2) West Papuans speak out against government plan for massive destruction of traditional lands
3) West Papua allocates Rp194 Billion for village cooperatives
4) Police officers arrest Papuan student without warrant at Jayapura Harbour
5) 12-year-old boy arbitrarily arrested by joint forces in Yahukimo
6) Military disperses documentary film screening in Ternate
7) Indonesian VP pushes MBG expansion in remote areas
8) Gibran pushes development of Asmat museum as cultural showcase
9) VP supports Asmat sago school to boost local food
10) VP Gibran pledges upgrade of Asmat Hospital to type C
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https://jubi.id/pacnews/2026/papuan-gen-z-holds-red-cross-march-rejects-national-strategic-projects-in-merauke/
1) Papuan Gen Z Holds Red-Cross March, Rejects National Strategic Projects in Merauke
Jayapura, Jubi – Dozens of young Papuans affiliated with Papuan Generation Z (Gen Z Papua) staged a Red-Cross march on Sunday (June 21, 2026), expressing their opposition to National Strategic Projects (PSN) in Merauke Regency, South Papua Province, as well as several other issues affecting Papua.
The participants gathered at Red Bridge in Jayapura at around 4:00 p.m. Papua Time. The march route passed through Tasangkapura, Polimak, Taman Imbi, Dok II, and ended in Dok V, North Jayapura District.
Participants carried a number of handwritten posters highlighting various issues in Papua, along with approximately 35 red crosses.
Among the messages displayed on the posters were: “Papuan Gen Z Rejects PSN in Merauke, Papua Is Not Empty Land,” “Papua Under Military Emergency,” “Papua Faces the Threat of Genocide,” “Reject the Biak Spaceport,” “Save Biak,” “Reject PSN,” “Save Mama Yasinta Moywend,” “Save Dandhy Laksono,” and “Papua Is Not Empty Land.”
A representative of Gen Z Papua, Aldy Hukubun, said the group was stopped by officers from the North Jayapura Sector Police (Polsek Jayapura Utara) at the Dok II traffic intersection and was prevented from continuing the march.
“The police blocked us on the grounds that it was Sunday, demonstrations were not allowed, and our action did not have a permit. This march was not intended to mobilize a large crowd. There were fewer than 60 participants,” Aldy said.
“We find it strange and confusing that World Cup victory parades involving hundreds of people are escorted by police, yet when people march to voice concerns about Papuan rights, humanitarian issues, and conditions in Papua, they are obstructed.”
“Our hope is that amid the World Cup euphoria, Papua’s issues will not be forgotten. We should not lose awareness because Papua carries deep wounds that need to be voiced and brought to public attention, including the impacts of the PSN projects in Merauke on endemic wildlife habitats and Indigenous communities, opposition to the Biak spaceport project, and the military emergency situation in Papua,” he said.
Aldy explained that the Red-Cross march was intended as a symbol of opposition and concern regarding conditions in Papua, rather than a symbol of rebellion.
He said that Gen Z Papua simply wanted to convey that the situation in Papua is far from normal.
Another Gen Z Papua participant, Brush Wadi, described the Red-Cross march as an expression of collective awareness.
He said participants shared the concerns of Indigenous communities in Merauke, South Papua, who have been affected by National Strategic Projects, including the loss of customary land rights, land dispossession, and the loss of living space.
“We should not remain complacent because what is happening in Papua today is serious and threatens Papuan people. This march was simply intended to remind the public not to forget Papua’s issues amid the World Cup fever,” Wadi said.
According to Wadi, tensions briefly arose when police officers attempted to seize several posters and cloth banners carried by participants.
“The police seized some of our march materials, including cloth banners reading ‘Papua Under Military Emergency’ and ‘Reject PSN Merauke.’ The situation became tense, but we took them back and went home. Our final destination was the Papua Governor’s Office, but because we were blocked by police, we decided to end the march and return home,” he said. (*)
Maeve Larkins spoke to two members of Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, an activist group based in West Papua, about the Indonesian government’s National Strategic Project (PSN) in Merauke, a region in the south of West Papua. The project is deforesting up to three million hectares of Indigenous land to establish agricultural estates growing rice, sugar cane, corn, palm oil and livestock.
Indonesia has occupied West Papua since 1969, orchestrating a vote (the so-called “Act of Free Choice”) to claim the population wanted integration with Indonesia. The Indonesian government has taken control of West Papua’s mining resources and brought in hundreds of thousands of transmigrants from Java to settle there. Indigenous Papuan rights are frequently overruled in the interests of major corporations, and military repression of Papuans is frequent.
In the first half of this year, over 30 Papuans have been killed by the Indonesian military and police, adding to a total death toll at least 100,000 Papuans since Indonesia took control of the province. West Papuans continue to fight for independence.
Papuan opposition to the PSN is the focus of the new documentary, Pig Feast: Colonialism in our time, which now has over 13 million views on YouTube, and has been screened over 1500 times across Indonesia and internationally. The film is now being repressed by Prabowo’s government in Indonesia, including being banned in several location across Indonesia by local government officials.
To protect the interviewees identities, we have anonymised them as “A” and “B”.
Q: How has the Indonesian government’s National Strategic Project (PSN) impacted Indigenous Papuan communities?
A: The PSN has been devastating in Merauke. It threatens our community, especially our ancestral lands. Most of us are relying on these lands, because we got our food and water from the forest.
So, the PSN threatens our lives, especially the most vulnerable—the children and women. It’s why we are being forced to leave, because they are destroying our land.
But it doesn’t just effect the Indigenous community. The transmigrants who live here are also effected. It causes their crops to fail, and it causes flooding in their rice fields.
We have also lost a lot of our traditional materials. We rely on our rituals, but when the PSN started to destroy the forests, we have lost them. And, when they are lost, people lose their culture, and they lose their identity.
When the PSN started, it also affected people’s health. When the dry season comes, the air becomes polluted with dust. So it effects the whole community in Merauke.
B: The PSN is not just an infrastructure, food security, or energy project. It’s much more than that. It is part of a long-running project of the Indonesian government to transform Indigenous land in West Papua into an extractive industrial zone.
Q: What sort of repression do opponents of the PSN face?
A: There have already been many protests by Indigenous communities across Papua against the PSN, for example, in Sorong, Manokwari, and Boven Digoel. There have been so many protests and rallies that the Indigenous peoples have now been banned from protesting.
We’ve also tried to take our protests to the House of Representatives, but so far, we’ve had no positive responses.
If we stand against the project, we are called separatists, and we are intimidated by the military and by the private companies themselves. Like Mama Yasinta, who has now been kidnapped.
[Yasinta Moiwend, known as “Mama Yasinta”, is an Indigenous Papuan activist who spoke against the PSN in the documentary Pig Feast and who has publicly campaigned against the PSN since 2024. In late May, she was reportedly abducted, threatened and taken to Jakarta, where she appears to have been coerced into filing a police report against the documentary director Dhandy Laksono and Indigenous lawyer John Teddy Wakum, for allegedly using footage of her in the film without her permission. Posts from her social media account since the abduction demand the film screenings of Pig Feast are stopped. Her family, friends and lawyers have been unable to get in touch with her directly.-ML]
I’ve just visited Mama Yasinta’s family. They told me that the Indonesian army is now demanding identification from them so they can frame Mama Yasinta as supporting the PSN. The military has set up a military post in the village of Anam for the construction of a 135km road. Another Papuan activist from the movie is being reported to the police for blocking access to his ancestral lands.
B: The kidnapping of Mama Yasinta is very similar to what Indonesian governments have done in the past to Papuans.
This kind of repression is not normal for other infrastructure projects across Indonesia.
In five years, there will be 500 Indonesian military battalions across West Papua. There are already 83,000 military and police stationed in West Papua—one soldier for every 103 Papuans.
They claim they need to be there to combat armed separatists; but they also admit that there are only around 1500 guerrillas with just over 350 firearms between them across the entire province.
Q: The Australian government trains the Indonesian military and police, and provides a lot of support to Indonesia’s government. What message do you have for Australians about this?
A: We really need Australians’ support. There has to be a campaign from the Australian community that puts the focus on West Papua, and which pushes their government to stop supporting the private companies that are investing in Indonesia, specifically in West Papua.
Australian companies are supporting sugar cane plantations in Merauke. There are currently two operating here, but soon there will be seven. And, the Australian government trains the military who act as the security of the plantations, and the PSN.
To set up the PSN, the soldiers have built many military posts, within Merauke and along the border with Papua New Guinea. They surveil the Papuan civilians, and threaten the girls, especially the communities that reject the PSN.
We do not reject “development”, we ask that our rights as land owners be respected. So far, the government has not recognised us as the owner of the land, even though in Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution, article 18 B, recognises customary law, they do not recognise the existence of the Papuan land owners, and so the government views the forests and the swamps as just unused and vacant land even though we maintain the land as our main source of food. It is also a place to live for endemic animals including birds of paradise, cassowary, wallaby, kangaroo, and cuscus.
B: We have to ask for accountability. For everything the Australian government is doing to support the Indonesian military and police, we have to make sure that it is based on human rights principles.
The solidarity we have received from Australia means a lot to us. We need Australians to monitor their own government and hold them to account.
Q: What is the importance of solidarity, from Indonesians and internationally, with West Papua?
A: Before Pig Feast, it was only very small groups in Indonesia that were aware of the PSN. There have now been over 1500 screenings of Pig Feast across Indonesia, and 13 million views on YouTube.
This has been really important, to get more support and spread awareness about the issue, and to break through propaganda from the Indonesian government.
Unfortunately, many Indonesians are still very racist. They are told that Papuans are “uncivilised” people, and so they believe the government when they say “development” is the only way to bring “civilisation” to the Papuans.
Another challenge is that anyone in Indonesia who opposes the government is labelled as a criminal, a terrorist, or a Communist.
So, I think it’s really important that we keep spreading awareness and educating people.
B: It is very good that there is some solidarity that is growing with West Papua internationally and within Indonesia, but it is not enough.
Papuans want our rights respected, but this isn’t happening. We are similar to Aboriginal people. When we lose our land, our forests, we lose our identity. We believe that if we lose our ancestral lands, we are no longer Papuan.
But, if only Papuans speak up about their land, it will not be enough. We need support and solidarity, not only from Indonesia, but across the world.
Head of the West Papua Community and Village Empowerment Office (DPMK) Legius Wanimbo said in Manokwari on Monday that the allocation is in line with the central government's policy to accelerate the development of the cooperatives.
"Around 58.03 percent of the 2026 Village Fund allocation is directed toward supporting the establishment and strengthening of Red and White Village Cooperatives," Legius said.
According to him, the policy is part of the central government's strategy to strengthen the economic foundations of villages through the development of professionally and sustainably managed cooperative-based businesses.
The funds may be used for various purposes, including the establishment and strengthening of cooperative institutions, provision of business capital, procurement of facilities and infrastructure, and the construction of outlets and warehouses.
"The funds also cover the development of village logistics services, strengthening food security, and marketing village flagship products," Legius said.
He added that around Rp140.4 billion of the 2026 Village Fund allocation for seven districts in West Papua can still be used to support other priority programs in accordance with prevailing regulations and the needs of each village.
Legius explained that the amount of Village Fund allocated to each village is determined based on several government-established indicators, including population size, poverty rate, land area, geographical challenges, and village government performance.
"The Village Fund allocation for each village in West Papua varies because it is adjusted to the indicators set by the government," he said.
He noted that village administrations must complete several preparatory stages to ensure the effective and accountable implementation of the Red and White Village Cooperatives program, including holding special village deliberation meetings.
Other stages include the transparent appointment of cooperative management boards, adjustments to village budget allocations, and the preparation of reporting and accountability mechanisms for Village Fund utilization in accordance with applicable regulations.
"Village authorities must also ensure that the cooperatives can be managed professionally so that they provide sustainable economic benefits for village communities," Legius added.
He expressed hope that optimizing Village Funds through the strengthening of Red and White Village Cooperatives would become an important instrument for increasing village economic productivity, expanding market access for local products, and strengthening food security across West Papua.
Related news: Over 1,000 Red-White Village Co-ops begin operations: minister
Related news: Red and White Village Co-ops: Big ambition, bigger execution challenge
Translator: Bayu Prasetyo
Editor: Primayanti
4) Police officers arrest Papuan student without warrant at Jayapura Harbour
Human rights analysis
Mr Roy Suhuniap during detention at the Jayapura police station (Polres Jayapura)
Document ID: HRM-CAS-082-2026
Region: Indonesia > Papua > Jayapura
Total number of victims: 1
| # | Number of Victims | Name, Details | Gender | Age | Group Affiliation | Violations |
| 1. | 1 | Roy Suhuniap | diverse | 23 | Indigenous Peoples, Student | arbitrary detention, criminalisation |
Perpetrator: Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Police > POLRES
Related Cases:
5) 12-year-old boy arbitrarily arrested by joint forces in Yahukimo
Document ID: HRM-CAS-081-2026
Region: Indonesia > Highland Papua > Yahukimo > Dekai
Total number of victims: 1
| # | Number of Victims | Name, Details | Gender | Age | Group Affiliation | Violations |
| 1. | 1 | Yosua Segenil | diverse | 12 | Indigenous Peoples | arbitrary arrest |
Perpetrators:
Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Military (TNI)
Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Police > Indonesian National Police (POLRI)
Issues: indigenous peoples, security force violence
6) Military disperses documentary film screening in Ternate
Document ID: HRM-CAS-080-2026
Region: Indonesia > North Maluku > Ternate
Total number of victims: dozens
| # | Number of Victims | Name, Details | Gender | Age | Group Affiliation | Violations |
| 1. | dozens | diverse | unknown | Activist, Journalist | freedom of assembly, freedom of expression |
Perpetrator: Republic Indonesia > Indonesian Security Forces > Indonesian Military (TNI)
"It is important to highlight that we are advocating the president's priority programs in 3T areas. MBG, for example, must reach people here in Asmat," he told reporters after visiting the Sago Field School in Asmat on Sunday.
Gibran said the program could potentially be implemented in cooperation with local churches and school canteens to expand its reach in the district.
The MBG program is one of President Prabowo Subianto's priority initiatives aimed at improving the quality of human resources through better nutrition.
"In short, we will continue pushing the president's programs in 3T areas and will follow up on them after returning from Asmat," he said.
During the visit, Gibran also brought along five university students from both public and private universities to allow them to directly observe conditions at the grassroots level, particularly in 3T regions.
At the same event, Asmat District Head Thomas E. Safanpo said the MBG program is highly needed in remote regions such as Asmat.
"As the leader of a 3T region, we feel that the MBG program is highly beneficial for our people, especially schoolchildren, pregnant women, and breastfeeding mothers," he said.
Thomas noted that school absenteeism had been relatively high before the program was introduced in several schools in Asmat.
However, attendance improved after the meals program was launched because students knew they would receive lunch at school.
He also expressed optimism that providing MBG meals to pregnant and breastfeeding mothers would help reduce stunting in the district.
Related news: Gibran checks MBG food quality, school facilities on NTT visit
Related news: Gibran vows to improve MBG governance
Translator: Prisca T, Tegar Nurfitra
Editor: Anton Santoso
8) Gibran pushes development of Asmat museum as cultural showcase
- June 22, 2026 09:41 GMT+700
He delivered the directive during a visit to the museum in Asmat District, South Papua, on Sunday (June 21), where he toured rooms and observed sculptures displayed as cultural heritage of the Asmat tribe, according to a statement received in Jakarta.
Museum director John Ohoiwirin noted that Gibran showed strong enthusiasm during the tour. He said the vice president took time to write down his message and impressions before exploring the facility further to gain insights into the artistic collections exhibited.
"While touring the museum rooms, he displayed great fondness for Asmat arts. He asked many things about our collections," Ohoiwirin remarked.
He added that Gibran’s enthusiasm was especially evident while listening to explanations about the philosophy and cultural values embodied in Asmat sculptures.
"Mr. Vice President issued a directive for us to continue developing this museum. I explained in my presentation earlier that this museum is envisioned as a means of Papuan cultural diplomacy," he stated.
Ohoiwirin further emphasized that the museum is among the oldest in Papua and highlighted his team’s commitment to developing it into a center for cultural preservation, education, and promotion to endear Asmat culture to local communities.
"We intend our development efforts not only to encourage Asmat people to preserve their culture but also to treasure it as a source of power and pride for them," the director concluded.
Gibran’s visit to the Asmat museum aligned with President Prabowo Subianto’s instruction to integrate cultural preservation into national development and promote Papua as one of Indonesia’s cultural centers.
Related news: VP supports Asmat sago school to boost local food
Related news: VP Gibran pledges upgrade of Asmat Hospital to type C
Related news: Minister lauds Asmat youth capable of constructing long boats
Translator: Maria Cicilia, Tegar Nurfitra
Editor: Azis Kurmala
9) VP supports Asmat sago school to boost local food
- June 22, 2026 09:37 GMT+700
Speaking on the sidelines of his working visit to Asmat District on Sunday, the Vice President expressed the Indonesian government is ready to collaborate with community and religious leaders to ensure the smooth implementation of food development programs.
"Today, we observed the process at the Sago Field School. I believe this is a very good initiative and deserves support," he said.
The Asmat Sago Field School is a sago development initiative carried out through a culture based approach and the empowerment of local communities.
Referring to his attendance at the opening of the 17th National Farmers and Fishers Week (PENAS XVII) in Gorontalo on Saturday (June 20), Gibran emphasized that strengthening local commodities as a community food source has become increasingly important.
Efforts to bolster local commodities, says Gibran, have been carried out for a long time, not only by the government but also by organizations at grassroots organizations, including church organizations in Asmat.
"It is the government's duty to amplify this and perhaps replicate it in other regions," he stated.
During his inspection of the Sago Field School, Gibran observed the sago-production process carried out by members of the indigenous Asmat community and distributed school supplies to local children.
Currently, the facility spans around six hectares and is managed collaboratively by the Agats Diocese and the local government.
In addition to serving as a center for sago learning and development, the site is also designed to strengthen the processing of value-added sago derivative products for the benefit the local communities.
Related news: VP Gibran pledges upgrade of Asmat Hospital to type C
Translator: Prisca Triferna, Raka Adji
Editor: Bayu Prasetyo
10) VP Gibran pledges upgrade of Asmat Hospital to type C
- June 21, 2026 21:23 GMT+700
During a visit to Agats Subdistrict, Asmat District, on Sunday, Gibran said the initiative forms part of President Prabowo Subianto’s priority program to expand access to quality basic services in disadvantaged areas.
"I promise Asmat will have a Type C hospital. We will also intervene to improve healthcare services," Gibran said.
During the visit, the vice president inspected Perpetua H. Safanpo Regional Hospital and its facilities and met with several patients.
Hospital Director Yenny Yokung Yong said the vice president's visit could help accelerate the hospital's planned upgrade from Type D to Type C status.
She noted that the hospital is among healthcare projects included in the administration's Quick Wins program.
Yong added that the upgrade should be accompanied by additional medical equipment, including a CT scanner, to reduce patient referrals outside the region and lower treatment costs.
The hospital currently finances referrals for Indigenous Papuan patients, particularly residents of Asmat, through special autonomy funds, she said.
The coverage includes medical assistance and accommodation at referral destinations such as Jayapura, Merauke and Makassar.
Related news: Jayapura Hospital eyes role as Western Pacific healthcare hub
Related news: Indonesian govt to renovate 131 hospitals by 2027
Translator: Prisca Triferna Violleta, Cindy Frishanti Octavia
Editor: Rahmad Nasution
Indonesia’s new commodities regime reflects a sharper form of resource nationalism under Prabowo Subianto, using state power to subordinate private interests while raising serious concerns about discretion, coercion and political targeting.
Last month, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto blindsided his own ministers, stunned the business community and confused global markets with the announcement that exports of key commodities – including palm oil, coal and certain minerals – would soon be channelled through Danantara Sumberdaya Indonesia, a new subsidiary of Indonesia’s state investment vehicle, Danantara.
The policy’s ostensible goals are to expand state oversight of exports and combat tax evasion by resource firms while positioning Danantara as a major player in the global commodities trade. The details continue to evolve, and local business associations are in the meantime pleading with the government to roll the new system out slowly.
This proposed solution to Indonesia’s long-standing problems of revenue leakage has been met with widespread scepticism – if the problem is dodgy invoicing, then why not reform customs and other taxation processes? That the government has not opted for more narrow technical solutions speaks to the grander political objectives at the heart of Danantara Sumberdaya Indonesia.
This new policy is just one in a series of interventions that illuminate the shifts underway in Indonesia’s resource nationalism – from favouring domestic business over foreign rivals to a more wholesale subordination of private interests to state priorities.
Under former presidents Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo, resource nationalism defined Indonesia’s approach to governing its extractive industries. The government compelled major foreign oil, gas and mining firms to divest, while also gradually enacting the bans on raw mineral exports that now underpin Indonesia’s ‘downstreaming’ schemes.
These policies did more than satisfy an ideological preference for nationalist intervention shared by elites and voters – they also aligned with the interests of Indonesia’s domestic business class. Their presidencies saw many foreign mining firms exit Indonesia, either put off or pushed out by new restrictions on foreign ownership upstream. And while Jokowi Widodo did consolidate and expand state-owned miners’ assets, he also made sure to deliver opportunities to major private interests. Resource nationalism benefited politically-connected oligarchs with interests in extractive industries by creating opportunities for them to acquire formerly foreign-owned assets that may otherwise have been beyond their reach.
For more than a decade, Indonesia’s resource nationalism has served local capital as much as the state – while also generating political credit for government. Policies were shaped, often decisively, by the preferences of domestic business interests who had the means and political connections to either influence policy outcomes or take shares in foreign projects. Nationalist interventions were often marked by conflicts of interest and corruption, but they also had support across a broad spectrum of state and business actors.
Today, Prabowo’s deeply held statist ideology, and his disdain for important factions of Indonesia’s oligarchic class, is driving a new kind of resource nationalism that targets the interests of those domestic firms advantaged by previous waves of nationalist intervention.
The policy trend was visible soon after Prabowo’s elevation to the presidency in October 2024. By early 2025, his government was launching crackdowns on mining and plantation activities, disciplining major resources firms with unclear permits and expanding the state’s commercial involvement in these lucrative industries. The Forest Area Enforcement Task Force (or Satgas PKH) led by Prabowo’s key political ally, Minister of Defense Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, has confiscated over three million hectares of palm oil and forest plantations from dozens of companies accused of breaking forest protection rules. Some of these assets have been taken over by a new state-owned agribusiness company, Agrinas.
Both Danantara’s new export regime and the ongoing Forest Area Enforcement Task Force are positioned as responses to long-standing problems that Indonesian elites – and ordinary voters – want confronted. There is little doubt that major resource firms engage in ‘creative’ accounting to avoid taxation, and many manipulate licencing processes and encroach on protected land for mining and plantation activities.
At the same time, the application of Prabowo’s new brand of resource nationalism is highly discretionary in practice. These interventions and others, like the Patriot Bond scheme also overseen by Danantara, are thought to be disproportionately targeting businesses without the ‘right’ connections, or those owned by the ethnic Chinese tycoons who sit atop Indonesia’s rich lists – and with whom Prabowo has had an openly adversarial relationship.
This background explains why the launch of Danantara Sumberdaya Indonesia – enacted with little meaningful consultation across government, industry, and civil society – has not just deepened anxiety about erratic policymaking processes under Prabowo but also prompted speculation about how the reordering of rent seeking opportunities figures in the drive to give Danantara its new brokerage role.
Prabowo-era policy trends are nonetheless in step with global trends. Many resource-rich countries are embracing and experimenting with more nationalist approaches to their resource industries against the backdrop of rising minerals demand and geopolitical competition. Initiatives that increase public oversight over extractive industries are crucial for ensuring states and citizens get more value from their finite resources, and in some contexts increasing state ownership can achieve these goals.
There is also little doubt that Indonesia’s resource sectors need reform. More narrow interventions that target tax collection through firm auditing and improved customs regulation would help to reduce under-invoicing, while rehabilitating independent anti-corruption bodies and courts, and improving environmental and social safeguards in extractive projects, are indispensable for tackling the entrenched corruption and long-standing land disputes that plague Indonesia’s commodities sectors. But the heady mix of statism, coercion and nativism that define Prabowo’s brand of resource nationalism is not the solution.
Republished from East Asia Forum.
Jayapura, Jubi – The Central Papua Provincial Government has sent 250 Indigenous Papuan youths from the province’s eight regencies to Jayapura, Papua, to participate in a two-month preparatory learning program. The participants were officially sent off on Saturday (June 20, 2026).
The program is organized by the Central Papua Provincial Human Resources Development and Personnel Agency (BKPSDM). It aims to prepare Indigenous Papuan students from Central Papua for entrance examinations to Indonesia’s state-run service academies.
Participants will depart in stages between Monday and Wednesday (June 22–24, 2026). The preparatory courses will run from June 25 to August 25, 2026.
The students will be divided into two groups in Jayapura, with 125 participants attending classes at the Papua Hope Language Institute (PHLI) and the remaining 125 enrolled in programs organized by Ruangguru.
Acting Regional Secretary of Central Papua Province, Dr. Silwanus Soemoel, speaking on behalf of Governor Meki Nawipa, said the program reflects the provincial government’s commitment to improving the quality of human resources in Central Papua, particularly among Indigenous Papuan youths seeking admission to state service academies.
“On behalf of the Central Papua Provincial Government, I would like to express my appreciation to the Central Papua Provincial Human Resources Development and Personnel Agency and all parties who have prepared this program,” Soemoele said.
The provincial government hopes participants will make the most of the opportunity. He noted that the students were selected not only to study but also to prepare themselves for a competitive selection process that requires discipline, academic competence, physical fitness, and mental resilience.
According to Soemoel, the Central Papua Provincial Government hopes to increase the number of local students admitted to state service academies.
He said programs such as this serve as a concrete step toward expanding access to quality education and preparing future civil servants who understand the needs of their own region.
The mentors and supervisors involved in the program are also expected to provide serious guidance and closely monitor the participants’ academic progress, discipline, and readiness throughout the training period.
“The success of this program requires supervision and cooperation from all parties. This opportunity must be utilized as effectively as possible,” he said.
He added that admission to state service academies demands discipline, academic ability, physical fitness, and strong mental preparedness. The provincial government hopes more Indigenous Papuan youths from Central Papua will successfully pass the selection process and eventually become public servants who understand the needs of their communities.
Meanwhile, BKPSDM Head Denci Meri Nawipa said the curriculum includes preparation for the Basic Competency Test (SKD), psychological assessments, physical training, CAT-based practice examinations, as well as lessons on civic knowledge and personal character development.
According to Nawipa, the program is designed to prepare participants for admission to six state service academies: the State College of Accountancy (STAN), the Polytechnic of Statistics (STIS), the Immigration Polytechnic, the Correctional Science Polytechnic (Poltekip), the College of Meteorology, Climatology and Geophysics (STMKG), and the State Intelligence College (STIN).
“The examination schedule is still awaiting official confirmation from the Ministry of Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform. During these two months, we hope participants remain fully focused and demonstrate that Indigenous Papuan youths from Central Papua can compete and succeed in this highly competitive selection process,” Denci Meri Nawipa said. (*)
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