1) Keerom needs more police officers to guard Christmas
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1) Keerom needs more police officers to guard Christmas
Fri, December 14 2012 20:42 | 88 Views
Jayapura (ANTARA News) - The Keerom Police Department of Papua needs more police officers to guard Christmas and New Year celebrations in the region.
The Head of the Keerom Police Department, Adjunct Senior Commissioner Pasero, said here Friday that there are a total of 347 police officers, which is less than the ideal number.
"347 police officers are not sufficient to guard Keerom. At least 700 police officers are needed in Keerom," he said.
The Keerom Police Department will deploy 75 percent of the police force to guard Christmas and New Year celebrations in Keerom.
Since 75 percent of the officers will be guarding the celebrations, there will be no more than a hundred officers to look into emergency cases.
"Since Keerom is close to Papua New Guinea, we should have additional police officers to secure the border," he said.
According to Pasero, a shortage of police officers will not be a major obstacle because his team members have strong communication networks with several stakeholders, including the community and religious leaders, who will be involved in the preparation for the celebrations.
(Uu.A060/INE/KR-BSR/F001)
Editor: Priyambodo RH
---------------------------------------------
BY ANDREA BOOTH
photo
Aerial view of Lake Sentani, Papua, Indonesia. Mokhammad Edliadi/CIFOR
BOGOR, Indonesia (14 December, 2012)_Researchers working in northern Papua are helping to incorporate local community perceptions into development activities, using interviews, group discussions, mapmaking, and a workshop to encourage discussion between all stakeholders in the region.
“The prime objective of the project has been to provide input on land-use planning that is harmonious with the regional government’s planning, such as infrastructure development, but also that accommodates local priorities, and addresses sustainable development,” said Michael Padmanaba, a scientist with the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) who has been working on the project.
The two-year-old government of Mamberamo Raya Regency in northern Papua (the first local election was held in 2010) has been looking at how it can manage its booming infrastructural development yet still provide health and education services to remote villages.
“We hope that this process enables the local government and the community to make decisions together,” added Manuel Boissière, a scientist with CIFOR and the Agricultural Research Center for International Development (CIRAD).
The project, run by helped facilitate a negotiation process between local people and the regional government.
Here they speak to Forests News about the two-year project, run by CIFOR, CIRAD and Conservation International Indonesia.
Q: What did your project set out to achieve?
Padmanaba: We wanted this project to demonstrate to the Mamberamo community and Mamberamo Raya Regency Government that useful information can be gathered for land-use planning by looking at the perceptions and priorities of the locals.
It is key to develop land-use plans, whose implementation can be monitored by both local government staff and villagers, and that reflect the aspirations of all stakeholders.
Mamberamo Raya is a new regency at just two year’s old, and it is still learning the ropes. When it was created, it developed a draft of the land-use plan based on the existing provincial-level plan. It hired a consultant to develop the plan, but it has not been accepted yet by the provincial government as it has not provided a complete picture of the territory. I’m not trying to say we proposed a better land-use plan, but we attempted to push the regency to look at land-use planning from another perspective.
We did this through introducing collaborative approaches such as conducting
interviews, group discussions, participatory mapping and holding a workshop to bring villagers and officials to initiate discussions on land-use planning. The prime objective of these tools is to provide input on land-use planning that is harmonious with the regional government’s planning, such as infrastructure development, but also that accommodates local priorities, and addresses sustainable development.
Q: How did the regency respond to your input?Padmanaba: During our final field trip to Mamberamo, which took place over 10 days in March this year, we recognised that our engagement with them was well accepted by the government. The Mamberamo Regent Bapak Demianus Kyew-kyew asked CIFOR, CIRAD and CI to continue working in Mamberamo. He said he was keen to engage in training government staff based on the training guidelines for collaborative land-use planning. Training will be carried out this year.
Q: What did your land-use planning guidelines consist of?
Padmanaba: Our land-use planning guidelines involved step-by-step methods such as interviews, focus groups discussions and participatory mapping, which can be implemented on the ground. During the workshop, we sat together with government and village representatives from the regency to discuss the future of the regency in terms of conservation and development. The six pilot villages, from a total of 59, were also happy with the program, especially the mapmaking component.
Q: Could you tell me more about why maps were a focus in this program?
Padmanaba Disseminating information through a report is commonly perceived as a dry method of communication and is sometimes hard to read. The visual nature of maps means people in the community can more easily understand the territory and quickly provide valuable information. Our participatory land use map was also developed on a scale of 1:50,000, which is similar to the scale required for official spatial planning and thus enables the government to use our maps.
Q: What challenges and sensitivities did you experience during the project?
Padmanaba: First, the area is hard to reach. For example, it can take three days by boat to reach some areas in Mamberamo. Second, we were only working with six pilot villages of a total 59, so we were only providing information relevant to villages representing several types of ecosystems.
There are also border issues between villages. The maps we developed had not been crosschecked with neighboring villages, especially concerning the borders, as our project only worked with six pilot villages chosen on factors such as market access and biodiversity. Therefore, a complete, approved picture still needs to be produced to avoid conflicts around border areas.
Boissière: The word “conservation” must also be used with caution when we are talking about land use. The people of Mamberamo often view this term as a way of taking away their right to their own land.
Q: What do you hope the community and the government can get out of the collaborative land-use planning methods?
Boissière: We showed the local government one way to develop a land-use plan and we have also proposed to train them. We expect that after training, it can continue and improve its engagement with the local communities, and that this approach to land-use planning can be applied throughout the remaining 53 villages.
We hope that this process enables the local government and the community to make decisions together. However, sometimes villagers might only look at decision-making with a short-term perspective. If a company plans to extract coal, for example, people sometimes see only the short-term benefit such as compensations. Our opinion is that we should let them know what the implications are, the risks and advantages, for them to take better-informed decisions.
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3) The Smell of Freedom in Indonesia
Posted: 12/14/2012 2:33 pm
Written by Eben Kirksey
A new fragrance from Lush Cosmetics, The Smell of Freedom, is a blend of sandalwood oil and diverse other aromas. Starting last year, Lush began an unusual campaign in marketing this perfume. At stores in Germany, England, and Australia, Lush raised the national flag of West Papua, a region where sandalwood grows wild. Earlier this month, on Dec. 1, people all around the world raised this same flag, the Morning Star. No, this is not just the latest vapid fashion trend. People are raising this banner of freedom because it has been outlawed by authorities. Papuan leaders first flew the Morning Star on Dec. 1, 1961. Two weeks later, on Dec. 17, 1961, the Indonesian military invaded -- initiating a conflict that has lasted for more than fifty years.
For one week Lush donated 100 percent of their proceeds from The Smell of Freedom perfume to Papuan independence activists.
The stakes of this conflict are high. West Papua is home to the largest gold and copper mine in the world, run by Freeport-McMoRan, a company based in Phoenix, Ariz. In 2011, Freeport paid over $2 billion in taxes to the Indonesian government. Taxes are also streaming in from BP, the company known as "Beyond Petroleum" that is operating a colossal natural gas field off of West Papua's coast. Yet, West Papuaconsistently ranks last, out of Indonesia's 33 provinces, on the Human Development Index -- a measure of life expectancy, literacy, and standard of living. Stark economic inequalities, and appalling abuses by security forces, fuel West Papua's independence struggle. Peaceful flag-raising ceremonies, events which brought thousands onto the streets in recent years, have become opportunities for ordinary civilians to express their dissatisfaction with Indonesian rule.
While people raised the Morning Star flag in solidarity in Europe and down under in Australia, the streets of West Papua were strangely devoid of celebrations this year. In late November Brigadier General Waterpauw, Deputy Chief of Police for the Province announced that his troops would crack down on indigenous leaders in West Papua, if they tried to raise the flag. A massive show of force, involving some 6,000 police officers plus additional military personnel, kept most civilians off city streets on Dec. 1. Victor Yeimo, a youth activist who defied police orders, was detained as he led a peaceful march -- starting from the grave of an indigenous politician who was killed by the Indonesian military.
Flying flags has not always been considered treasonous in Indonesia. Gus Dur, Indonesia's first democratically elected president, was greeted by an estimated 20,000 people --waving the Morning Star and demanding independence -- when he visited West Papua on New Year's Eve 2000 to usher in the dawn of the new millennium. While firmly rejecting demands for a vote on the issue of independence, Gus Dur's administration later announced that flying the Morning Star flag would no longer be considered a treasonous act. Authorities began to permit the flying of this controversial banner as a "cultural symbol" alongside the red-and-white national flag of Indonesia.
Even as Indonesia's civilian leaders began to embrace international norms about the freedom of expression, their policies were quickly undercut by security forces. On Oct. 6, 2000, a local police commander at a remote highland outpost named Daniel Suripati launched an operation to lower all Morning Star flags in his jurisdiction. By the next day at least 37 were dead and 89 seriously injured. Papuan groups flying the Morning Star flag "were attacked deliberately and with considerable force," according to a Human Rights Watch Report. During these assaults "warning shots were fired to disperse Papuans gathered... the flagpole was chainsawed, and the flag torn up or confiscated. Papuans present were beaten, rounded up, and put in police vehicles."
Filep Karma, a political prisoner, who persists in wearing the Morning Star on his shirt even in jail (Photograph: Eben Kirksey).
Many Papuan leaders have been imprisoned for raising the Morning Star. Filep Karma, who led a protest on Dec. 1, 2004, is currently serving a 15-year jail sentence for "rebelling." Amnesty International regards Karma, and some 90 other Papuans who are incarcerated, as political prisoners. "From a legal point of view," in the words of Amnesty's Asia-Pacific program director Sam Zarifi, the detention of these prisoners is "a violation of Indonesia's international legal obligations and...simply hurts the country's global standing."
Ever since Otto Bauer's influential 1924 essay, "The Nation", scholars have questioned the ability of small countries to thrive in the era of modern capitalism. Small nations are always forced to negotiate treaties with larger states and they are almost always at a disadvantage. But even though Papuan leaders are stuck within a situation not of their own choosing -- both under Indonesian rule and on the wider global stage -- they are still achieving surprising victories as they maneuver for rights and justice. Smelling freedom in the shifting winds of history, a multitude of church leaders, politicians, and ordinary citizens are starting to take action in solidarity with this struggle.
Eben Kirksey earned his Ph.D. from the University of California-Santa Cruz and is currently teaching the Environmental Humanities program at UNSW in Sydney, Australia. His first book, Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power, was published by Duke University Press in April 2012.
Follow American Anthropological Association on Twitter:www.twitter.com/AmericanAnthro
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4) Indonesia Must Not Be Tempted to Look Back to the Past: Djoko
Straits Times | December 13, 2012
[Indonesia's experience shows to the world how democracy is compatible with security and how the two produce a much more authentic and robust stability and harmony, says the nation's Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto. This is an excerpt from a lecture he delivered at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore on Monday]
Since it launched an era of democratic reform some 14 years ago, Indonesia has become one of the most vibrant and robust democracies in Southeast Asia. It is arguably even in the same league with Asia's champions of democracy: India, Japan and South Korea. No wonder Indonesia has also become a regular member of the Group of 20.
After embracing democracy, Indonesia has registered a steady annual economic growth averaging 5.2 per cent throughout 2000 to 2010. This is a remarkable feat, surpassed only by China and India. Our per capita income doubled from US$2,120 in 2000 to $4,190 in 2010.
During the same period, according to the Indonesian central statistics bureau, more than 25 million jobs were created. Our middle class increased from 40 million (19.0 percent) in 2000 to 130 million (54.1 percent) in 2010. The number of people living in poverty went down from 47.97 million (23.4 percent) to 21.02 million (12.5 percent).
These positive developments may be attributed to three policies: sensible and prudent fiscal monetary macro management; higher workers' productivity; and the four-track — pro-growth, pro-job, pro-poor and pro-environment — policy of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
But of course, there are challenges we have to address. Among the most urgent on our agenda is the enhancement of our infrastructure. This will, in turn, lead to the efficient management of natural resources that Indonesia has in abundance.
Just as important, we need to ascertain that our economic growth will get more inclusive so that most of our people will enjoy the fruits of development. Inclusiveness is necessary to deal with poverty and income gaps.
On the issue of economic justice, we must continue to give the highest priority to the eradication of corruption and the attainment of good governance. This is a Herculean job and calls for the exercise of the greatest political will to apply the law impartially to everyone. But we will not give up.
In the case of Indonesia, democracy has changed the notion of security. The state used to be the sole center of national life. Now, in a democracy, the citizens and their rights have become the center of all concerns.
Indonesia's experience shows to the world how democracy is compatible with security and how the two produce a much more authentic and robust stability and harmony.
The success of the Aceh peace process is a case in point. The prevailing view was that Aceh could be controlled only by force of arms. It was only when Yudhoyono was elected President that Indonesia cast aside the old security notion on Aceh: The guns went silent, earnest dialogue was promoted, and priority was given to the wellbeing of the people.
The result is self-evident: Now Aceh is not only a stable autonomous province that is perfectly capable of managing its own affairs, but it is also a province that deals with Jakarta in a dynamic and fair manner.
As to Papua, we defend our national sovereignty by implementing five basic policies, namely, one, recognizing Papua's diversity and uniqueness; two, Special Autonomy status; three, affirmative action; four, development and empowerment; and five, respect for human rights.
While it is true that armed violence still happens, it is not our policy to violate human rights in Papua. Please note the fact that Jakarta allocated 5.4 trillion rupiah (S$559 million) for Papua's Special Autonomy in 2012. Compare this to East Nusa Tenggara, for instance, which gets a budget of 2.2 trillion rupiah to run its local government.
In dealing with social conflict in Indonesia, we are firmly committed to applying the social and legal approach rather than a military solution. This approach entails five steps: First, prevent the conflict from happening. Second, when a conflict happens, give priority to law enforcement. Third, launch negotiations on a give-and-take basis to build trust. Fourth, activate leadership for peace at the grassroots level. And fifth, ensure post-conflict management to maintain peace and prevent conflict from recurring.
It may be worthwhile to share with you our way of dealing with terrorism. From 2000 to May 2012, Indonesia had 234 cases of terrorist crimes. To deal with them, we implemented deradicalization and law enforcement campaigns. This is not as easy as the extra-judicial means, because we subject ourselves to legal restraints. At one time, the national police had to let a known terrorist go scot-free simply because we did not have sufficient evidence.
We persevere in upholding the law and in respecting human rights because that is what democracy is about. The extra-judicial approach will only lead to citizens' grievances and drive them to sympathize with the terrorists.
Since the 2002 Bali bombing, justice has been done in almost all terrorism cases. As of March this year, law enforcers have apprehended 732 suspects; all underwent due process of law. Law enforcement, the deradicalization efforts and international cooperation are the pillars of our national efforts at preventing and eradicating terrorism.
A mature and robust democracy, a democracy that can transform conflicts into consensus and peace, a democracy that contributes to social harmony — those are the hallmarks of Indonesia's democracy. A democratic Indonesia, which is economically robust and secure, contributes to Asean stability and regional harmony.
We are aware that given these political and economic achievements, Indonesia is expected to play a more active role in persuading its regional neighbors to be more firmly committed to universal human rights and democracy.
Of course, Indonesia can be expected to be active in promoting democratic values and human rights, joining other Asean nations in encouraging Myanmar, for instance, to make its own democratic transition.
The recent 21st Asean Summit in Phnom Penh adopted the Asean Human Rights Declaration and agreed to the establishment of the Asean Institute for Peace and Reconciliation, which will be located in Jakarta. I am proud to say that Indonesia initiated the move to establish the institute.
Indonesia's support for Timor Leste's democracy since its inception is a clear manifestation of the desire of a democratic Indonesia to leave behind a dark chapter in the intertwined histories of the two countries and forge a lasting friendship.
We must not forget, however, that promoting democracy and human rights in a country depends on the felt needs and aspirations of the people themselves. Democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be home-grown. And although democracy and human rights are universal, their evolution is unique to every particular sovereign state.
We have chosen democracy as our way of life. To ensure that our democratic practices keep on maturing, let us all do our share to make it so fruitful, it will improve the quality of life of the masses of our people.
First, let us continue building effective democratic institutions that deliver good governance.
Second, let our democracy benefit from greater public participation, not only in the implementation of public policies, but also in the process of its making.
Unfortunately, in a democracy, there can be a lot of bickering. The KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission) has done a good job of bringing to justice corrupt public officials, including judges and prosecutors, who abuse their authority. Freedom of the press and expression is used to scrutinize government policy and also for the love of argument.
For those who are not accustomed to it, the uproar is senseless. But, this is how democracy works to improve the quality of life and welfare of Indonesians. Hence, it is wrong to think that Indonesia needs a strongman to lead. What Indonesia needs is an effective government, a robust civil society, transparent and accountable public institutions, and non-discriminatory civil rights and law, which take into account local wisdom. Indonesia does not need a strongman to dominate our lives.
The dominance of a strongman will isolate his economic and political policies from the mainstream of public opinion. And worse, his policies and aspirations will become irrelevant to the real needs and aspirations of the people.
I firmly believe that Indonesia must continue to look to the future — and not be tempted to look back to the past.
Reprinted courtesy of The Straits Times
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1) Keerom needs more police officers to guard Christmas
Fri, December 14 2012 20:42 | 88 Views
Jayapura (ANTARA News) - The Keerom Police Department of Papua needs more police officers to guard Christmas and New Year celebrations in the region.
The Head of the Keerom Police Department, Adjunct Senior Commissioner Pasero, said here Friday that there are a total of 347 police officers, which is less than the ideal number.
"347 police officers are not sufficient to guard Keerom. At least 700 police officers are needed in Keerom," he said.
The Keerom Police Department will deploy 75 percent of the police force to guard Christmas and New Year celebrations in Keerom.
Since 75 percent of the officers will be guarding the celebrations, there will be no more than a hundred officers to look into emergency cases.
"Since Keerom is close to Papua New Guinea, we should have additional police officers to secure the border," he said.
According to Pasero, a shortage of police officers will not be a major obstacle because his team members have strong communication networks with several stakeholders, including the community and religious leaders, who will be involved in the preparation for the celebrations.
(Uu.A060/INE/KR-BSR/F001)
The Head of the Keerom Police Department, Adjunct Senior Commissioner Pasero, said here Friday that there are a total of 347 police officers, which is less than the ideal number.
"347 police officers are not sufficient to guard Keerom. At least 700 police officers are needed in Keerom," he said.
The Keerom Police Department will deploy 75 percent of the police force to guard Christmas and New Year celebrations in Keerom.
Since 75 percent of the officers will be guarding the celebrations, there will be no more than a hundred officers to look into emergency cases.
"Since Keerom is close to Papua New Guinea, we should have additional police officers to secure the border," he said.
According to Pasero, a shortage of police officers will not be a major obstacle because his team members have strong communication networks with several stakeholders, including the community and religious leaders, who will be involved in the preparation for the celebrations.
(Uu.A060/INE/KR-BSR/F001)
Editor: Priyambodo RH
BY ANDREA BOOTH
photo
Aerial view of Lake Sentani, Papua, Indonesia. Mokhammad Edliadi/CIFOR
BOGOR, Indonesia (14 December, 2012)_Researchers working in northern Papua are helping to incorporate local community perceptions into development activities, using interviews, group discussions, mapmaking, and a workshop to encourage discussion between all stakeholders in the region.
“The prime objective of the project has been to provide input on land-use planning that is harmonious with the regional government’s planning, such as infrastructure development, but also that accommodates local priorities, and addresses sustainable development,” said Michael Padmanaba, a scientist with the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) who has been working on the project.
The two-year-old government of Mamberamo Raya Regency in northern Papua (the first local election was held in 2010) has been looking at how it can manage its booming infrastructural development yet still provide health and education services to remote villages.
“We hope that this process enables the local government and the community to make decisions together,” added Manuel Boissière, a scientist with CIFOR and the Agricultural Research Center for International Development (CIRAD).
The project, run by helped facilitate a negotiation process between local people and the regional government.
Here they speak to Forests News about the two-year project, run by CIFOR, CIRAD and Conservation International Indonesia.
Q: What did your project set out to achieve?
Padmanaba: We wanted this project to demonstrate to the Mamberamo community and Mamberamo Raya Regency Government that useful information can be gathered for land-use planning by looking at the perceptions and priorities of the locals.
It is key to develop land-use plans, whose implementation can be monitored by both local government staff and villagers, and that reflect the aspirations of all stakeholders.
Mamberamo Raya is a new regency at just two year’s old, and it is still learning the ropes. When it was created, it developed a draft of the land-use plan based on the existing provincial-level plan. It hired a consultant to develop the plan, but it has not been accepted yet by the provincial government as it has not provided a complete picture of the territory. I’m not trying to say we proposed a better land-use plan, but we attempted to push the regency to look at land-use planning from another perspective.
We did this through introducing collaborative approaches such as conducting
interviews, group discussions, participatory mapping and holding a workshop to bring villagers and officials to initiate discussions on land-use planning. The prime objective of these tools is to provide input on land-use planning that is harmonious with the regional government’s planning, such as infrastructure development, but also that accommodates local priorities, and addresses sustainable development.
interviews, group discussions, participatory mapping and holding a workshop to bring villagers and officials to initiate discussions on land-use planning. The prime objective of these tools is to provide input on land-use planning that is harmonious with the regional government’s planning, such as infrastructure development, but also that accommodates local priorities, and addresses sustainable development.
Q: How did the regency respond to your input?Padmanaba: During our final field trip to Mamberamo, which took place over 10 days in March this year, we recognised that our engagement with them was well accepted by the government. The Mamberamo Regent Bapak Demianus Kyew-kyew asked CIFOR, CIRAD and CI to continue working in Mamberamo. He said he was keen to engage in training government staff based on the training guidelines for collaborative land-use planning. Training will be carried out this year.
Q: What did your land-use planning guidelines consist of?
Padmanaba: Our land-use planning guidelines involved step-by-step methods such as interviews, focus groups discussions and participatory mapping, which can be implemented on the ground. During the workshop, we sat together with government and village representatives from the regency to discuss the future of the regency in terms of conservation and development. The six pilot villages, from a total of 59, were also happy with the program, especially the mapmaking component.
Q: Could you tell me more about why maps were a focus in this program?
Padmanaba Disseminating information through a report is commonly perceived as a dry method of communication and is sometimes hard to read. The visual nature of maps means people in the community can more easily understand the territory and quickly provide valuable information. Our participatory land use map was also developed on a scale of 1:50,000, which is similar to the scale required for official spatial planning and thus enables the government to use our maps.
Q: What challenges and sensitivities did you experience during the project?
Padmanaba: First, the area is hard to reach. For example, it can take three days by boat to reach some areas in Mamberamo. Second, we were only working with six pilot villages of a total 59, so we were only providing information relevant to villages representing several types of ecosystems.
There are also border issues between villages. The maps we developed had not been crosschecked with neighboring villages, especially concerning the borders, as our project only worked with six pilot villages chosen on factors such as market access and biodiversity. Therefore, a complete, approved picture still needs to be produced to avoid conflicts around border areas.
Boissière: The word “conservation” must also be used with caution when we are talking about land use. The people of Mamberamo often view this term as a way of taking away their right to their own land.
Q: What do you hope the community and the government can get out of the collaborative land-use planning methods?
Boissière: We showed the local government one way to develop a land-use plan and we have also proposed to train them. We expect that after training, it can continue and improve its engagement with the local communities, and that this approach to land-use planning can be applied throughout the remaining 53 villages.
We hope that this process enables the local government and the community to make decisions together. However, sometimes villagers might only look at decision-making with a short-term perspective. If a company plans to extract coal, for example, people sometimes see only the short-term benefit such as compensations. Our opinion is that we should let them know what the implications are, the risks and advantages, for them to take better-informed decisions.
3) The Smell of Freedom in Indonesia
Posted: 12/14/2012 2:33 pm
Written by Eben Kirksey
A new fragrance from Lush Cosmetics, The Smell of Freedom, is a blend of sandalwood oil and diverse other aromas. Starting last year, Lush began an unusual campaign in marketing this perfume. At stores in Germany, England, and Australia, Lush raised the national flag of West Papua, a region where sandalwood grows wild. Earlier this month, on Dec. 1, people all around the world raised this same flag, the Morning Star. No, this is not just the latest vapid fashion trend. People are raising this banner of freedom because it has been outlawed by authorities. Papuan leaders first flew the Morning Star on Dec. 1, 1961. Two weeks later, on Dec. 17, 1961, the Indonesian military invaded -- initiating a conflict that has lasted for more than fifty years.
For one week Lush donated 100 percent of their proceeds from The Smell of Freedom perfume to Papuan independence activists.
For one week Lush donated 100 percent of their proceeds from The Smell of Freedom perfume to Papuan independence activists.
The stakes of this conflict are high. West Papua is home to the largest gold and copper mine in the world, run by Freeport-McMoRan, a company based in Phoenix, Ariz. In 2011, Freeport paid over $2 billion in taxes to the Indonesian government. Taxes are also streaming in from BP, the company known as "Beyond Petroleum" that is operating a colossal natural gas field off of West Papua's coast. Yet, West Papuaconsistently ranks last, out of Indonesia's 33 provinces, on the Human Development Index -- a measure of life expectancy, literacy, and standard of living. Stark economic inequalities, and appalling abuses by security forces, fuel West Papua's independence struggle. Peaceful flag-raising ceremonies, events which brought thousands onto the streets in recent years, have become opportunities for ordinary civilians to express their dissatisfaction with Indonesian rule.
While people raised the Morning Star flag in solidarity in Europe and down under in Australia, the streets of West Papua were strangely devoid of celebrations this year. In late November Brigadier General Waterpauw, Deputy Chief of Police for the Province announced that his troops would crack down on indigenous leaders in West Papua, if they tried to raise the flag. A massive show of force, involving some 6,000 police officers plus additional military personnel, kept most civilians off city streets on Dec. 1. Victor Yeimo, a youth activist who defied police orders, was detained as he led a peaceful march -- starting from the grave of an indigenous politician who was killed by the Indonesian military.
Flying flags has not always been considered treasonous in Indonesia. Gus Dur, Indonesia's first democratically elected president, was greeted by an estimated 20,000 people --waving the Morning Star and demanding independence -- when he visited West Papua on New Year's Eve 2000 to usher in the dawn of the new millennium. While firmly rejecting demands for a vote on the issue of independence, Gus Dur's administration later announced that flying the Morning Star flag would no longer be considered a treasonous act. Authorities began to permit the flying of this controversial banner as a "cultural symbol" alongside the red-and-white national flag of Indonesia.
Even as Indonesia's civilian leaders began to embrace international norms about the freedom of expression, their policies were quickly undercut by security forces. On Oct. 6, 2000, a local police commander at a remote highland outpost named Daniel Suripati launched an operation to lower all Morning Star flags in his jurisdiction. By the next day at least 37 were dead and 89 seriously injured. Papuan groups flying the Morning Star flag "were attacked deliberately and with considerable force," according to a Human Rights Watch Report. During these assaults "warning shots were fired to disperse Papuans gathered... the flagpole was chainsawed, and the flag torn up or confiscated. Papuans present were beaten, rounded up, and put in police vehicles."
Many Papuan leaders have been imprisoned for raising the Morning Star. Filep Karma, who led a protest on Dec. 1, 2004, is currently serving a 15-year jail sentence for "rebelling." Amnesty International regards Karma, and some 90 other Papuans who are incarcerated, as political prisoners. "From a legal point of view," in the words of Amnesty's Asia-Pacific program director Sam Zarifi, the detention of these prisoners is "a violation of Indonesia's international legal obligations and...simply hurts the country's global standing."
Ever since Otto Bauer's influential 1924 essay, "The Nation", scholars have questioned the ability of small countries to thrive in the era of modern capitalism. Small nations are always forced to negotiate treaties with larger states and they are almost always at a disadvantage. But even though Papuan leaders are stuck within a situation not of their own choosing -- both under Indonesian rule and on the wider global stage -- they are still achieving surprising victories as they maneuver for rights and justice. Smelling freedom in the shifting winds of history, a multitude of church leaders, politicians, and ordinary citizens are starting to take action in solidarity with this struggle.
Eben Kirksey earned his Ph.D. from the University of California-Santa Cruz and is currently teaching the Environmental Humanities program at UNSW in Sydney, Australia. His first book, Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power, was published by Duke University Press in April 2012.
Follow American Anthropological Association on Twitter:www.twitter.com/AmericanAnthro
Straits Times | December 13, 2012
Since it launched an era of democratic reform some 14 years ago, Indonesia has become one of the most vibrant and robust democracies in Southeast Asia. It is arguably even in the same league with Asia's champions of democracy: India, Japan and South Korea. No wonder Indonesia has also become a regular member of the Group of 20.
After embracing democracy, Indonesia has registered a steady annual economic growth averaging 5.2 per cent throughout 2000 to 2010. This is a remarkable feat, surpassed only by China and India. Our per capita income doubled from US$2,120 in 2000 to $4,190 in 2010.
During the same period, according to the Indonesian central statistics bureau, more than 25 million jobs were created. Our middle class increased from 40 million (19.0 percent) in 2000 to 130 million (54.1 percent) in 2010. The number of people living in poverty went down from 47.97 million (23.4 percent) to 21.02 million (12.5 percent).
These positive developments may be attributed to three policies: sensible and prudent fiscal monetary macro management; higher workers' productivity; and the four-track — pro-growth, pro-job, pro-poor and pro-environment — policy of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
But of course, there are challenges we have to address. Among the most urgent on our agenda is the enhancement of our infrastructure. This will, in turn, lead to the efficient management of natural resources that Indonesia has in abundance.
Just as important, we need to ascertain that our economic growth will get more inclusive so that most of our people will enjoy the fruits of development. Inclusiveness is necessary to deal with poverty and income gaps.
On the issue of economic justice, we must continue to give the highest priority to the eradication of corruption and the attainment of good governance. This is a Herculean job and calls for the exercise of the greatest political will to apply the law impartially to everyone. But we will not give up.
In the case of Indonesia, democracy has changed the notion of security. The state used to be the sole center of national life. Now, in a democracy, the citizens and their rights have become the center of all concerns.
Indonesia's experience shows to the world how democracy is compatible with security and how the two produce a much more authentic and robust stability and harmony.
The success of the Aceh peace process is a case in point. The prevailing view was that Aceh could be controlled only by force of arms. It was only when Yudhoyono was elected President that Indonesia cast aside the old security notion on Aceh: The guns went silent, earnest dialogue was promoted, and priority was given to the wellbeing of the people.
The result is self-evident: Now Aceh is not only a stable autonomous province that is perfectly capable of managing its own affairs, but it is also a province that deals with Jakarta in a dynamic and fair manner.
As to Papua, we defend our national sovereignty by implementing five basic policies, namely, one, recognizing Papua's diversity and uniqueness; two, Special Autonomy status; three, affirmative action; four, development and empowerment; and five, respect for human rights.
While it is true that armed violence still happens, it is not our policy to violate human rights in Papua. Please note the fact that Jakarta allocated 5.4 trillion rupiah (S$559 million) for Papua's Special Autonomy in 2012. Compare this to East Nusa Tenggara, for instance, which gets a budget of 2.2 trillion rupiah to run its local government.
In dealing with social conflict in Indonesia, we are firmly committed to applying the social and legal approach rather than a military solution. This approach entails five steps: First, prevent the conflict from happening. Second, when a conflict happens, give priority to law enforcement. Third, launch negotiations on a give-and-take basis to build trust. Fourth, activate leadership for peace at the grassroots level. And fifth, ensure post-conflict management to maintain peace and prevent conflict from recurring.
It may be worthwhile to share with you our way of dealing with terrorism. From 2000 to May 2012, Indonesia had 234 cases of terrorist crimes. To deal with them, we implemented deradicalization and law enforcement campaigns. This is not as easy as the extra-judicial means, because we subject ourselves to legal restraints. At one time, the national police had to let a known terrorist go scot-free simply because we did not have sufficient evidence.
We persevere in upholding the law and in respecting human rights because that is what democracy is about. The extra-judicial approach will only lead to citizens' grievances and drive them to sympathize with the terrorists.
Since the 2002 Bali bombing, justice has been done in almost all terrorism cases. As of March this year, law enforcers have apprehended 732 suspects; all underwent due process of law. Law enforcement, the deradicalization efforts and international cooperation are the pillars of our national efforts at preventing and eradicating terrorism.
A mature and robust democracy, a democracy that can transform conflicts into consensus and peace, a democracy that contributes to social harmony — those are the hallmarks of Indonesia's democracy. A democratic Indonesia, which is economically robust and secure, contributes to Asean stability and regional harmony.
We are aware that given these political and economic achievements, Indonesia is expected to play a more active role in persuading its regional neighbors to be more firmly committed to universal human rights and democracy.
Of course, Indonesia can be expected to be active in promoting democratic values and human rights, joining other Asean nations in encouraging Myanmar, for instance, to make its own democratic transition.
The recent 21st Asean Summit in Phnom Penh adopted the Asean Human Rights Declaration and agreed to the establishment of the Asean Institute for Peace and Reconciliation, which will be located in Jakarta. I am proud to say that Indonesia initiated the move to establish the institute.
Indonesia's support for Timor Leste's democracy since its inception is a clear manifestation of the desire of a democratic Indonesia to leave behind a dark chapter in the intertwined histories of the two countries and forge a lasting friendship.
We must not forget, however, that promoting democracy and human rights in a country depends on the felt needs and aspirations of the people themselves. Democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be home-grown. And although democracy and human rights are universal, their evolution is unique to every particular sovereign state.
We have chosen democracy as our way of life. To ensure that our democratic practices keep on maturing, let us all do our share to make it so fruitful, it will improve the quality of life of the masses of our people.
First, let us continue building effective democratic institutions that deliver good governance.
Second, let our democracy benefit from greater public participation, not only in the implementation of public policies, but also in the process of its making.
Unfortunately, in a democracy, there can be a lot of bickering. The KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission) has done a good job of bringing to justice corrupt public officials, including judges and prosecutors, who abuse their authority. Freedom of the press and expression is used to scrutinize government policy and also for the love of argument.
For those who are not accustomed to it, the uproar is senseless. But, this is how democracy works to improve the quality of life and welfare of Indonesians. Hence, it is wrong to think that Indonesia needs a strongman to lead. What Indonesia needs is an effective government, a robust civil society, transparent and accountable public institutions, and non-discriminatory civil rights and law, which take into account local wisdom. Indonesia does not need a strongman to dominate our lives.
The dominance of a strongman will isolate his economic and political policies from the mainstream of public opinion. And worse, his policies and aspirations will become irrelevant to the real needs and aspirations of the people.
I firmly believe that Indonesia must continue to look to the future — and not be tempted to look back to the past.
Reprinted courtesy of The Straits Times
http://theconversation.edu.au/australian-media-only-tells-half-the-story-about-west-papua-11313
5) The Conversation: Australian media only tells half the story about West Papua
By Kayt Davies, Edith Cowan University
Last friday a picture story appeared on page three of The Age that was ostensibly about events in West Papua. The story was pitched as a quirky yarn, replete with a wacky Disney character, a kilt (always a bit funny) and some large weapons.
All these elements tick boxes on the newsworthiness checklist – but, as US journalist Charles Feldman told a gathering of the Journalism Education Association of Australia in Melbourne earlier last week, “there is a difference between news and journalism”.
The story was about Gerard Michael Little, who presents as a well meaning man dismayed at the death toll in Papua and who allegedly wanted to put his military and paramilitary training to good use in the form of an armed peace keeping force. He was arrested in Brisbane last week under a rarely used law that prohibits hostile activities by armed non-state actors, including planning and training.
To make the charges stick, the prosecutor will have to prove that he was armed and intending to take offensive action.
The story’s first appearance was on Wednesday December 5 when The Australian, ABC Local, the Sydney Morning Herald, The Herald Sun and APN’sToowoomba Chronicle reported that Little had been arrested. The Jakarta Globe followed up the next day as news emerged from his court appearance.
The articles were all accounts of the bare facts of the court case, in turn highlighting Little’s Victorian and Toowoomba connections, paramilitary training in the Ukraine, disability pension and grandfather status. Reporting a day later, The Age’s Justice Editor Dan Oakes did commendable research on the man and wrote up what he found.
But what was omitted was the context. What is happening in West Papua, in general and in particular this week, goes some way towards explaining Little’s actions.
Having arrived in Melbourne a day ahead of a gathering of journalism educators, I was in town for the December 1 West Papuan flag day celebrations in front of the State Library. West Papuan foreign minister in exile Jacob Rumbiak told the crowd he’d spent a decade in prison for raising a flag in Papua, and that he had many colleagues behind bars for exercising their right to peacefully express their opinion. A young Papuan activist read an open letter to Julia Gillard calling for Australia to take responsibility for the actions of the troops it is training and the atrocities they are committing on Papuan soil.
While Melbourne was sunny and bright, the cloud that passed over the gathering in its final moment at Federation Square was news that Victor Yeimo, the chairman of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) had been arrested. His crime was to lead a peaceful protest march.
The Melbourne West Papuan community waited for news, as international human rights monitors made enquiries about Yeimo’s status and whereabouts. The next day police announced he had been released, leading to concern that he may have “disappeared”.
But Yeimo surfaced, and filed a report that quoted Jayapura police captain Kiki Kurnia saying, “We are ready to wreak havoc and clash with all of you”. Yeimo called on the international community to take action.
Other positive news that didn’t attract the interest of News Ltd, Fairfax or the ABC: an announcement that the Indonesian Law and Human Rights Ministry had agreed to give sentence remissions to around 20 Papuan political prisoners. This announcement must be backed by vigilant international watchdog journalism to ensure that it delivers the due judicial process it appears to promise.
Tempering the optimism of this announcement was the sad news that political prisoner Timotius Napirem Ap was shot dead – in the feet, neck and back – by police.
This is just one week in the rolling saga of the civil resistance movement in West Papua. It’s a story that involves villagers who live in grass huts in jungles, students who live in dorms in the urban heart of Jayapura, Australian mining executives, and the protesters who gathered in Melbourne.
For them, the flurry of news attention given to Little’s arrest must seem odd. That events like these would prompt a military-trained man to step in and try to do something about the void of international neglect and media disinterest is not surprising. But he’s a symptom, not the cause, and his story is just a quirky tangent to a real story that is mostly ignored by Australia’s mainstream media.
Kayt Davies does not work for, consult to, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has no relevant affiliations.
This article was originally published at The Conversation. Read the original article.
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