When Joko Widodo, better known as Jokowi, became Indonesia’s president in 2014, he pledged to improve social services in the restive Indonesian province of West Papua, where a pro-independence movement has been brewing since the 1960s. At the time, Jokowi claimed that once these improvements occurred, “the political tension [in West Papua] will drop.”
That did not happen. In reality, tensions have only escalated since Jokowi’s election, particularly after his reelection in 2019. Papuan pro-independence and anti-racism activism has grown, deepening rifts between the government and Papuans, along with their Indonesian allies.
Jokowi has tried to paper over Papuans’ grievances through increased infrastructure development in the province and, unlike his predecessors, by regularly visiting West Papua. Earlier this month, for instance, he appeared at the opening of Indonesia’s National Games Week, held this year in West Papua, where, in an undoubtably carefully staged event, he played soccer with Papuan boys who were clad in red-and-white attire, the colors of the Indonesian flag. But these overtures can’t hide the fact that Jokowi’s second term has been marked by increasingly authoritarian policies toward West Papua, which will likely bolster a pro-independence movement that is already gathering momentum.
In 1949, when Indonesia formally gained independence from its colonizer, the Netherlands, the European country did not also relinquish control of its nearby colonial territory, West New Guinea (now known as West Papua). But Indonesia’s first president, Sukarno, considered West New Guinea part of his country due to their shared experience of colonial rule as part of the Dutch East Indies. His administration thus waged a campaign to gain control of the territory.
Under pressure from the United States, in 1962, the Netherlands undertook negotiations with Indonesia without the involvement of Papuans. The New York Agreement was thus born, whereby the Netherlands pledged to transfer control of West New Guinea to the United Nations and then to Indonesia.
Once Indonesia gained control of the territory, in 1969, it held a sham referendum to determine whether Papuans wanted West Papua to be integrated into Indonesia or to be independent. Ironically named the Act of Free Choice, the referendum involvedless than 1 percent of Papuans, who were coerced into voting in favor of integration.
Since then, Papuans have fought for independence through both peaceful protests and armed struggle, although Indonesia has often made little distinction between the two. Pro-independence Papuans view Indonesian rule over West Papua as a form of colonialism and argue that West Papua should be independent due to ethnic and religious differences: While Indonesians are predominantly Muslim, Papuans are largely Christian. They also identify as Melanesian, unlike most Indonesians. The independence movement is also motivated by the human rights abuses perpetrated by the Indonesian army and other security forces in West Papua since the 1960s, including killings, torture, rape, and imprisonment. Many members of the army and other security forces have not been tried for their involvement in these human rights violations.
Jokowi’s first term as president was marked by some promising developments for West Papua. His government released at least 32 Papuan political prisoners, including key independence activist Filep Karma, who had served 10 years of a 15-year sentence for raising the Morning Star flag, the banned flag of the Papuan independence movement. During his first term, Jokowi also pledged to remove long-standing restrictions that limited foreign journalists’ access to West Papua.
Yet after Jokowi’s May 2019 reelection, in a disturbing sign of his lack of concern about human rights in West Papua, he appointed his opponent in the election, former Lt. Gen. Prabowo Subianto, as defense minister that October—despite the fact that Prabowo had been implicated in multiple human rights abuses, including killing civilians in West Papua in 1996.
Three months after Jokowi’s reelection, in the Indonesian city of Surabaya, Indonesian nationalists and soldiers were filmed referring to Papuan students in the city as monyet (the Indonesian word for monkeys), a racist term long used by Indonesians to frame Papuans as primitive and backward. Footage of this incident made the rounds on social media and, in response, large anti-racism and pro-independence protests heldby Papuans and attended by Indonesians broke out across West Papua and other parts of Indonesia. Many were peaceful, but in some cases protesters damaged infrastructure.
Jokowi’s administration then sent 6,000 soldiers into West Papua, cut internet in the province, banned foreign nationals, and blocked requests by foreign diplomats and the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua. The administration claimed that these measures were necessary to enable Indonesia to restore “security and order” in West Papua and to ensure that foreigners were not harmed as a result of the “security situation” in the province.
This argument is highly questionable. The government’s actions constitute an attempt to prevent international scrutiny of the human rights situation and to justify curtailing Papuans’ freedom of expression and restricting the press in West Papua.
Additionally, Indonesia’s attorney general’s office spearheaded the prosecution of seven Papuans for participating in the protests. The government sought jail terms of up to 17 years for the individuals, some of whom belong to the key pacifist Papuan pro-independence organization, the United Liberation Movement for West Papua. In 2020, an Indonesian court sentenced them to up to 11 months in prison for treason.
Those protesters are just a handful of the 48 Papuans who, as of last December, were jailed for engaging in nonviolent resistance against the Indonesian state. Although Jokowi pledged to release all Papuan political prisoners in 2015, it seems ever more unlikely that he will do so, as his approach to West Papua has become increasingly uncompromising.
Similarly, Jokowi’s pledge that foreign journalists would be able to freely access West Papua has not materialized. Journalists still face difficulty in entering the province. Those who do manage to enter have their movement restricted and are monitored by Indonesian forces that limit their ability to report on human rights abuses.
Alarmingly, earlier this year, Indonesia’s coordinating minister for political, legal, and security affairs, Mahfud MD, designatedall armed Papuan separatists and individuals affiliated with them as terrorists under Indonesia’s counterterrorism laws, which allow individuals to be jailed for up to three weeks without charge. When he made this announcement, Mahfud argued that using violence that causes “damage or destruction” also constituted terrorism. This designation is significant. It will likely be used to detain Papuans for engaging in nonlethal civil disobedience—notably the destruction of infrastructure—or even just advocating for independence. It also helps Indonesian security forces in their attempts to justify extraordinary and extreme measures they use against pro-independence Papuans on the grounds that they ostensibly pose a security threat.
During his second term, Jokowi has thus doubled down on a securitized policy, responding to Papuan activism by further militarizing West Papua and perpetrating widespread violations of Papuans’ civil and political rights. These actions, which seek to quash the Papuan pro-independence movement, will likely backfire. They will only strengthen the movement and exacerbate Papuan hostility toward the Indonesian government.
Even Jokowi’s nonmilitaristic attempts at stamping out pro-independence sentiment won’t be enough to quell the movement. For instance, his administration is trying to accelerate economic development in the territory—a policy that was also pursued by his predecessors—by building infrastructure and providing microfinance. Despite West Papua housing the world’s largest gold mine and second-largest copper mine—which is run by Freeport-McMoRan, a U.S. mining company and the largest taxpayer in Indonesia—West Papua is the poorestprovince in Indonesia. Still, Jokowi’s focus on economically developing the province is unlikely to curb demands for Papuan independence, which run much deeper than Indonesia’s economic policies toward the territory.
In the international arena, Jokowi’s administration has responded to allegations and cases of human rights violations against West Papuans and their Indonesian supporters by denying these abuses. For example, in 2019, in response to U.N. criticism of the government’s persecution of Indonesian human rights lawyer Veronica Koman, Indonesia’s permanent mission to the U.N. argued that information that Koman posted online about human rights abuses and racism against Papuans was “false news.” Similarly, at a U.N. General Assembly session in 2020, after Vanuatu requested that Indonesia address allegations of human rights abuses in West Papua, Indonesia’s U.N. representative, Silvany Austin Pasaribu, lambasted Vanuatu for discussing “artificial human rights concerns.”
Vanuatu, however, is one of the few nations that supports the Papuan independence movement. The United States, Australia, countries in Southeast Asia, and many other states supportIndonesian rule over West Papua and are hesitant to condemnthese human rights abuses, because they prioritize their relationship with Indonesia as the world’s fourth-most-populous country and Southeast Asia’s largest market.
Early in his presidency, Jokowi stated that he wanted “the approach in Papua to change” and no longer be a “repressive security approach.” Despite this rhetoric, Jokowi chose a repressive path that is well trodden by most of his predecessors—and that he will likely continue to follow for the remainder of his presidency, unless he decides to finally abide by the pledge he made during a visit to West Papua in 2014 to “listen to the [Papuan] people’s voices.”
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Papua is known as a producer for a plethora of unique natural products, one of which is its Arabica coffee beans traditionally harvested from forests on the hillsides in the central highlands of Papua, spreading from the Bintang Highlands to Dogiyai District.
Arabica coffee cultivation in Papua was first introduced by missionaries in the 1970s who reportedly planted coffee trees to cover the operational costs of flying a small plane to the rurals of Sentani or Nabire. Eventually, the coffee became a commodity for the residents of Papua highlands.
This coffee grows on lands situated 1,600-2,000 meters above sea level. The high altitudes and low temperatures where the coffee crops are grown contribute to the unique taste once it reaches millions of coffee cups in the world.
According to Papuan Archaeological Center researcher Hari Suroto, this coffee is grown organically and “only rely on nature and manually handled by hand [in its post-harvest processes.”
However, he said the current global warming and climate change, made worse by land use changes, had affected the quality of the commodity as coffee grown in Papua was sensitive and prone to diseases. Proof for the global warming effects can be seen from the melting ice glaciers at Puncak Jaya,.
“The increase in temperature amid the climate change is feared to spark the emergence of more pests and diseases that can attack the Arabica crops,” he said.
In order to preserve it, low-temperatures on the highlands must be maintained, which was viable by preserving Papua’s tropical forests and land restorations. He also mentioned the possibility of cultivating Arabica coffee with better supporting plants that can reduce the direct exposure of sunlight to the coffee cherries and also help fix the area’s land structure.
Read: Sandiaga Uno to Develop Indonesian Coffee Trail
TEMPO.CO | RINI KUSTIANI
During a coordination meeting at the Papua Governor's Office on Saturday, he informed that the 196,120 residents are among the approximately 2.1 million extremely poor nationwide, who will be targeted by the poverty alleviation program in 2021.
“In 2021, we will resolve extreme poverty in around 2.1 million citizens spread in seven provinces, including Papua, where five districts (of the province) are prioritized in 2021,” the Vice President said.
Related news: West Papua government should resolve extreme poverty by 2021-end: Amin
According to Amin, the five Papuan districts were prioritized based on the percentage of extreme poverty levels combined with the number of extremely poor people in the area.
“Especially for the five districts in Papua that are prioritized in 2021, the number of extremely poor people is 196,120, with a total of extremely poor households reaching 89,500,” he expounded.
While 30.84 percent or 67,720 of the 196,120 targeted Papuan residents are from Jayawijaya district, 26.53 percent or 35,180 are from Puncak Jaya district, 30.52 percent or 54,920 are from Lanny Jaya district, 29.19 percent or 14,200 are from Central Mamberamo district, and 32.48 percent or 24,100 are from Deiyai district, he informed.
Related news: Amin sees extreme poverty rate dipping to 8% by 2024
The targeted residents have been identified based on a global measurement by the World Bank that has defined the extreme poor as those who are living on less than $1.9 per day, Amin explained.
Regarding the handling of extreme poverty in 2021, the Vice President emphasized that there is no problem regarding funding because the government has adequate funds to resolve extreme poverty.
"However, the biggest challenge now is how to make these programs convergent and integrated into targeting the same target," he added.
Therefore, the Vice President has instructed all levels of the Papuan provincial government to prioritize the convergence of programs from ministries and non-ministerial government institutions so that the assistance is accurately distributed to beneficiaries.
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The house serves as a workshop where Khusni Hidayat produces many types of valuable crocodile leather products, assisted by two workers who are also his relatives.
Their skillful hands can create many fashion accessories such as bags, belts, wallets, and shoes.
In fact, their products have become icons of the easternmost city in Indonesia. It is not difficult to find a shop that sells them in Merauke district.
However, making products from crocodile skin takes a long time as processing the raw materials into high-value products takes special skills.
Related news: Conservation office calls for a halt to crocodile-catching contest
The process
Processing crocodile leather involves a long list of processes, starting with buying raw materials, Hidayat explained.
The materials are usually obtained from Papua Jaya Cooperatives, which is fostering 62 craftsmen groups in Merauke district, he informed.
Next is the tannery process, which involves cleaning the crocodile skin using chemicals and preparing it for drying, Hidayat said.
The drying process takes up to two weeks as the craftsmen still use the traditional drying method without the use of any machines, he informed. Then, the raw materials are ready to be made into products, he added.
Hidayat – who is also the owner of Rizky Leather Shop on Irian Siringgu Street – said that making crocodile products takes different amounts of time depending on the intricateness of the item.
"For instance, we can make 10 wallets each day. However, it does not comprise the painting process," Hidayat explained.
The coloring process involves the use of a special paint that is suitable for the material, he said.
Completed crocodile leather products are sold for prices ranging from Rp50 thousand to tens of millions of rupiahs, he informed.
Meanwhile, another craftsperson, Wika, said that crocodile skin can cost Rp50 thousand to Rp70 thousand per inch.
"However, the leather has not been tanned. If it has been tanned, it will be more expensive due to additional charge," he added.
In addition, the owner of the Charisma Leather shop said that the advantage of crocodile leather products is their durability and they also do not require any special care.
"The wallets can be used for up to 10 years without being damaged. The color may fade; however, it can be repainted," Wika explained.
Furthermore, genuine crocodile leather products acknowledged by the local government come with a hologram sticker that says ‘Genuine and Certified Crocodile Leather Products fostered by Papua Natural Resources Conservation Center (BBKSDA)’, he added.
The hologram guarantees that the raw material was obtained from legal crocodile breeding sites, he said.
Related news: Indonesia hosts convention on international trade in endangered species
Legality
Although Merauke district has a large population of crocodiles, it has no breeding site to supply the demand for raw crocodile leather in the district.
Hence, craftsmen still rely on supplies from outside the region, for instance, from Jayapura city.
In addition, permits for processing crocodile skin cannot be easily obtained as the crocodile is a protected animal, based on Government Regulation Number 7/1999 concerning Preservation of Plant and Animal Species.
The regulation places crocodiles in the CITES Appendix II category, which is a list of species that are not threatened with extinction, but may be threatened if their trade continues without regulation.
Moreover, the Indonesian government has issued the Forestry Ministerial Decree Number 2827/Kpts-II/2002 concerning the Designation of Freshwater and Saltwater Crocodiles as Hunting Animals in Papua Province, which regulates the utilization quotas of the reptile for entrepreneurs, breeders, and exporters.
Hidayat -- who has been in the business since 2007 – said that craftsmen in Merauke district, who are members of the Papua Jaya Cooperatives, get the raw materials from breeders in Jayapura city.
"Every year, we have to propose the number of our demand to get the allocated crocodile leather. There is a quota of 3 thousand pieces of materials per year if I am not mistaken. That is how we can have the hologram tag," he explained.
However, he did not deny that there are craftsmen who do not buy raw materials from the breeders but obtain raw materials from local communities who hunt the reptiles in the wild.
Related news: Papua's PON expected to boost SME growth: govt
PON effect
Crocodile skin craftsmen said the designation of Merauke district as one of the host clusters of the XX Papua National Sports Week (PON) brought them huge profits.
The district -- which was the host of seven sports comprising fencing, wushu, wrestling, chess, women's soccer, road race, and motor cross -- was visited by many contingents from provinces across Indonesia amid the implementation of the national sports event.
Many of the athletes and officials shopped for crocodile leather souvenirs in the region, the craftsmen said. Their visits managed to revive the economy of the local micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), they added.
Bank Indonesia had estimated that the implementation of XX Papua PON will help the region’s economy grow by 1 to 1.5 percent as 10,066 athletes and officials were expected to attend the event.
Hidayat said that before XX Papua PON, the income of most of the craftsmen had declined due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
"There has been a lot of demand amid the implementation of XX Papua PON. My colleagues (other craftsmen) are also overwhelmed by the demand. We gained no profit amid the pandemic. However, now it has been increased, thus it has sparked our working spirit,” he added.
Crocodile leather products from Merauke district have potential as one of the leading creative economic industry sectors, if they are managed properly.
The craft has been a source of livelihood for many people, including raw material providers, craftsmen, and shop owners.
Therefore, crocodile skin craftsmen need better support from the government to develop their business and gain national and global attention.
Related news: PON seen boosting Papua economy by 1.5 percent: official
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