Monday, December 28, 2020

1) Indonesia: Catholic seminarian killed in Papua province


2) Top Indonesian palm oil developments in 2020
3) Kontras urges authorities to try Papua shooting cases in civilian courts

4) Papuans in Jakarta, Yogya mark anniversary of 1961 Trikora operation

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1) Indonesia: Catholic seminarian killed in Papua province 
News Date  Dec 28th, 2020

On Christmas Eve, the body of Catholic seminarian Zhage Sil, was found in a ditch in Jayapura, in the Indonesian province of Papua. According to the local police, the perpetrators of the crime are still unknown.

The news of Sil's death shocked Catholics in Papua and throughout Indonesia. Beka Ulung Hapsara, National Commissioner for Human Rights in Indonesia asked that "the police quickly investigate and find the perpetrators of the murder. There is an urgent need to apply the law in a fair and transparent manner."

The community of Sorong-Manokwari, the diocese to which Sil belonged, has received many messages of condolence from religious and lay leaders condemning the killing.

"I am shocked by his sudden and tragic death. He would have become a deacon next year and a diocesan priest immediately after", said Fr Johan, parish priest in the diocese of Jayapura, Papua. Fr Johan, who knew Sil personally, added: "He was a courageous person who cared about people's needs and was not afraid to raise his voice, especially when it came to justice. We hope to receive clear news about his death soon."

Sil was among the young people often engaged in demanding justice for the province of Papua, and protesting over racism against the Papuan people.

The news of the murder went viral on social media and once again drew attention to the plight of Indonesian Papuans. In October, lay Catholic Rufinus Tigau, a catechist in the district was also killed for no reason by the national security forces.

At the beginning of December, a strong appeal for dialogue and reconciliation in order to resolve the conflict in the Indonesian region of Papua was launched by 147 Indonesian Catholic priests, working in Papua.

There have been numerous episodes of violence and continuous violations of human rights perpetrated by Indonesian security forces, who have killed and injured civilians and pastoral workers of Catholic and Protestant churches in this area of the country, which has a strong Christian presence.

In Papua, there have been disputes between the local population and central government of Jakarta for years. The central government has responded to the separatist turmoil with a military presence that has increased tension.

The diocese of Manokwari-Sorong is located in the province of West Papua. It covers an area of 111 thousand square kilometres, with a total population of 761,000 inhabitants, including about 79,000 Catholics. 


Tags: IndonesiaPapuaManokwari-SorongJakartaZhage Sil

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2) Top Indonesian palm oil developments in 2020
by Hans Nicholas Jong on 28 December 2020

  • A persistent pandemic, falling palm oil prices and escalating conflicts failed to slow the environmental and social fallouts from the growth of the palm oil industry in Indonesia, the world’s biggest producer of the commodity.
  • There’s growing fear over accelerated deforestation to clear land for more plantations as the government continues to promote palm oil-based biodiesel — even as others refuse to recognize it as a renewable fuel.
  • The country’s new palm oil frontier, in the forests of Papua, is tainted by allegations of falsified permits and violence against Indigenous communities.
  • At the same time, new legislation exempts plantation operators from environmental requirements and allows for the whitewashing of illegal plantations in forests.

As global demand for edible oil keeps growing, palm oil has enjoyed unprecedented growth both in consumption and production. Used in everything from chocolate to ice-cream, lipstick to shampoo, palm oil is now the most consumed vegetable oil in the world. The COVID-19 pandemic, however, has brought a halt to the palm oil industry’s growth streak as nations enforce lockdown of varying degrees. But 2020 has been far from an uneventful year for the industry. Here are the highlights of palm oil stories from 2020 in Indonesia — by far the world’s biggest producer and exporter of the commodity — ranging from a diplomatic spat, to shady corporate conduct, to corruption and deforestation.


Indonesia’s biodiesel program  

Since 2015, the Indonesian government has subsidized producers of palm oil-based biodiesel to ensure its pump price is competitive with conventional diesel. The subsidy is funded by tariffs on palm oil exports, but a drop in the price of the commodity this year due to the COVID-19 pandemic has caused a shortfall that’s forced the government to pony up $195 million from the state budget to cover the subsidy.

That figure is only expected to swell over time as the government proceeds with a plan to gradually phase out conventional diesel altogether for a blend that is 100% derived from palm oil, or B100. The biodiesel now being sold at gas stations across Indonesia is a 30% blend, or B30. A new study by the University of Indonesia’s Institute for Economic and Social Research (LPEM UI) shows that if the government hikes the blend by 2025 to B50, a 50:50, then the of subsidy required will surge to $60 billion. Activists are also worried that the biodiesel program will lead to wider deforestation for oil palm plantations: the government has estimated it will need to establish 15 million hectares (37 million acres) of new plantations — an area a fifth the size of Borneo — to produce enough palm oil-based biodiesel to meet domestic fuel demand.

Already officials have acknowledged the overwhelming financial pressure: an energy ministry official recently told parliament that Indonesia is unlikely to move ahead from the B30 phase to B40 next year as planned due to funding woes. Instead, the government will maintain the B30 phase, which it also concedes is already a financial challenge.


EU-Indonesia dispute

Tensions between the European Union and Indonesia over palm oil continued to rise in 2020.

The dispute started in 2017, when the European Parliament issued a resolutioneffectively refusing to recognize palm oil as a renewable biofuel feedstock because of the deforestation, social conflicts and labor rights abuses associated with its production. In 2019, the European Commission approved the policy, which puts the bloc on track to phase out palm oil as a biofuel. While often framed as a ban on palm oil-based biofuels, this is not the case, as EU member states will still be able to import and use palm oil-based biodiesel. It’s just that the fuel will no longer be considered a renewable fuel and thus won’t be eligible for the attendant tax incentives.

On top of that, the EU also decided in 2019 to impose an import tariff on biodiesel from Indonesia, set at between 8% and 18% over the next five years. It cited both environmental concerns and the need to balance out what it called the unfair advantage to Indonesian producers as a result of the country’s biodiesel subsidy.

Both decisions have been criticized by Indonesia and Malaysia, which together account for 85% of global palm oil production, and which allege discrimination by the EU in favor of producers of other vegetable oils. In December 2019 the Indonesian government initiated a lawsuit at the World Trade Organization. The WTO establisheda panel to oversee the dispute this July and appointed its members in November.

That hasn’t stopped individual European countries from imposing their own restrictions on palm oil-based biodiesel this year. In, France excluded the fuel from its renewable energy tax incentives for transport fuels, citing environmental concerns. And recently, the Swiss Constitutional Court decided to schedule a referendum for March 7, 2021, in which voters will determine whether Indonesian palm oil products may enter Switzerland.

At a December ministerial meeting between the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Indonesian foreign minister lobbied her EU counterparts on the palm oil issue. ASEAN and the EU have agreed to establish a joint working group on the matter, which will meet for the first time in January 2021.


Omnibus law 

In October, the Indonesian parliament passed a so-called omnibus law on job creation, a sweeping slate of deregulation that overhauls the way the country manages its natural and human resources, including the plantation sector.

The law revises 26 articles and scraps seven from the 2014 Plantation Law, among other changes. Among the most significant of these pertains to the licensing process for major projects. The omnibus law scraps the requirement for developers to obtain an environmental permit. The need for environmental impact assessments is also waived for all developments except those deemed high risk. Yet even in high-risk sectors, such as oil palm plantations, the level of risk will depend on the scale of the business: a small plantation might be considered low or medium risk, whereas a corporate-run plantation might be categorized as high risk.

The omnibus law also contains numerous other provisions that impact the plantation sector. For one, the central government now has more leeway in determining the maximum and minimum sizes of plantations that may be permitted in a specific region, effectively throwing out social and environmental considerations such as population density, geography, and zoning plans. It also speeds up the time frame in which plantation operators must start developing their concessions, from three years to two.

Operators found not to be protecting the environment or keeping firefighting equipment at hand will not lose their permits, in another major change to the regulations. And those found operating without a permit will no longer face criminal charges, only administrative sanctions.

The omnibus law also allows plantation companies operating illegally in forest areas to whitewash their crime, by giving them a three-year grace period to obtain the necessary permits.


Tanah Merah

Having depleted the forests of Sumatra and Borneo, palm oil companies are eyeing Indonesia’s easternmost region of Papua as the new frontier for plantation expansion, with millions of hectares of pristine rainforest ripe to be logged and cleared.

At the heart of this expansion plan is the Tanah Merah project, billed as the world’s largest oil palm plantation project, which stretches over 280,000 hectares (692,000 acres) of mostly primary forest.

But the project is mired in a litany of controversies, with permits being issued by an official from behind bars, Indigenous peoples being coerced into giving up their lands, and fake nominees being used to hide the true identities of the investors benefiting from the project.

All these are detailed in a 2018 investigation by Mongabay and The Gecko Project. In 2019, another investigation revealed allegations that plantation permits for the seven concessions in Tanah Merah had been falsified, with a top regional official saying his signature had been forged. A similar allegation, around a faked environmental permit, has also bogged down a major sawmill poised to process $6 billion worth of timber to be logged in the area.

But despite these allegations of wrongdoing, land clearing has already started, with approximately 8,300 hectares (20,500 acres) of rainforest, an area nearly the size of Paris, deforested on the basis of these shady permits. One of the biggest concession holders, PT Indo Asiana Lestari (IAL), has control over a 39,190-hectare (96,840-acre) swath of land and has begun moving in heavy equipment.

This has prompted members of the Indigenous Auyu tribe to protest, alleging that the company failed to obtain the required permits or get approval from the tribe for its operations.

Korindo

Not far from the Tanah Merah project, another scandal is unfolding. This one involves the Korindo Group, a privately owned conglomerate that has been logging Indonesia’s rainforests since the 1970s.

A collaborative investigation in 2020 by Mongabay, The Gecko Project, the Korean Center for Investigative Journalism-Newstapa and Al Jazeera exposed a $22 million “consultancy” payment made by the company to an unnamed “expert” who had helped obtain the rights to develop a vast oil palm plantation in Papua province — even though permits for plantations have no significant official costs in Indonesia.

The payment was made at a critical juncture as Korindo rapidly grew its operations in Papua. Between 2009 and 2014, through this deal and several other concessions for which it obtained licenses directly from the government, Korindo acquired the rights to an area of land in the province twice the size of Seoul, the South Korean capital.

Korindo has given conflicting explanations for the payment, first describing it as a “consultancy fee” paid to this “expert” who helped it gain the requisite land rights, but later describing it as part of a “straightforward share purchase transaction.”

Anti-corruption experts who reviewed the payment said it matched a typology of corruption schemes in which sham consultants are used as a front to channel bribes to government officials. The conglomerate has refuted this as “false news.”

Activists have called for a financial probe into Korindo by the the national anti-corruption agency, known as the KPK, which should look into the flow of the money through the banking systems of at least two countries, including the U.S.

They have also called for the protection of the rights of Indigenous communities affected by the company’s oil palm operations. In May, Papuan farmer Marius Betera was allegedly beaten by a police officer at a Korindo field office. Marius had gone there to complain about Korindo’s destruction of his banana farm. He died some two hours later. Authorities moved quickly to attribute his death to a heart attack, but the alleged assault was caught on CCTV camera belonging to Korindo. The video has not been made public. Human rights observers say it’s important to publish the video to ensure the investigation by the police of one of their own is impartial, in a region notorious for human rights abusesincluding extrajudicial killings, by government security forces.


Missed 2020 deadline

In light of intense criticisms over the palm oil industry’s impact on the environment, with plantations among the biggest drivers of deforestation in the tropics, players in the industry have vowed to stop clearing and burning forest and carbon-rich peat soils, and stop buying palm oil from unsustainable sources.

Processors, traders and major consumer brands have adopted zero-deforestation pledges for their palm oil supply chains. Big buyers such as Nestlé and P&G have committed to ending deforestation in their supply chains by the end of 2020 through the Consumer Goods Forum pledge or through their own targets. Many have also pledged to halve deforestation globally by the same date by signing up to the New York Declaration on Forests.

Despite these pledges and self-imposed deadlines, many of the world’s biggest palm oil companies have failed to make meaningful progress in achieving their zero-deforestation targets, and won’t make the end-of-year deadline. That’s the finding of the Zoological Society of London’s (ZSL) annual assessment of 100 of the world’s most significant palm oil producers, processors and traders.

It found that while 71% of the companies assessed had made a clear and robust commitment to zero deforestation, only 42% had provide detailed information on how they were actually monitoring deforestation in their own operations. Fifty-four percent were found to be applying clear zero-deforestation commitments to their suppliers, but only 10% were able to comprehensively report on how they were monitoring this.

The ZSL assessment found similar failings on companies’ commitments not to clear peatlands, not to exploit workers, and not to burn forest.

Another report by London-based nonprofit the Carbon Disclosure Project (CDP) also found that industry-defined deforestation targets to achieve net-zero emissions are “unlikely to be met” unless producers in supply chains, including palm oil, are able to better manage their risks.

According to the report, 47% of land managed for the cultivation of palm oil is certified by the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), and thus can claim to meet deforestation standards. But the report notes that certification alone is not enough and that companies need to go beyond certification to end deforestation by rapidly improving their management of deforestation risks and opportunities.

Banner image: Forest cleared for palm oil production in Indonesia. Image by Rhett A. Butler/Mongabay.

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https://www.indoleft.org/news/2020-12-27/kontras-urges-authorities-to-try-papua-shooting-cases-in-civilian-courts.html
3) Kontras urges authorities to try Papua shooting cases in civilian courts
CNN Indonesia – December 27, 2020

Jakarta – The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) is urging the Attorney General and the Judge Advocate General to immediately to push for the shooting cases in Intan Jaya, Papua, to be heard in civilian courts.

Kontras Coordinator Fatia Maulidiyanti says that there are no grounds not to try the cases in a civilian court. Article 200 Paragraph 1 of the Law on Military Tribunals, she said, clearly explains the issue of damages caused by alleged criminal acts by members of the TNI (Indonesian military) in such incidents.

"The Attorney General and the Judge Advocate General can propose to prosecute and try these cases in a public court", said Maulidiyanti as quoted by CNN Indonesia on Sunday December 26.

As many as 17 TNI members have reportedly been declared suspects in a series of cases of violence, shootings and killings in Intan Jaya regency between April and October this year.

The cases range from the torching of a healthcare office in Hitadipa village in Intan Jaya regency, the disappearance of two people named Luther Zanambani and Apinus Zanambani who were detained by the Sugapa district military command (Koramil), the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani and the shooting of a Gembala Catholic Church official [Agustinus Dawitau] near the Sugapa Airport.

In two out of the four cases, namely the shooting of Zanambani and Dawitau, no suspects have yet been declared.

Meanwhile, in the case of the torching of the healthcare office in Hitadipa on September 19, eight TNI members have been named suspects. Then in the case of the disappearance of Luther Zanambani and Apinus Zanambani who had been detained at the Sugapa Koramil since April, nine people have been named suspects.

Maulidiyanti believes that it is important for these cases to be quickly taken before public courts bearing in mind that the legal process in military tribunals is generally closed to the public.

Throughout 2020, Kontras recorded that 114 out of a total of 196 cases of general crimes were tied by military tribunals, ranging from cases involving narcotics, fraud, cover-ups, domestic violence and immorality, where sentences were less than a year.

"This of course shows a high level of criminal disparity if compared with sentences handed down for similar crimes for civilian defendants in public courts", said Maulidiyanti.

In addition to urging the Attorney General and the Judge Advocate General to prosecute these cases in a public court, Kontras is also asking the TNI to continue the inquiries and criminal investigations in order to fully investigate and name suspects in these cases.

Kontras is also urging the House of Representatives (DPR) Commission I and Commission III to prioritise and schedule deliberations on revisions to Law Number 31/1997 on Military Tribunals, which has yet to be brought into line with the spirit of reformasi – the political reform process that began in 1998.

"The Indonesian government [should] make policies which are comprehensive in paying attention to the problems in Papua in order to prevent the continuation of violent practices which endanger the safety of civilian", concluded Maulidiyanti. (thr/ayp)

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was "KontraS Desak Kasus Intan Jaya Disidang di Pengadilan Sipil".]

Source: https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20201226165605-12-586503/kontras-desak-kasus-intan-jaya-disidang-di-pengadilan-sipil


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4) Papuans in Jakarta, Yogya mark anniversary of 1961 Trikora operation


Arah Juang – December 21, 2020

The Indonesian People's Front for West Papua (FRI-WP) and the Papuan Student Alliance (AMP) again launched actions in several parts of the country on December 19. This time the actions took up the theme, "Trikora: The Start of Indonesia's Colonisation of the West Papua Nation".

Jakarta

In Jakarta, around 50 protesters from the AMP, the FRI-WP and the Papuan Central Highlands Indonesian Student Association (AMPTPI) gathered at the Horse Statue in Central Jakarta at 11.30 am. While the demonstrators were in the process of getting ready, security personnel began harassing them.

"A new regulation is now in force. Anyone who wants to hold an action must take a [Covid-19] rapid test. If not, we will be forced to close down the action! We even dispersed the FPI [Islamic Defenders Front]!", shouted one of the police officers.

The action coordinator along with several protesters then went to a rapid test post to ask the staff if they had a government document to this effect from the Covid-19 Task Force. It turned out however that they did not.

Following this, 15 people from a reactionary group arrived holding banners and nationalist red-and-white flags and shouting "The NKRI [the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia] is Non-negotiable, Disburse!". One of them also referred to the protesters as monkeys, a racist slur reminiscent of the racist attack on a Papuan student dormitory in Surabaya one year ago.

At around 12.30 pm, one of the demonstrators was grabbed by police and put in a vehicle. The incident started when the protesters wanted to unfurl a banner and hand out posters. A scuffle broke out with demonstrators, police and TNI (Indonesian military) officers pushing and shoving each other. The posters and banner were then sized by security personnel. The protesters demanded that their comrade be released immediately, and several minutes later they were let go. The demonstrators then continued the action with speeches although only two people were able to speak because of harassment by security personnel and the reactionary group.

Papuan student Roland Levy said that the security forces' actions were an attempt to silence the Papuan students. "It's not just this time that this has happened. Before it also happened to the East Timorese people when they tried to convey their aspirations", said Levy in a speech alluding to the hired mob trying to stop the action.

Around two hours after the rally began, the atmosphere had become such that it was impossible for the demonstrators to continue the action. The police and TNI had become increasingly repressive to the point that they were unable to read out a statement.

The protesters then returned to the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) offices on foot. During the march the students shouted "Papua is not the red-and-white" and "Free Papua".

Yogyakarta

In the Central Java city of Yogyakarta, protests from the AMP, the FRI-WP and the AMPTPI gathered at the Papuan student dormitory in Kamasan to hold an action commemorating Trikora – the start of Indonesia's colonisation of the West Papuan nation.

At 10 am the demonstrators began forming lines holding banners then marched from the student dormitory to the zero kilometre point in front of the central post office. Throughout the march, the action coordinator gave speeches about the history of the West Papuan nation's independence which only survived for 18 days because it was forced to summit to Indonesia's power through the Trikora operation which was announced by Indonesia's founding president Sukarno on December 19, 1961.

In addition to this, the action was enlivened with shouts of "Free Papua!", "Papua is not the red-and-white!", "Referendum, yes! Otsus, no!", "Revoke the Omnibus Law" and other demands taken up by the protesters that day.

Upon arriving at the zero kilometre point, the demonstrators were greeted by several police officers who had been on guard. The police asked them to form a circle in front of the post office and continue to maintain health protocols.

Several other organisations such as Socialist Study Circle (LSS), the Indonesian Student League for Democracy National Committee (LMND-DN), Yogyakarta Student Horizon (CMY) and the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation (Pembebasan) who joined the action in solidarity with the Papuan students, also gave political speeches on the human rights violations taking place in Papua and calling for a referendum as a democratic solution to overcome the conflict in Papua.

The two actions in Jakarta and Yogyakarta took up a number of demands including:

1. Calling for the right to self-determination as a democratic solution for Papua.

2. Rejecting the extension of the Special Autonomy Law (Otsus).

3. Calling for human rights violators in Papua to be arrested and tried.

4. An end to military operations in Nduga, Intan Jaya, Puncak Jaya, Puncak Papua and other parts of West Papua.

5. An end to the theft of land and natural resources in Papua.

6. An end to the criminalisation of pro-democracy activists.

7. That the Indonesian government acknowledges West Papuan independence and return to the West Papua national manifesto.

8. The withdrawal of all organic and non-organic troops from West Papua.

9. The closure of the Freeport gold-and-copper mine, the LNG Tangguh gas field operated by BP, the MNC Group LNG plant, the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE), the Freeport Wabu Block in Intan Jaya and other projects which are the masterminds behind humanitarian crimes in West Papua.

10. That in accordance with international law the United Nations must pass a resolution returning independence to the nation of West Papua which declared independence on December 1, 1961.

11. That democratic space and access be given to journalists from the national and international media in West Papua.

12. An end to racial discrimination and Indonesian colonialist programs in West Papua.

13. Halting the construction of a cement factory in the Satar Punda village in East Manggarai regency.

14. Halting the construction of a super-premium tourist facility in the Komodo National Park.

15. The release of all Papuan political prisoners.

16. The enactment of the Draft Law on the Elimination of Sexual Violence (RUU-PKS)

Notes

Operation Trikora was declared by Indonesian founding President Sukarno in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on December 19, 1961. It was an Indonesian military operation aimed at harassing and forcing the Dutch out of Netherlands New Guinea in 1961-62 rather than one intended to suppress a nascent independence movement.

Although it is widely held that West Papua declared independence from Indonesia on December 1, 1961, this actually marks the date when the Morning Star (Bintang Kejora) flag was first raised alongside the Dutch flag in an officially sanctioned ceremony in Jayapura, then called Hollandia. The first declaration of independence actually took place on July 1, 1971 at the Victoria Headquarters when the Free Papua Movement unilaterally proclaimed West Papua as an independent nation.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was "Aksi Trikora: Awal dari Penjajahan Indonesia Terhadap Bangsa West Papua".]

Source: https://www.arahjuang.com/2020/12/21/aksi-trikora-awal-dari-penjajahan-indonesia-terhadap-bangsa-west-papua/

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