May Day Rally Sydney. Flying the flag.
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Sunday, April 30, 2023
1) NZ pilot hostage-release talks breakdown after abrupt change of negotiator
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2) Papua Police confirms wanted separatist killed by rival
22 hours ago
Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA) - The Papua Police confirmed that Joni Botak, a wanted armed criminal group (KKB) leader active in Central Papua Province has been killed by a rival group in a quarrel.
Papua Police Chief Inspector General Mathius Fakhiri also confirmed that a video depicting the killing of Joni Botak and his accomplices circulating on social media is genuine.
"Joni Botak was ambushed, abused, and shot by another KKB group on Monday (April 24) in Intan Jaya region after being accused as a spy," Fakhiri told ANTARA here on Saturday.
Joni Botak, a separatist fighter, is wanted by the Indonesian authority for his repeated actions of killing civilians and security officers, he noted.
The police chief remarked that Joni Botak was active from Tembagapura region, where mining activities of Freeport Indonesia are taking place, to Intan Jaya District in Central Papua.
Before his murder, Joni Botak reportedly attempted to enter Tembagapura. However, the attempt was foiled after security officers set up checkpoints at the trails suspected to be used by the separatists to access the region, he remarked.
"Security officers have blocked access to Tembagapura, compelling Joni Botak to return to Intan Jaya, where he met his fate in the hands of the Lewis Kogoya-led separatist group," Fakhiri explained.
Joni Botak rose to prominence following his involvement in a shoot-out at Jipabera in Aroanop Village, Tembagapura, on February 28, 2020, which killed First Constable Doni Priyanto.
Earlier, Indonesian Defense Forces (TNI) Commander Admiral Yudo Margono decided to elevate the military operation tactic, from a soft approach to battle standby in areas prone to attack in Papua.
The decision was taken with the objective of responding to an escalation in KKB attacks in Papua, especially the ambush perpetrated by Papuan separatists against TNI officers searching the abducted New Zealander pilot Phillip Mehrtens on April 15 that led to the deaths of five officers.
"On account of the April-15 attack, we decided to escalate (our tactic) from soft approach to battle standby," the TNI commander said, as quoted in a TNI statement on April 18.
Related news: Papua security op will not spin out of control: TNI
Related news: TNI imposes Operation Battle Standby against Papua separatists
Papua Police Chief Inspector General Mathius Fakhiri also confirmed that a video depicting the killing of Joni Botak and his accomplices circulating on social media is genuine.
"Joni Botak was ambushed, abused, and shot by another KKB group on Monday (April 24) in Intan Jaya region after being accused as a spy," Fakhiri told ANTARA here on Saturday.
Joni Botak, a separatist fighter, is wanted by the Indonesian authority for his repeated actions of killing civilians and security officers, he noted.
The police chief remarked that Joni Botak was active from Tembagapura region, where mining activities of Freeport Indonesia are taking place, to Intan Jaya District in Central Papua.
Before his murder, Joni Botak reportedly attempted to enter Tembagapura. However, the attempt was foiled after security officers set up checkpoints at the trails suspected to be used by the separatists to access the region, he remarked.
"Security officers have blocked access to Tembagapura, compelling Joni Botak to return to Intan Jaya, where he met his fate in the hands of the Lewis Kogoya-led separatist group," Fakhiri explained.
Joni Botak rose to prominence following his involvement in a shoot-out at Jipabera in Aroanop Village, Tembagapura, on February 28, 2020, which killed First Constable Doni Priyanto.
Earlier, Indonesian Defense Forces (TNI) Commander Admiral Yudo Margono decided to elevate the military operation tactic, from a soft approach to battle standby in areas prone to attack in Papua.
The decision was taken with the objective of responding to an escalation in KKB attacks in Papua, especially the ambush perpetrated by Papuan separatists against TNI officers searching the abducted New Zealander pilot Phillip Mehrtens on April 15 that led to the deaths of five officers.
"On account of the April-15 attack, we decided to escalate (our tactic) from soft approach to battle standby," the TNI commander said, as quoted in a TNI statement on April 18.
Related news: Papua security op will not spin out of control: TNI
Related news: TNI imposes Operation Battle Standby against Papua separatists
Saturday, April 29, 2023
Australia and New Zealand in the West Papua Conflict
https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/australia-and-new-zealand-in-the-west-papua-conflict/
Australia and New Zealand in the West Papua Conflict
A New Zealand pilot’s abduction focuses attention on Wellington and Canberra’s hands-off approach to the long-running conflict in Indonesia.
By Xiang Gao and Guy C. Charlton April 29, 2023
The drawn-out hostage drama in West Papua over New Zealand pilot Philip Mehrtens has focused Western attention on this neglected area of the world. Mehrtens was abducted and his plane burned by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) on February 7, 2023. He was accused by the group of violating a no-fly zone it had issued over the West Papua region.
On April 16, rebel spokesperson Sebby Sambom stated in a recorded message that TPNPB has “asked the Indonesian and New Zealand governments to free the hostages through peaceful negotiations.” The group originally demanded that Indonesian authorities recognize the independence of West Papua, but more recently it indicated that it was prepared to drop the demand for independence and seek dialogue.
The West Papua Conflict
The western part of the island of New Guinea, often referred to as West Papua, is administered under the name Irian Jaya and now split apart into six Indonesian provinces: Central Papua, Highland Papua, Papua, South Papua, Southwest Papua, and West Papua. There has been conflict across the resource-rich region since Indonesia assumed control in 1963.
At the independence of Indonesia, the Netherlands had argued that West Papua was ethnically different from the remainder of Indonesia, and it was successful in arguing before the United Nations that the area should not be included in the new Indonesian state. The Dutch and later local Melanesian groups within West Papua asserted that the region’s cultural, religious, and ethnic differences mandated separate West Papuan independence. Nevertheless, the legal and ethical imperatives of an independent Indonesia occupying the entire territory of the Dutch East Indies, along with Cold War security concerns, led to the U.S.-sponsored 1962 New York Agreement, which enabled Indonesia to assert jurisdiction.
Under the agreement, the Netherlands and nascent local West Papuan administration were dissolved in exchange for a U.N.-overseen referendum where the West Papuan population would be allowed to determine whether their region would remain within Indonesia or become independent. This vote, held in 1969, and called the Act of Free Choice, involved approximately 1,025 government-selected delegates. The delegates unanimously supported integration with Indonesia, a decision that was approved by the U.N. General Assembly in Resolution 2504.
The perceived unfairness of the process and the consequent denial of self-determination in the eyes of many West Papuans – coupled with discrimination, marginalization, and rights abuses by Indonesian authorities ever since – have led to simmering dissatisfaction and low-level insurgency for decades. Political and insurgent groups such as the TPNPB, Free Papua Movement, United Liberation Movement for West Papua, and the West Papua National Committee have found support with the indigenous West Papuan population due to ongoing suppression of political activity and the use of the armed Indonesian military and police.
Security forces have been used to stop protests, rallies, or discussions on human rights and political issues, and political and civil rights have been significantly curtailed. According to Human Rights Monitor, for the past several decades, many indigenous Papuans have feared becoming victims of arbitrary arrest, torture, killings, or enforced disappearance. And they have been traumatized due to the history of violent military operations across the island.
The Indonesian government has denied allegations of human rights abuses and displacement of civilians. Its prescription for the region involves economic development and the devolving of more autonomy, but current efforts have not resolved dissatisfaction and unrest among indigenous West Papuans.
In 2017, the U.N. Decolonization Committee refused to accept a petition presented by exiled West Papuan leader Benny Wenda, which allegedly contained signatures of 1.8 million West Papuans calling for independence, arguing that U.N. involvement in West Papua is outside the Committee’s mandate.
Violence escalated in 2018, following the shooting deaths of Indonesian construction workers and the mass arrests of West Papuan protesters who were marking the December 1 “Independence Day” for the region. In 2022, three U.N. Human Rights Special Rapporteurs called for humanitarian access to the region and urged the Indonesian government to conduct full and independent investigations into human rights abuses. More recently, the March 2023 Universal Periodic Review Report of the Working Group on Indonesia criticized the government’s human rights abuses in West Papua and called for a visit by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
In the same report, Indonesia acknowledged some human rights abuses and the need for redress, noting that it was committed to delivering justice to the victims and their families. The government insisted that “[a]ccording to international law, Papua [is] an integral part of Indonesia.”
It is likely that violence will continue to escalate. On April 15, the chief of Indonesia’s armed forces, General Laksamana Yudo Margono, announced that the mode of operations against the TPNPB will be switched from a “soft approach” to “ground combat ready” operations.
The Response From Australia and New Zealand
Throughout all this violence and suppression, New Zealand and Australian governmental voices have been muted. Despite calls in some quarters for the states to back some form of international involvement in the conflict, there has been little recognition of the West Papuan situation in Wellington or Canberra. Both countries have extensive and growing trade relationships with Indonesia as well as defense and security cooperation. This cooperation extends from their bilateral relationships to regional and multilateral cooperation, such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) Agreement.
The silence suggests the limits of Australian and New Zealand “values-based” diplomacy and outlines the real constraints that geography and trade relationships have for middle powers with a commitment to human rights and values.
Australia and New Zealand’s relations with Indonesia, their largest neighbor, have been driven by the need to have stability and good relations for economic and security reasons. Yet these relatively simple objectives have been complicated by history. Both bilateral relationships are fraught with colonial and racialist baggage that has been part and parcel of many post-colonial state-to-state relationships across the Asia-Pacific.
First, while Australia and New Zealand supported Indonesian independence and the decolonization process – for example, New Zealand and Australian waterside workers’ boycott of Dutch shipping undermined the Dutch military effort to retake Indonesia – Canberra and Wellington sided with the Netherlands over the issue of whether West Papua should be included in newly independent Indonesia. To strengthen this position, Australia and New Zealand pointed out the lack of cultural and ethnological ties between West Papua and Indonesia and the potential harm to indigenous inhabitants.
Their support for a separate West Papuan decolonization process was nevertheless tempered by ideological and security concerns as members of the British Commonwealth and as members of the anti-communist Western coalition with the United States. Both Australia and New Zealand looked askance at Indonesian efforts to build the Non-Aligned Movement and they actively supported the Commonwealth against the Indonesian “Konfrontasi” policy in Malaya. In addition, Cold War ideological and security concerns played a role. Both states worried that various hostile political elements and/or ethnic conflict in Indonesia could provide an opportunity for anti-Western groups to secure a foothold in the region, or support a government that would dispense with Indonesia’s more traditional non-aligned policy in favor of a policy more aligned with Chinese or Soviet interests.
After the accession of the military-backed Suharto regime in 1965 and the end of Konfrontasi, these larger concerns led Australia and New Zealand to support the U.N. decolonization process and acquiesce to Indonesian control over West Papua and later East Timor.
More recently, relationships with Indonesia were seriously challenged with the Australian and New Zealand intervention in East Timor, which ended in the establishment of an independent Timor-Leste under the U.N.-sponsored International Force for East Timor (INTERFET). This U.N. mission, led by Australia and having a large New Zealand presence signaled a shift away from acceptance of decolonialist justifications for Indonesian territorial expansion and signaled a more human-rights based, less security-oriented policy approach by the two states. For a short time at the start of this century, it also ended most cooperation between Australia and New Zealand and Indonesia.
After 9/11 and the Bali Bombing in 2002, Australia moved relatively quickly to re-establish its security relationship with Indonesia, following the ruptures caused by Timor-Leste’s independence. This renewed effort is premised on the notion that Indonesian governmental capacity, security, and territorial integrity are crucial to Australian interests.
In 2006, the countries entered into the Lombok Treaty. This treaty focuses on the practicalities of various security arrangements between the countries, involving such things as terrorism, maritime enforcement, defense, and law enforcement. In the Treaty the states agreed to mutually respect the “sovereignty, territorial integrity, national unity and political independence of each other,” and pledge “non-interference” in each other’s internal affairs. These security arrangements and the respect for territorial integrity have limited Australian responses in West Papua despite the domestic sympathy much of the Australian public has given to the West Papuan population.
The thin line walked by Australia is evident in then Opposition Senator (and current foreign minister) Penny Wong’s 2019 website post, where she noted that Labor is distressed by “human rights violations” in West Papua while reasserting that the territorial integrity as enshrined in the Lombok Treaty “remains the bedrock of security cooperation” between Australia and Indonesia.
It could be expected that New Zealand would be less constrained by geography and security considerations than Australia when it comes to West Papua. In addition, the characterization of New Zealand as a normative leader in global affairs suggests a stronger voice in favor of human rights, applied in an even-handed manner. Recently, Foreign Minister Nanaia Mahuta stated: “Matters such as human rights should be approached in a consistent, country agnostic manner. We will not ignore the severity and impact of any particular country’s actions if they conflict with our longstanding and formal commitment to universal human rights.”
Nevertheless, the range of joint security activities and cooperation, trade, and New Zealand aid programs indicate that the West Papuan situation will not impact the New Zealand-Indonesia relationship, nor will Wellington seek to use any bilateral influence or normative platform it may have to address the problems in the region. This is evident in Prime Minster Chris Hipkins’ criticism of the TPNPB for using hostages “to make a political point.”
In the Universal Periodic Review, both Australia and New Australia criticized Indonesia for the West Papuan situation. This criticism, while important and pointed, is likely the extent of Australian and New Zealand commentary and involvement in the conflict. Foreign policymakers in both countries have shown little willingness to address the unrest or human rights issues in West Papua. Despite ongoing human rights violations and growing violence in the region, the history of the relationships among the states and current economic and security interests necessitate good relations with Indonesia, precluding either Australia or New Zealand from using its good offices, leverage or normative authority from mediating the conflict.
GUEST AUTHOR
Xiang Gao Dr. Xiang Gao is a senior lecturer and the head of the Political Studies Discipline at the University of New England, Australia.
GUEST AUTHOR
Dr. Guy C. Charlton is an associate professor of Law at the University of New England, Australia and an Adjunct Associate Professor at Auckland University of Technology.
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Friday, April 28, 2023
1) Vila-based Indonesian ‘troll’ page targets Papuan advocates
2) Dialogue, not combat, ready
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1) Vila-based Indonesian ‘troll’ page targets Papuan advocates
By Pacific Media Watch - April 29, 2023
By David Robie
As part of an Indonesian-backed disinformation and troll campaign against West Papuan pro-independence activists, a Facebook page has emerged making bitter and slanderous attacks on campaigners, Papuan exiles and media people in the Pacific region.
Among the targets for this page — dubbed “View Information”, purportedly based in the Vanuatu capital of Port Vila — are Pacific Council of Churches general secretary Reverend James Bhagwan over a “false campaign” on Papua, and Australian-based Indonesian human rights lawyer Veronica Koman who is accused of being “an imposter”.
Other targets include London-based United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) president Benny Wenda for “masterminding the Wamena riots” in 2019, Canberra-based youth advocate and activist Ronny Kareni for “cultural mockery” and New Zealand academic and journalist David Robie.
I am accused of “continuously meeting” Benny Wenda to discuss issues relating to Papua and of “ignorance and prejudice”.
True, I did meet Benny when we hosted him at the Pacific Media Centre during his New Zealand visits in 2013 and 2017 and our team interviewed him at the time. Indeed, he was interviewed by several journalists and appeared on a number of programmes such as RNZ Pacific.
He does an extremely impressive job as a tireless and impassioned advocate for his indigenous people and independence.
One of the regular themes of the View Information page is the plight of the New Zealand pilot, Philip Mehrtens, being held hostage since February 7 by pro-independence
ighters of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB-OPM).
Broker negotiations
Originally the fighters wanted New Zealand to broker negotiations with the Indonesian government in Jakarta, but the military and political authorities have refused to talk, endangering the life of the Susi Air pilot.
“Philip Mark Mehrtens is a human being and deserve[s] medical attentions [sic] as we do not know under what conditions he is living in. This sepratist [sic] are abusing his freedom and holding him against his consent and will,” says View Information.
“Isn’t this an abuse of human rights?
“[These] separatists are abusing his right to freedom from being held as a captive for unreasonable grounds. He is treated as some kind of product in a grocery store.”
About the Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC), View Information page claims: “PCC considers Papuans as [a] product or commodity in grocery stores.” That phrase again!
“PCC has become a parody conquistador for the religious groups in the Pacific and a sign of betrayal to the Papuans.
“Papuans are this cheap that the PCC has to sell them for money.
“Say no to PCC before it is too late.”
Riots ‘mastermind’
About the 2019 rioting in Wamena and across the region characterised by advocates of an independent West Papua as the “Papuan Rising” and likened to the Arab Spring: “The Papua Extremist Group (ULMWP) led by Benny Wenda is the mastermind behind the West Papua riots.
“They were designed a riot exactly one day before the UN General Assembly (24/9) began with student access campaign.”
Like most of the other claims on this FB page, there is not a single source given in any attempt to back up the hostile statements. Genuine information about the ULMWP is available here.
About the United Nations, View Information claims: “The UN has never declared there is genocide taking place in Papua or West Papua. It has addressed issues of civilians being killed by the armed separatists in Nduga Regency.”
This another lie. The UN has reported about allegations of “slow genocide” in Papua in 2014 and on other occasions, and last year UN special rapporteurs reported on the “shocking abuses against Indigenous Papuans”. There have been countless such reports and a 2018 agreement by Jakarta for the UN Commissioner for Human Rights to visit Papua to make an independent report has never materialised.
A feature of this propaganda page is the wild and sweeping statements and allegations without a shred of evidence. No information about the “publishers” or “writers” is divulged, although it claims to provide “factual, balanced, quality and fair reporting”.
Jakarta causing confusion
Jakarta’s misinformation campaign that has been causing confusion throughout the world has been stepped up in recent months.
“Indonesian intelligence has allocated considerable funds globally, especially in Oceania, to target and discredit any person or institution sharing information about the genocide in West Papua,” says Yamin Kogoya, a regular contributor and commentator for Asia Pacific Report.
“The same thing is happening inside West Papua – the spreading of fake, false information often under the names of OPM, ULMWP and other groups advocating for a free West Papua.
“The internationalisation of West Papua’s issue has been Jakarta’s primary concern, knowing how they stole it — West Papua’s sovereignty — 60 years ago.”
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2) Dialogue, not combat, ready
Editorial board (The Jakarta Post)
Jakarta ● Fri, April 28, 2023
Misinformation is rampant in this digital era, but the lack of transparency on the part of the government regarding the ongoing attempts to rescue a New Zealand pilot who was abducted by Papuan separatist rebels almost three months ago is equally disturbing. Worse, it could send the wrong message that it has deliberately misled the public, the taxpayers who will demand accountability of every rupiah spent on the operation to release the foreigner. First of all, the Indonesian Military (TNI) played down any use of force and instead supported negotiations to bring Phillip Mehrtens back home safely.
The reality is military troops deployed for the joint operation in Papua called the Peaceful Cartenz, which replaced the Nemangkawi Operation last year, have been combing the jungles in the hilly Papuan regency of Nduga to hunt down members of the West Papuan Liberation Army (TPNPB) and locate Mehrtens.
The hostage-taking took place on Feb. 7 in Paro airport in Nduga after the TPNPB guerillas burned the Susi Air aircraft Mehrtens piloted. All passengers on board were let go unharmed. In the latest video released on Monday by Mehrtens’ captors, the pilot said he was alive and healthy and called on the Indonesian authorities to stop the airstrikes. The New Zealander said Indonesia had dropped bombs in the area where he was being held, putting him and other people’s lives at risk.
The TNI denied on Thursday that they had used bombs, saying the report was part of the separatist group’s propaganda to discredit Indonesia. In 2021, the London-based Conflict Armament Research told Reuters the purchase of thousands of mortar bombs from Serbia by the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) for use in Papua. A local reverend told Reuters he bore witness to bomb attacks by drones on several Papuan villages in October of that year, but BIN flatly denied such allegations. Notwithstanding the accusations, the military’s hostage release mission is underway and looks set to intensify, following a firefight in the Mugi-Mam area in Nduga on Saturday.
TNI chief Adm. Yudo Margono raised on Monday the status of the military operation to “ground combat ready,” which equals the alertness level of naval forces protecting the illegal fishing-prone waters of the North Natuna Sea. Yudo confirmed the fatality of a TNI soldier in an April 22 skirmish, the fifth personnel killed in restive Papua this year alone. The TPNPB, however, claimed to have shot dead a dozen of the 36-strong squadron in the exchange of fire in Mugi-Mam.
Despite the series of attacks, Yudo has promised not to deploy reinforcement troops to deal with hostage takers. But due to the difficulties facing the domestic and international media in accessing information on the ground in Papua, the outside world can hardly verify how things develop in the efforts to release Mehrtens, and on the restoration of peace and order in the strife-torn territory in general.
The public has, for example, remained in the dark about how many military and police troops are in place in Papua. With the formation of new provinces in Papua recently, it should make sense for the TNI and the National Police to fly in more personnel.
The reinforcements do not take into account ad hoc operations like the Peaceful Cartenz, border patrols and, if any, covert operations. The government, too, has remained silent about the progress of negotiations conducted by local figures and religious leaders to persuade the TPNPB to set Mehrtens free.
The continuing military operations only signal the dialogue is stalled. But given the fact that the cycle of violence has inflicted nagging wounds to the Papuans, not to mention the injustice resulting from impunity for perpetrators of atrocities, dialogue should be the only choice to pursue. Instead of readiness to combat, Jakarta only needs the willingness to start a dialogue.
A devastating tsunami accelerated peace talks in Aceh in 2005. The human casualties in Papua are already too many to trigger a dialogue for peace restorations in Papua.
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1) Special operations needed to counter guerrilla warfare in Papua
2) Dangerous for me and the people: Philip Mark Mehrtens responds to Indonesian Military dropping bombs in Nduga
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1) Special operations needed to counter guerrilla warfare in Papua
D. Nicky Fahrizal (The Jakarta Post)
PREMIUM Jakarta ● Fri, April 28, 2023
Last weekend’s fatal attack by an armed criminal group on Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers who were on a mission in the Papua Highlands regency of Nduga to free New Zealand-national pilot Philips Mehrtens calls for meticulous evaluation by the government.
This situation is of the utmost significance considering the rise in the frequency of attacks by such groups, the apparent consolidation of the armed wing of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) and their full use of guerrilla warfare strategies. In terms of evaluation, policymakers must delve deeply into the factors that contributed to the unsuccessful rescue operation and identify the individuals or entities responsible for assessing the hostage rescue policies.
Two main recommendations have arisen related to the handling of the armed group in question. The first is firm and measured action to deal with the group, which should not be implemented randomly, so as not to trigger adverse reactions from the local people.
The second is giving priority to dialogue and negotiation involving community leaders whom both parties trust (Kompas, April 19). Furthermore, The Jakarta Post editorial on March 2 warned that the use of military-heavy approaches would extend the cycle of violence and instill fear and resentment toward the government among indigenous Papuans.
Therefore, the optimal action for the government would be to delegate the job to release the New Zealand national to a negotiation team consisting of acting Nduga regent Namia Gwijangge and religious leaders. Taking the aspirations into account, special operations are needed to neutralize the armed group’s warfare capacity and secure the release of Mehrtens, involving skilled, experienced and capable personnel, who must receive solid and legitimate support.
To prevent further loss of security personnel, it is necessary to consider three crucial factors. First, the heightened frequency and intensity of attacks by the armed group indicate improvements in their mobility, combat proficiency and innovative warfare tactics. Furthermore, they have demonstrated an increased capability in guerrilla warfare, which includes rapid mobility, surprise elements, ambush tactics, propaganda and local community support. The pyramid of resistance approach helps us understand the OPM movement and its military factions. In this case, the OPM’s movement is both overt and covert.
On the overt level, activities consist of civil-political and armed activities. Civic activities require negotiating with governments, organizing shadow governments, engaging in political dialogue and communicating strategically with the international community. Meanwhile, the category of armed activity involves small-scale and large-scale military actions.
On the covert level, the main activities consist of espionage, antigovernment campaigns, agitation and propaganda, acts of terror and sabotage, as noted by Tompkins (2013) and Kilcullen (2019). Adopting the resistance pyramid approach, efforts to increase combat readiness in response to the death of a TNI soldier last week may prove counterproductive.
Engaging in battle could result in civilian casualties and destruction of civil infrastructure. This use of force is unlikely to neutralize the separatist movement; instead, it will exacerbate the frustration of the indigenous Papuans, which stems from their political, legal, economic and cultural marginalization. Second, the mobility factor and element of surprise in guerrilla war require policymakers to have a clear, focused mindset and proactive mentality. There is a need to plan and prepare special operations to counter guerrilla warfare and rescue the hostage.
During the planning and preparation of the special operations, policymakers have to identify targets, conduct intelligence analysis, develop action plans and ensure the availability of resources. The policymakers need efficient mobilization of special forces to free the hostage. It is important to note that special forces are a strategic asset that can be adapted to meet specific demands and policy objectives. They have a tactical advantage, a reputation for effectiveness and the ability to identify and exploit enemy vulnerabilities (Gray, 1999). T
o neutralize the capabilities of the armed group, an optimal strength of light infantry troops is needed, because of their high mobility. These units used to be deployed within a counterinsurgency framework and possess a high degree of cultural awareness that enabled them to implement doctrines to win the hearts and minds of the Papuan people. Finally, light infantry units can conduct offensive operations and direct actions inside the opponent's lines of defense or lines of communication and logistics, as well as long-range penetration patrols.
The success of the Wingate Chindits tactics during World War II in the China-Burma-India (CBI) Theatre, where jungle warfare was prevalent, demonstrated the effectiveness of disrupting the opponent's defense and decision-making processes and damaging logistics and communication lines of the Japanese army through modified penetration warfare, specifically long-range jungle penetration (Anglim, 2010). Third, to deal with the armed group, secure the release of the hostage and address the roots of separatism in Papua, it is vital to have a clear policy that can lead to the right strategy. In line with Article 5 of Presidential Regulation No. 68/2019 on the organization of state ministries and Articles 5 and 13 of Presidential Regulation No. 94/2022 on the Defense Ministry, the defense minister is responsible for developing and implementing defense policies. In the context of policy evaluation, the responsibility lies with the Directorate General of Defense Strategy.
Therefore, within this legal framework, the defense minister has the authority to formulate policies and strategies to respond to the activities of the Papuan armed group. The hostage-taking has revealed three essential policy needs. First, political communication and coordination must occur between the Defense Ministry, TNI, National Police and intelligence agencies to formulate cohesive policies and actions.
Second, adopting special operations requires clear and measurable policies, which can provide political and legal justification and minimize political sensitivity. Furthermore, through policy clarity, special forces and counter-guerrilla tactics can avoid potential human rights violations. Third, the defense minister must issue clear policies to demonstrate democratic control over military capabilities and responsibilities in the defense sector.
To conclude, there is an urgent need for special operations to counter guerrilla warfare in Papua and rescue Mehrtens. Special operations represent a concrete and immediate response, given the armed group’s increasing proficiency in commando and guerrilla combat, emphasizing mobility, surprise and evolving tactics. Of course, special operations are the last resort, considering the gravity of the Papua issue. Making the mission a success is as crucial as minimizing the risk of unintended consequences.
*** The writer is a researcher specializing in law and security at the Department of Politics and Social Change at the Jakarta-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official stance of The Jakarta Post.
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2) Dangerous for me and the people: Philip Mark Mehrtens responds to Indonesian Military dropping bombs in Nduga
News Desk - Captain Philip 28 April 2023
Jayapura, Jubi – Susi Air pilot and New Zealand national Capt. Philip Mark Mehrtens has called on the Indonesian government to stop military operations in Nduga in an effort to free him from hostage-taking by the West PapuaNational Liberation Army (TPNPB) led by Egianus Kogoya.
According to Mehrtens, last weekend, the Indonesian Military (TNI) dropped bombs on the area where he was with other Nduga residents.
“Indonesia dropped bombs on this area [Nduga] last weekend, and it was unnecessary because it was dangerous for me and the people here,” Mehrtens said through a video recording made on Monday, April 24, 2023, and received by Jubi on Thursday.
In the 1-minute 38-second video, Mehrtens was seen wearing a black t-shirt and shorts. He was sitting and flanked by two men, allegedly TPNPB members. He also explained that he was in good health.
“Today, April 24, 2023, it has been almost three months since the TPNPB captured me in Paro. I am alive and well. I live with the people here, sit together, walk together, rest together, there is no problem with me,” Mehrtens said in the video, alternating between two languages, Indonesian and English.
In a written statement, TPNPB spokesperson Sebby Sambom urged President Joko Widodo to immediately stop military operations in Nduga and asked Indonesia to open negotiations.
“We emphasize that the release of Philip Mark Mehrtens must be through negotiations, not through military operations. Therefore, Indonesian President Joko Widodo must stop military operations in Nduga immediately, otherwise they only jeopardize the pilot’s life,” Sambom said.
Sambom said the video containing Mehrtens testimony was also addressed to the New Zealand Government and Mehrtens’ family.
“We initially made a video showing Mehrtens in good health for the New Zealand Government and the pilot’s family in New Zealand. However, because Indonesia is bombing the Nduga Region, we want the people to know,” he said.
Mehrtens has been held hostage by TPNPB for 79 days since he was arrested on February 7. The Indonesian government so far has increased the status of military operations. On April 18 in Timika, TNI commander Adm. Yudo Margono upgraded operations in Papua to a land combat alert.
Yudo said the operation was upgraded after TPNPB attacked TNI personnel on April 15. He said the increase in the status of this operation aimed to awaken the combat instincts of TNI soldiers.
“The land combat alert means the operation is increased,” Yudo said at that time at Yohanis Kapiyau Air Base in Central Papua’s Timika.
Military observer from the Institute For Security & Strategic Studies (ISSES) Khairul Fahmi said the combat alert in Papua meant that all troops were ready to fire.
“’Combat alert’ is the term for the condition of the troops ready for battle. This means that soldiers are allowed to shoot their weapons at any time whenever the threat is present. The troops no longer need to hesitate to open fire if there is an obstacle or attack,” Fahmi said on April 20, as quoted by Antara. (*)
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1) Christian leaders come together for peace in Papua
2) Moeldoko Warns Papuan Separatists That Soldiers Will Take Firmer Action
3) Church leaders urge President Jokowi to stop military operations in Papua
4) Govt continuing to push development in Papua despite threats: KSP
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1) Christian leaders come together for peace in Papua
By UCA News reporter Published: April 27, 2023 12:13 PM GMT
They want an end to military operations in the crisis-hit province following the move to implement a 'combat alert operation'
In a rare gesture, Catholic and Protestant leaders in Papua have come together to appeal to Indonesian President Joko Widodo to stop military operations in the crisis-hit province following the latest move to implement a 'combat alert operation.'
Bishop Yanuarius Theofilus Matopai You of Jayapura said, "We don't want any civilian casualties."
"Therefore, we respectfully ask the President of the Republic of Indonesia to withdraw troops and take steps for negotiations and a humanitarian approach," Bishop You said at a press conference on April 26 along with other Christian leaders.
This is the first time the Catholic Church has joined hands with Protestant leaders against the military build-up in Papua which intensified in recent months.
You, 72, who was installed bishop in February, was accompanied by Reverend Dorman Wandikbo, president of the Evangelical Church in Indonesia, Reverend Socratez Sofyan Yoman, president of the Communion of Baptist Churches of West Papua, Reverend Tilas Mom, chairperson of the Kingmi Synod in the Land of Papua, Reverend Andrikus Mofu, chairperson of the Synod of the Indonesian Christian Church in the Land of Papua, and Reverend Benny Giay, moderator of the Papua Church Council.
Their call came in response to the military's move last week to beef up combat operations in the region following the killings of five soldiers by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPN-PB), which the Indonesian government has labeled as an armed criminal group.
The soldiers were killed during the efforts to free New Zealand pilot Phillip Mehrtens, who has been held hostage since February this year.
The term 'combat alert operation' allows soldiers to move around in combat weapons and open fire at anyone they suspect of being associated with terrorist activities, rights activists say.
On April 24, the TPN-PB released a video statement by Mehrtens in which the pilot accused the military of using a bomb in the Nduga Regency area.
The pilot asked the government to stop it as it endangered his life and that of civilians.
“When bombs are dropped," according to You, it will have tremendous consequences for humans and the environment.
Herman Taryaman, the military chief in Papua, however, has disputed the claim, and said, "The safety of the pilot and the public is paramount.”
A former Dutch colony, Papua declared itself independent in 1961, but neighboring Indonesia took control two years later, promising to have an independence referendum. The subsequent voting in favor of staying as part of Indonesia was widely considered a sham.
According to data from the advocacy group Imparsial, the number of soldiers in Papua is currently pegged at 16,900, most of them with combat qualifications.
At least 242 people were killed in the conflict in the past four years from 2018, including 177 civilians, says a report by the international rights group, Amnesty International.
The death toll includes 44 officers of the military and police and 21 rebels of pro-independence groups.
The standoff continues to trigger anxiety among local residents and Church leaders.
Florianus Geong, a resident in Nduga Regency, one of the worst affected areas in the region, said, "They [the army] patrol every day."
At the press conference, Reverend Wandikbo said the latest operation by the military would exacerbate the situation as people are struggling for basic services.
"Children can't go to school because the military uses schools and health centers (as their camps). They also use houses and churches," Wandikbo said.
Reverend Yoman asked the president to appoint a special envoy to negotiate with the rebels.
"The president should appoint a special envoy so that they can communicate" with rebels, he said.
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2) Moeldoko Warns Papuan Separatists That Soldiers Will Take Firmer Action
Translator Dewi Elvia Muthiariny
Editor Mahinda Arkyasa 2
7 April 2023 23:43 WIB
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Presidential Chief of Staff Moeldoko issued a warning to separatist groups in Papua who have committed human rights violations against civilians, women, and children, in the form of murder and rape.
“TNI and Polri [Indonesian Military and National Police] will take firmer steps, especially for the three regencies where we see progress is getting worse,” said the former military commander in an official statement, Thursday, April 27, 2023.
Moeldaoko made this statement in the midst of various worrying conditions occurring in the country’s easternmost province, one of which was the hostage-taking of New Zealander Philip Max Mehrtens. In an effort to release the Susi Air pilot, a soldier Miftahul Arifin died in the Mugi-Mam area, Nduga.
Mifathul was shot dead by the Papuan armed group or KKB on Saturday, April 13, at 16:30 local time. To date, five soldiers died during the operation. TNI Commander Admiral Yudo Margono thus raised the status of the rescue operation to combat ready.
Moeldoko explained that out of 6 provinces and 42 cities/regencies in Papua, only 3 districts are categorized as red zones because of rampant violence cases, namely Nduga Regency, Intan Jaya Regency, and Puncak Regency. The cases, he added, include rape and murder which were mostly directed at civilians and even children.
To create stability, Moeldoko said President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo issued Presidential Instruction No. 9 of 2020 concerning accelerating the development of Papua's welfare. He underlined that the government will not stop continuing the development projects amid the violence cases. “The President asserts that regardless of the situation, development in Papua will proceed.”
FAJAR PEBRIANTO
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3) Church leaders urge President Jokowi to stop military operations in Papua
News Desk - Papua Peaceful Dialogue
27 April 2023
Jayapura, Jubi – Church leaders across denominations in Papua urge President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to stop military operations in Papua and instead, promote a humanitarian approach and negotiation in handling the Papua conflicts. Attempts to release New Zealand pilot Philip Mark Mehrtens who was taken hostage by the West Papua National Army (TNPPB) were highlighted.
Among the pastors voicing this aspiration are Bishop of the Jayapura Diocese Mgr. Yanuarius You, GIDI President Rev. Dorman Wandikbo, President of the West Papua Baptist Churches Fellowship Rev. Socratez Sofyan Yoman, Chairman of the Kingmi Synod in the Land of Papua Rev. Tilas Mom, Chairman of the GKI Synod in the Land of Papua Rev. Andrikus Mofu, and Moderator of the Papua Council of Churches Rev. Benny Giay.
The pastors explained that this concern stemmed from the fear of civilian casualties following the recent upgrade of Papua military operation status to a land combat alert by TNI Commander Adm. Yudo Margono on Tuesday, April 18, 2023.
“We do not want civilian casualties, therefore, with utmost respect, we ask the President of the Republic of Indonesia to strongly order the military commander to withdraw troops from Papua. And it is necessary to take a humanitarian approach, namely through negotiations,” said Mgr. Yanuarius You during a press conference on Wednesday, April 26, 2023.
Amnesty International Indonesia noted that from 2018 to 2022 there were at least 91 cases of extrajudicial killings involving the Indonesian Military (TNI), police, prison officers, and the TPNPB that killed at least 177 civilians. Meanwhile, the number of security forces members who were victims in the same period was 44, and victims from TPNPB were 21 people.
Data from the Institute for Policy Analysis and Conflict Studies (IPAC) also shows that the number of violent incidents related to armed conflicts in Papua from 2010 to 2021 continued to increase, exceeding 80 cases in 2021. In these violent cases, at least 320 people were killed, with as many as 98 percent of the deaths (316 people) occurring in Papua Province. The victims are mostly civilians (178), followed by security forces (92) and members of the armed group (50).
Research from the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) also revealed that violence in Papua is four times greater than the national average. This is very ironic considering Papua has the highest ratios of security forces per population compared to other provinces.
Special envoy to free Susi Air pilot
The church leaders asked President Jokowi to appoint a special envoy to negotiate with the TPNPB to release the pilot they took hostage, Philip Mark Mehrtens.
“President Joko Widodo should appoint a team of special envoys to negotiate with the TPNPB, such as in the settlement with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) on August 15, 2005. That is an example the current government can follow,” said Rev. Socratez Sofyan Yoman.
Another negotiation alternative, said Yoman, is through the church. “Let the negotiation team from the church approach TPNPB leader Egianus Kogoya,” he proposed.
Meanwhile, Rev. Dorman Wandikbo asserted that because of the armed conflict, both Indigenous Papuans and non-Papuans have lost access to basic services such as housing, health services, schools, and churches.
“Today there are more non-organic troops in Paniai, Dogiyai, Deiyai, Intan Jaya and Nduga than in 2018. Children cannot go to school because schools are used by the military, as well as the community health centers, pastorate houses, and churches. Papuans cannot stay at their home, many have fled to the forest due to concerns for their safety,”said Wandikbo.
Rev. Benny Giay said that the demand for solving the Papua problem without weapons was in line with President Jokowi’s public statements. He hopes that Jokowi can fulfill his commitment.
“We as church leaders have followed the political development in Papua since August 2019. After all, the president himself in his speech on June 15, 2021, talked about solving the Papua problem without weapons. Even before that, on September 30, 2019, he had spoken his intention to meet with the TPNPB,” said Rev. Giay. (*)
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4) Govt continuing to push development in Papua despite threats: KSP
6 hours ago
Jakarta (ANTARA) - Chief of the Presidential Staff Office (KSP) Moeldoko has affirmed that the government will continue to advance development in the Papua region while protecting locals from threats posed by separatist groups.
"Residents must understand that, in general, Papua sees no decline in the development progress," he stated, according to a statement issued here on Thursday.
He noted that Presidential Instruction No. 9 of 2020 on the advancement of welfare development in Papua has been implemented to bolster efforts to realize prosperity for Papuans.
"Hence, in general, welfare in Papua is in good condition," the KSP chief said.
The authorities will focus their efforts on the three districts of Nduga, Intan Jaya, and Puncak that have been declared red zones due to separatists' activities, he informed, while affirming that the government will continue protecting locals in the regions.
"The duty of the state is not only to ensure the prosperity of the people, but also protect the people, the nation, and the country," Moeldoko emphasized.
In regions designated as red zones, separatist groups are threatening the lives of locals, as evidenced by the murder and violence perpetrated against civilians, including women and children, he said.
Despite the intensification of military and police actions in the region against separatist groups, particularly in the red zones, the government will continue advancing development in Papua, the KSP head affirmed.
"Hence, I caution that the TNI (Indonesian Defence Forces) and the police will take firm measures, especially in the three districts where (separatists' actions have) worsened," Moeldoko stated.
He added that President Joko Widodo has also emphasized that no matter the conditions in Papua, the authority will continue to strive to accelerate development in the region.
Related news: Wanted terrorist captured by Nemangkawi joint task force in Papua
Related news: Security personnel continue to persuade Papuan insurgents: police
"Residents must understand that, in general, Papua sees no decline in the development progress," he stated, according to a statement issued here on Thursday.
He noted that Presidential Instruction No. 9 of 2020 on the advancement of welfare development in Papua has been implemented to bolster efforts to realize prosperity for Papuans.
"Hence, in general, welfare in Papua is in good condition," the KSP chief said.
The authorities will focus their efforts on the three districts of Nduga, Intan Jaya, and Puncak that have been declared red zones due to separatists' activities, he informed, while affirming that the government will continue protecting locals in the regions.
"The duty of the state is not only to ensure the prosperity of the people, but also protect the people, the nation, and the country," Moeldoko emphasized.
In regions designated as red zones, separatist groups are threatening the lives of locals, as evidenced by the murder and violence perpetrated against civilians, including women and children, he said.
Despite the intensification of military and police actions in the region against separatist groups, particularly in the red zones, the government will continue advancing development in Papua, the KSP head affirmed.
"Hence, I caution that the TNI (Indonesian Defence Forces) and the police will take firm measures, especially in the three districts where (separatists' actions have) worsened," Moeldoko stated.
He added that President Joko Widodo has also emphasized that no matter the conditions in Papua, the authority will continue to strive to accelerate development in the region.
Related news: Wanted terrorist captured by Nemangkawi joint task force in Papua
Related news: Security personnel continue to persuade Papuan insurgents: police
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