdered by the TNI in a village raid.

 

Protestors arrested for demonstrating against human rights abuses 

On the anniversary of Indonesia’s 1961 attempted invasion of West Papua, on December 19, Indonesian police 

arrested both Indonesians and Papuans who came together to peacefully protest 59 years of human rights abuses. 

Lombok was the signing place of a notorious treaty between Indonesia and Australia, in which the latter promised to avoid upsetting Indonesia’s occupation of West Papua.

Indonesian police attacked West Papuan students peacefully protesting against Indonesian human rights abuses, 

arresting 18 students in Nabire on December 10, 2020.

Fourteen members of the National Committee for West Papua (KNPB) were also arrested in Merauke and accused of

 treason on December 12, including chairman of the Merauke branch Charles Sraun, by Indonesian police, who 

also destroyed the KNPB office. They remain incarcerated and their families have been denied visitation rights.

 

Indonesian state propaganda faking ‘Special Autonomy’ support

In December Australian and British media began investigating the Indonesian government’s use of propagandaand

 fake social media accounts.

Indonesian intelligence has been running a coordinated social media campaign to discredit the West Papuan 

independence movement, attributing online posts supporting Indonesia’s colonisation to UK politicians and Australian officials.

This followed a Bellingcat investigation exposing Indonesia’s creation of fake profiles to disseminate pro-occupation

 propaganda that have flooded Facebook and Twitter in the past 12 months.

 

The brutality of the Indonesian state is not going unnoticed anymore, however. On January 12, 2021, the

 Netherlands became the 83rd international state calling for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to be 

allowed into West Papua.

This comes after similar calls by the UK government on November 11, 2020, following a declaration of concern 

over killings of Papuans by Indonesian forces by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

————————————————-

2) Spatial access to health care: a case study on community health centers in Asmat District, Papua, Indonesia

January 2021Journal of Public Health Policy 
DOI: 10.1057/s41271-020-00267-6 

Abstract

In recent decades, access to primary health care has become a crucial issue for health policy planners and researchers. One of the fundamental problems is inequitable access to health care due to imbalanced resource distributions between health care providers and population location. Accordingly, this study aims to examine the spatial access to Community Health Centers (CHC) in the Asmat district, one of the most isolated regions in Papua, Indonesia. We conducted the study using a two-step floating catchment area (2SFCA) method to quantify accessibility value to primary health care of each village in the district of Asmat. By taking five distance thresholds ranging from 5 to 25 km with an increment of 5 km, the results indicate that distance has a varying impact on each village. For example, within a 5-km distance threshold, 74% of villages have a zero score or have no access to CHCs, 22% have a score < 100, while only 4% of villages have a score > 100 or meet the minimum score recommended by World Health Organization (WHO). Two major related factors of these geographic disparities are the unequal distribution of CHCs and the high population dispersion. As an attempt to provide equal access to health care services, these results suggest that spatial access should be conscientiously considered by health planners and policy makers.

————————————————-




A google translate. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic.
Original Bahasa link at.


3) Intan Jaya Conflict (5): A Deadly New Armed Conflict

Papua No.1 News Portal | Jubi






















Timeline of violence in Intan Jaya - Jubi infographic


Jayapura, Jubi - On August 1, 2019, TPNPB held a meeting of Reunification and Declaration of Unity and Unity of the
TPNPB-Free Papua Organization in Ilaga, Puncak Regency. [1] The meeting was attended by the leaders of the 
Regional Defense Command (Kodap) Commander, including the Supreme Commander of the TPNPB General 
Goliat Tabuni, TPNPB General Operations Commander Maj. Gen. Lekagak Telenggen, Commander of the Murib 
Military Command Command, Commander of the Military Command Command, Brigadier General Penny Murib, 
and Commander of the Military Command TPNPB Brig. . Kodap is the name of the TPNPB territorial unit, which is usually based on the district administration in Papua. 
After the TPNPB Summit in Biak Numfor on May 1-5 2012, TPNPB has 33 Kodap throughout Papua. The meeting of the Supreme Commander of the TPNPB General Goliat Tabuni with the Kodap Commander which
took place in Ilaga on 1 August 2019 was their continued consolidation to respond to the formation of the West Papua 
Army by the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and the West Papua Revolutionary Army (TRWP) 
in Vanimo, Papua New Guinea on May 1, 2019. With the declaration read by the Secretary of the Supreme Commander of the TPNPB, Anton Obed Tabuni, the TPNPB 
leaders rejected the formation of the West Papua Army. The meeting also agreed on the need to continue the TPNPB 
resistance in Tembagapura and Nduga Regency.

After the meeting, a group of TPNPB traveled to Tembagapura, Mimika Regency. They crossed Intan Jaya Regency, 
and arrived at Pugisiga, Hitadipa District. On October 25, 2019, they held a rock burning in Pugisiga. In the midst of the 
rock-burning atmosphere, three motorcycle taxi drivers passed through Pugisiga, provoking the anger of TPNPB 
members. Instantly, they killed the three motorcycle taxi drivers, Rizal (31), Herianto (31), and La Soni (25). They said
 the three victims were spies for the security forces. They also canceled their travel plans to Tembagapura. 

 The murder of the three motorcycle taxi drivers accelerated the formation of a new TNI territorial command in Intan 
Jaya. Since 2016, the TNI has continued to expand its territorial command in Papua, marked by the inauguration of 
the XVIII / Kasuari Military Region Command in West Papua on 19 December 2016. [2] After that, the TNI planned the 
expansion of the Military District Command (Kodim, its establishment based on district / city administrative areas, in 
charge of several new Sub-District Military Command or Koramil) in Papua. On September 27, 2019, the TNI changed
 its organizational structure, by forming three Joint Regional Defense Command (Kogabwilhan). The amendment follows 
Presidential Decree Number 27 of 2019 concerning the Establishment of a Joint Defense Area Command and the 
Status Improvement of 23 Type B Military Resort Commands to Type A. TNI Commander Marshal Hadi Tjahjanto 
inaugurated three Joint Regional Defense Command (Kogabwilhan) in a ceremony held at Squadron 17 Base Air 
Halim Perdanakusuma, Jakarta, on September 27, 2019.



Assistant Operations to the Commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces, Maj. Gen. Ganip Warsito, a high ranking 
Army officer, was appointed as Commander of Kogabwilhan III. Rear Admiral Yudo Margono, who previously served 
as Commander of the Indonesian Navy's Fleet I Command, was appointed Commander of Kogabwilhan I. Meanwhile,
Rear Marshal Fadjar Prasetyo, who was previously Commander of Operational Command I TNI AU, was appointed 
Commander of Kogabwilhan II Marshal Muda Fadjar Prasetyo. [3] The Kogabwilhan operation area is divided into three defense areas. In detail, Kogabwilhan I covers land areas, namely 
Sumatra, West Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, DKI, West Java and Banten. Sea area: waters around Sumatra, West 
Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, DKI, West Java, Banten and ALKI-1 and their surrounding waters. Airspace: areas over 
Sumatra, West Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, DKI, West Java, Banten and ALKI-1 and their surrounding waters. 
The command headquarters is located in Tanjung Pinang. [4] While the Kogabwilhan II area covers land areas: East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, North Kalimantan, Sulawesi, 
Central Java, East Java, Bali, NTB, NTT. Sea Area: waters around East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, North 
Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Central Java, East Java, Bali, NTB, NTT and ALKI-2 as well as ALKI-3a and the surrounding
waters. Airspace: areas over East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, North Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Central Java, 
East Java, Bali, NTB, NTT and ALKI-2 as well as ALKI-3a and the surrounding waters. The Command Headquarters is 
domiciled in Balikpapan. [5] The Kogabwilhan III area covers areas, land: Maluku, North Maluku, Papua. Sea Area: Waters around Maluku, 
North Maluku, Papua and ALKI-3b and 3c and their surrounding waters. Airspace: areas over Maluku, North Maluku, 
Papua and ALKI-3b and 3c and their surrounding waters. The Command Headquarters is located in Biak. [6] The 2014 Indonesian Defense White Paper mentions the Joint Regional Defense Command as part of the Military 
Defense Title. "The formation of the Joint Defense Areas Command is carried out in an integrated manner by the 
Indonesian Army, Navy and Air Force in accordance with the geographical conditions of the Indonesian territory." [7]

The Indonesian Defense White Paper plans to change the territorial title based on the Military Regional Command 
(Kodam) of the Indonesian Army to conform to the Kogabwilhan structure which emphasizes the three-dimensional 
defense function (AD, AL and AU). "The strength of the Kodam and its staff is projected to conform to the structure of 
the Joint Regional Defense Command (Kogabwilhan). To integrate with the structure of the Kogabwilhan title, the title
of the Regional Command of the Indonesian Army in the future is arranged in a elastic manner and adapted to the 
geographical conditions of the region, so as to allow interoperability of the implementation of the defense function in an 
Integrated Trimatra within the Kogabwilhan structure. "[8] On 29 September 2019, Cenderawasih Pos announced plans for the 173 / Praja Vira Braja Military Resort Command 
(Korem 173 / PVB) based in Biak to form four new Kodim. The four new Kodim will be formed in Deiyai ​​Regency,
Paniai Regency, Puncak Regency and Intan Jaya Regency. [9] After the shooting of three motorcycle taxi drivers in Pugisiga Village, the TNI continued to increase its troops at 
Intan Jaya. The sending of large numbers of TNI troops also occurred in December 2019, when TNI soldiers from
outside Papua were sent to Sugapa, the capital of Intan Jaya Regency, by helicopter. They were immediately
deployed in various districts in Intan Jaya, including in Hitadipa District. In Hitadipa, a district which only has 5,366 inhabitants, the TNI established the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil. 
TNI soldiers occupied YPPGI Elementary School and Hitadipa One Roof Junior High School, and transformed 
the school into the Headquarters of the Hitadipa Preparatory Koramil. Principal of SD YPPGI and SMP One Roof Hitadipa, Rode Zanambani, said teaching and learning activities for 
around 300 students stopped after the TNI was based there. "All of our students, our teachers, are no longer in
school. We asked them not to use our school building, and not to live in Hitadipa. If there is a Koramil, why should
it be at school, at the mission station? Other servants of God were depressed. You can't teach, you can't serve, ”said Rode, who is also the daughter
of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani. [10]

Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (1) 
Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (2) 
Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (3) 
Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (4) 
footnote


[1] https://suarapapua.com/2019/08/14/perkuat-tpnpb-goliat-tabuni-cs-tolak-organisasi-tandingan/

[10] Wawancara, Rode Zanambani, 23 Oktober 2020.

——————-

No comments:

Post a Comment

Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.