7) Racism and poverty myths in Tanah Papua
"The active armed groups operate in the sub-districts of Ilaga and Beoga in Puncak District; Sugapa Sub-district in Intan Jaya District; and Nduga District," Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Mathius Fakhiri stated in Timika, the capital of Mimika District, on Sunday.
These notorious armed separatist terrorists are led by figures placed on the Papua police's wanted list, such as Lekagak Telenggen, Militer Murib, Sabinus Waker, and Egianus Kogoya, he remarked.
"Two splinter groups of the Lekagak Telenggen-led armed group are operating in Puncak District," he remarked, adding that army and police personnel had managed to restore law and order in Beoga Sub-district after two teachers were killed on April 8 and April 9, 2021.
A joint team of army and police personnel was additionally dispatched to Ilaga Sub-district to stop the armed groups' frequent security disturbances in the administrative areas of this capital city of Puncak District, he stated.
The reinforcement of security personnel in Papua's mountainous areas is expected to help the Papua police soon arrest the masterminds behind the incidents of armed violence that had claimed the lives of several unarmed and innocent civilians, he remarked.
Over the past few years, armed Papuan groups have often employed hit-and-run tactics against Indonesian security personnel and mounted acts of terror against civilians in the districts of Intan Jaya, Nduga, and Puncak to trigger a sense of fear among the people.
The recent targets of such acts of terror included construction workers, motorcycle taxi (ojek) drivers, teachers, students, street food vendors, and also civilian aircraft.
On December 2, 2018, a group of armed Papuan rebels brutally killed 31 workers from PT Istaka Karya engaged in the construction of the Trans Papua project in Kali Yigi and Kali Aurak in Yigi Sub-district, Nduga District.
On the same day, armed attackers also killed a soldier, identified as Handoko, and injured two other security personnel, Sugeng and Wahyu.
Such acts of violence have continued this year. On January 6, 2021, at least 10 armed separatist terrorists vandalized and torched a Quest Kodiak aircraft belonging to Mission Aviation Fellowship (MAF) on the Pagamba village airstrip.
On February 8, 2021, a 32-year-old man was shot at close range in Bilogai Village, Sugapa Sub-district.
The victim, identified by his initials as RNR, sustained gunshot wounds on the face and right shoulder and was taken to the Timika Public Hospital in Mimika District on February 9.
In a separate incident on February 9, six armed Papuans fatally stabbed a motorcycle taxi (ojek) driver.
A motorcycle taxi driver was shot dead by an unknown gunman in Papua.
On April 8, 2021, several armed Papuan rebels opened fire at a kiosk in Julukoma Village, Beoga Sub-district, Puncak District.
The shooting resulted in the death of a Beoga public elementary school teacher, identified as Oktovianus Rayo.
After killing Rayo, the armed attackers torched three classrooms at the Beoga public senior high school.
On April 9, 2021, armed separatists reportedly fatally shot another teacher, Yonatan Randen, on the chest.
Two days later, nine classrooms at the Beoga public junior high school were set ablaze by an armed group.
Barely four days later, Ali Mom, a student of the Ilaga public senior high school in Beoga Sub-district, was brutally killed by armed attackers.
On April 25, 2021, Papuan separatists, operating in Beoga, ambushed State Intelligence Agency (Papua) Chief I Gusti Putu Danny Karya Nugraha and several security personnel during their visit to Dambet Village.
Related news: Addressing inequality in Indonesia's quality education
Related news: See no reason for Papuans to demand independence: Community leader
EDITED BY INE
At a discussion and launch of a virtual Papuan documentation website here on Monday, Head of the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN) Laksana Tri Handoko stated that the Papua information center had demonstrated LIPI's commitment to documenting scientific data on Papua.
Handoko, ex-chairman of LIPI, remarked that technical data on Papua is not only beneficial for scientific development but can also be utilized as a basis for framing policies and programs for regional development.
LIPI researchers have conducted scientific activities in Papua for four decades, and such research on Papua has been ongoing until now.
Related news: Six armed Papuan separatist terrorist groups actively operate: police
Around 200 researchers are involved in over 150 scientific activities of LIPI on Papua Island. The research outcomes spanning various disciplines are well-documented and accessible to the public through the Papua information center page managed by the Center for Scientific Data and Documentation of LIPI.
Academic works on Papua at the Papua information center comprise issues of languages, environment, maritime affairs, customs, botany, development, education, health, special autonomy, politics, and separatist conflicts.
Data from scientific research results can be utilized during the data- and knowledge-based policy-making process as well as for chalking out Papua’s development programs in general.
"Of course, we do not want the data collected in this national scientific repository to be static information, but it must have a strategic meaning related to Papua to demonstrate to the world Indonesia's major attention and efforts toward the progress of Papua from the start," Handoko stated. Related news: Addressing inequality in Indonesia's quality education
By Yamin Kogoya
6) The Indonesian government is turning West Papuans into terrorists to justify waging a war
The Indonesian government has officially labelled the OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka) Free Papuan Movement and its military wing, the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army) as a terrorist group.
This came about at the height of a string of shootings and killings – which have been taking place in recent months in Papua's highlands – that lead to the killing of a senior Indonesian Intelligence Officer General I Gusti Putu Danny Karya Nugraha last week.
In response, the president of Indonesia, Jokowi, has ordered a crackdown on the armed resistance group OPM TPNPB. A few days later, Mohammad Mahfud MD, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, declared that those in Papua (presumably the OPM TPNPB) who commit crimes would be classified as "terrorists."
The People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker in Jakarta, Bambang Soesatyo, stressed this issue by saying, "I demand that the government deploy their security forces at full force to exterminate the armed criminal groups (KKP) in Papua which have taken lives. Just eradicate them. Let's talk about human rights later."
This announcement and such statements have caused a reaction among Indonesian leaders and civil society groups. Police observer, Irjen Pol Purn Sisno Adiwinoto, warned that labelling Papuan separatist groups as "terrorists" will not solve problems in West Papua. "If anything, this might just be the opportunity for resistance groups to get the United States involved," said Adiwinoto.
Philip Situmorang, Public Relations Officer from the Fellowship of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), asks the government to be careful of their decision to label the armed criminal group (KKB) as a terrorist group. The church groups have warned that Jakarta should choose a different approach to Papua. Labelling Papua as a terrorist will psychologically impact the Papuan community, which might instil fear, distrust, and hatred among communities in the land of Papua.
West Papua is a region known for the international media blackout. This makes it challenging to allow independent media or Human Rights agencies to investigate the killings. The country's justice system often fails to provide fair, transparent justice for the alleged perpetrators.
The governor of Papua province, Lukas Enembe, also expressed his concern about the central government announcement. The statement released from the governor's office stated that this labelling would affect the Papuan population, not just OPM TPNPB. Papuans in West Papua and abroad will be stigmatized through the lens of the word terrorist. Hence, the governor asked for the central Government to review its decision comprehensively. One of the seven points he made was that he strongly suggested the central government check with the United Nations about the decision.
Benny Wenda, the leader of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, also condemned Jokowi's announcement. "My questions to the president of Indonesia are: Who invaded our country in the first place? Who has killed over 500,000 men, women, and children? Who has displaced over 50,000 civilians since December 2018, leading to the deaths of hundreds of more people? An illegal invasion and occupation is a criminal act. Genocide is a terrorist act. Resistance to these are legitimate and necessary," Benny Wenda said.
These concerns are expressed in recognition that, after sixty years, Jakarta insists on introducing a policy that will harm the Papuan people. Fifty-eight years ago, in May 1963, was the landing of Indonesian troops after the Western power gave them the green light during the controversial "The New York Agreement" – the agreement in which Papuans weren't invited. The real terror in Papua began from this day.
Jakarta invents words and phrases and decides their definitions to control Papuan people.
The Indonesian Government has used many names and phrases to legitimize their military operations in the land of Papua. Between 1964 – 1966, leading up to the Act of Free Choice in 1969 (which Papuans consider a sham, or "Act of No Choice"), army general Kartidjo Sastrodinoto led an operation called "Operasi Wisnurmurti III and IV. The years between 1977-1982, a general named Imam Munandar led another operation named "Operasi Kikis", followed by "Operasi Sapu Bersih". The "Operasi Penyisiran" was another name given for 2002-2004 operations in Wamena, Papua's highland town.
These are just a few of many, both visible and invisible, military operations in West Papua. These terminologies carry specific energy and command and manifest different state behaviours that target Papuan lives; they mean something like "wipe-out, clean, straighten, remove, taming the wild forest, restoring order", etc. They are not the languages of healing and reconciliation but of war and elimination.
Elites in Jakarta have convinced themselves to believe that there is a monster in the land of Papua and that the beast needs to be eliminated. This paranoid way of thinking is akin to saying all non-black immigrants in the land of Papua are scary, so we should label them as demons and kill them or labelling all Muslims as terrorists because they are following the religion of Islam. Papua governor and civil society groups are concerned that every Papuan will be stigmatized as a terrorist, regardless of whether they are a member of OPM TPNPB or not.
This labelling is not just to harm OPM TPNPB but is a direct assault on Papuan history, language, livelihood, and aspirations for a better world, pushed by Papuan resistance groups.
One of the main concerns that have been raised within the resistance movements is that the Indonesian Government is labelling West Papua national liberation as a terrorist to criminalize the movement and depict them as radical extremists in the eyes of international communities.
This is an old colonial game, where blaming the victims makes it difficult for them to report the crimes, allowing the perpetrators to avoid being held accountable for their actions.
In the media interview by Metrotvnews on April 30th, Mohammad Mahfud MD stated they must contain the situation in West Papua before controlling the situation outside of Papua, inferring that influencing public opinion in the international community must begin by creating a terrorist of West Papua.
The central Government in Jakarta will use the word "terrorist" to convince the international community not to support these activist groups in West Papua. It intends to damage the integrity and reputation of the West Papua liberation movement, which has been gaining a lot of sympathy from international communities and institutions such as ACP (Africa Caribbean Pacific group of states), MSG (Melanesian Spearhead Group), PIF (Pacific Islands Forum) and Human Rights Council in Geneva.
Many described the announcement as a desperate attempt to halt the region's independence movement. David Robie wrote that this is Jakarta's "worse ever" policy on West Papua, as reported by the Asia Pacific Report last week, 30th April.
President Jokowi's welfare approach and his twelve visits to Papua turned out to be a mere trojan horse. He and his Government are not delivering welfare to Papuan people at all – they are creating terrorists in West Papua to justify war against the Papuan people.
How will they distinguish and catch this monster, which they have called "terrorist" in Papua? Or are they going to create one that looks like a terrorist?
Is OPM a terrorist group or a legendary saviour in Papuan's independence imagination?
In the 1980s, when I was growing up in my highland village of Papua from the ages of 8-12, I often heard the name OPM. At the time, the name sounded like it had magical power. I still associate the name OPM with that story.
At that time, I was told that OPM has a secret power that controls weather patterns. My family said that if you see heavy rain or thick clouds covering the mountains, then it is a sign that OPM is near or OPM created the bad weather to confuse their enemies. This kind of story makes me very curious about the name OPM.
I then asked my elders, who were OPM's enemy and whether OPM were human or forest spirits? They would say to me that OPM were not forest spirits. They were human beings just like us, but they couldn't divulge their identities to keep their family members safe from interrogation if their true identities were revealed to Indonesian soldiers.
According to the village story, OPM have the power of nature, and they can obscure the sight of the Indonesian soldiers and make them crazy. At the time, I was astonished by these stories.
With these fascinations, I continued to ask if the OPM was something that I should fear. They would tell me, "child, you should not be afraid of the OPM, because the OPM will protect you, and they will expel the Indonesian soldiers who were roaming around here, killing and raping women."
I grew up with these types of stories, and I am sure that many Papuans have similar stories to tell about what the name of OPM means to them.
OPM carries the spirit that keeps the hope of a better world (free from Indonesia) alive. That's how I understand it. That hope, in Papuans' imagination, is political Independence from Indonesia.
To be OPM is to be a proud Papuan, and to be Papuan is to be proud to be OPM because, in the minds of Papuans, OPM represents hope, freedom, salvation, healing, and reconciliation.
As legend has it in the island of Biak, during the early 1940s, before Indonesia got their Independence from the Dutch, it was the spirit of the Morning Star that healed the legends Manarmakeri and Angganitha. Papuan people in the Biak island were already dreaming of a new world – a world free from terror, with the spirit of the Morning Star before Indonesia gained its Independence in 1945.
OPM stands to manifest that utopian dream of a Papuan free state as sovereign people. This fear of manifesting Papuan Statehood drives Jakarta's reckless policies toward West Papua.
If Papuans were asked, without any intimidation or bribery, which spirit do they trust and believe in, the OPM or Indonesia security forces, I am confident that they would choose the spirit and the legend of OPM because that spirit stands for freedom and salvation.
The word "terrorist" is the deadliest weapon that Indonesia has invented to kill Papuan people
This reckless labelling is dangerous, as already expressed by Governor Lukas and other civil society groups, because all Papuan people will suffer, not just OPM. Papuan people are already suffering in every aspect of their lives, this labelling will add more under the Indonesian rule and western capitalist world order.
It is unfortunate that Indonesia is one of the most religious places, and yet unable to uphold its own religious morals and ethical teachings, as inscribed in their constitutional pillars: Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (Belief in the Almighty God) and Kemanusiaan Yang Adil dan Beradab (Just and Civilized Humanity). Do the Indonesian ruling elites still believe in these words?
With all the human and material resources being spent on securing West Papua, the question we need to be asking is, 'why is Jakarta still unable to catch all the perpetrators and bring them to face justice?’
If the elites in Jakarta believe with sincerity in promoting the slogan "wonderful Indonesia" on the world's stage, then the way they approach Papua needs to change. Papua will always be like a pebble in Indonesia's shoe – it must be resolved in a humane manner if the "wonderful Indonesia dream” is to be fully realized. Turning West Papua into a terrorist and justifying it to wage war against Papuan people is not the way to achieve in the land of Papua.
(Photos in article_)
https://www.insideindonesia.org/racism-and-poverty-myths-in-tanah-papua
7) Racism and poverty myths in Tanah Papua
Written by MEKI WETIPO & JENNY MUNRO
Meki Wetipo & Jenny Munro
I wish us Papuans to have a good home, have time with our families to go to church together on Sundays, and all of us work properly. Unlike today, we sell in the hot sun, get dust, get rain, sell at night with flashlights without electricity. We have young people who must wear good clothes, be neat and be in malls, hotels, the governor’s office, the regent's office. Son, I want to say, from the beginning of Otsus [Special Autonomy law], until it’s about to run out, Mama is still selling these betel nuts (Betel nut seller in Jayapura, interview with Meki Wetipo, Feb 2021)
The betel nut seller contrasts her unending, hot, dirty work with the neat, tidy, new employment spaces that young Papuans are not sufficiently able to access. Despite trillions of rupiah in Special Autonomy funds, mining income, and rich natural resources, the percentage of poor people in Tanah Papua (lit. Papuan lands, includes Papua and West Papua provinces) continues to increase, and is more than double the Indonesian national average. Increasing economic marginalisation attracts many perspectives. While policies and structures that contribute to poverty are often overlooked, dominant perspectives on poverty rely on racist explanations.
In 2012, former Vice President of Indonesia, Jusuf Kalla asserted, ‘The main problem in Papua is the high consumptive culture and low productivity of Papuans.’ Adding, ‘the productivity of our friends in Papua is low because their needs are few. [They need] simple clothes, simple and sufficient food. Sorry, but at the beginning of every month they drink a lot [of alcohol].’
A study from the Ministry of Home Affairs published in 2015 entitled, ‘Strategies to develop livelihoods in Papua’ argued that livelihoods are hampered by a supposedly ‘weak entrepreneurial spirit’. Despite also acknowledging problems such as lack of capital, lack of equipment, low quality and quantity of products, and difficult market access, this government study still blamed Papuans alleged capabilities for their poverty.
These racist statements from government officials are part of a long history of stigmatising Papuans as lazy, drunk, ignorant or dirty and denigrating their abilities. While nowadays there is more awareness of the racism that Papuans experience, in part due to movements like BLM and Papuanlivesmatter, racial stereotypes are not always obvious. The idea of ‘technocratic racism’ describes claims about people’s skills, aptitude, education or attitudes for technical, professional, and entrepreneurial work. For example, that they are not good with technology, cannot manage money or are ashamed to do business. Or, that they are good with money, technology, and business based on their cultural or ethnic background. These are both forms of racism and racialisation.
As British sociologist Gail Lewis explains, racialisation draws on old notions of race as a biological characteristic as well as new notions of culture as a marker of difference. There is no biological fact of race – human beings are all genetically interconnected, but ideas about race persist in the social imagination. As long as people believe that culture, ethnicity or skin colour determines capabilities, behaviours, motivations, way of thinking or lifestyle, then racism will persist.
Employment and race
In Papua, racism influences who gets a job opportunity. Data on indigenous employment could be extracted from the 2010 national census yet so far this type of analysis has not been undertaken. Both authors have lived and/or spent considerable time in Tanah Papua over the past decade and it has been our observation that in urban areas almost all the workers at the major private employers and resource companies, for example hotels, malls, supermarkets, mechanics, banks and construction, are non-Papuan. In Jayapura, we estimate that in the past decade there have never been more than a few Indigenous Papuans employed at the large malls (Mal Jayapura, Saga, Borobudur) or hotels (Swissbel, Aston, Grand Abe, Horizon).
While more research is needed to understand ethnic patterns of employment, we suggest that the racialisation of Papuan skills and capabilities, coupled with strong ethnic networks among newer migrants and lack of policies that regulate or guide employment, contribute to discrimination against Papuans. Javanese are now the largest ethnic group in West Papua province and the third largest group in Papua province. In Papua province the number of migrants from South Sulawesi is also considerable. These cultural groups are known throughout Indonesia for their trading and entrepreneurial skill, which may make them more attractive jobseekers and seem to provide a convenient, if racist, explanation for discrimination against Papuans.
Papuans are well aware of this racism. According to one local Papuan informant, ‘If you use the excuse that Papuans don’t want to work in malls or hotels, can’t stay long or focus, lower income or other reasons, those are just reasons from investors or others that don’t want to see us grow, compete with outsiders. They don’t want to accept us to work in their industrial services.’
Papuan men and women experience different forms and expressions of racism, so gender intersects with racial ideas to influence what opportunities they can access. For instance, Indonesian beauty ideals preference light skin, petite bodies and long straight hair. This affects which women are likely to be hired for service roles like front desk attendant or store assistant. Men are stigmatised as aggressive and non-compliant, so they are less likely to get a chance at professional, technical or service roles.
Protecting non-Papuan economic power
In regencies across Tanah Papua, the number of small migrant-owned shops is rapidly increasing. Hubikiak, a district outside Wamena, now has 350 kiosks; in another area of Jayawijaya regency, three kilometres of road is lined with new shops. Local policies and regulations have facilitated the granting of permits for these businesses, but why are so many being allowed? Questions could be asked about who develops and owns the blocks of shops and how much influence do they have over who is allowed to purchase a shop in the block? Who is able to access capital to purchase shops and stock? Who has better access to supply chains of imported goods?
Typically, migrant shops sell imported foods like rice; instant noodles; biscuits and soft drinks while Papuans sell local fruits and vegetables. Increasingly over the past five years however the migrant-owned shops also have begun selling local products like sago, betel nut, vegetables and fruits, thereby competing with Papuan livelihoods.
In contrast, Papuan traders, who are predominantly women, and referred to as ‘mama-mama Papua’, tend to sell their produce out in the open, on the roadside, in part due to a lack of market space. Activists lobbied for the need for designated marketplaces for Papuan traders and some were built. The marketplaces themselves have had limited success, however this agenda became a crucial part of public conversations about increasing Papuan economic marginalisation in an era of ‘Special Autonomy’ that was supposed to level the playing field with migrants.
During the 2014 election campaign President Jokowi embraced this cause and put his support behind a new marketplace in Jayapura. This was politically successful for him but the market failed to address the much larger problems – such as racism and unfair regulations – that contribute to Papuan economic marginalisation and poverty.
Anthropologist Heinzpeter Znoi describes how a few years ago, Papuan commercial agriculture experienced a short-lived boom when PT Freeport Indonesia bought the vegetables to feed their workforce at the Grasberg mine. But local producers were soon side lined when Freeport sold the business to a politically well-connected contractor from Jakarta who imported vegetables from Sulawesi instead. Znoi argues that the crisis in highland Papuan agriculture is partly due to unfair competition and denial of market access.
It is not only policy that allows economic dominance to accumulate. We question how the dominance of migrants, especially as street-side commercial merchants, affects Papuan desires to participate in this increasingly prevalent form of street economy. Given the racialisation of Papuans as supposedly lacking in entrepreneurial abilities, and the ongoing experience of ethnic tensions and violence, do Papuans feel like they belong in and have a right to, these urban economic spaces?
This is especially important to consider as the military and police (migrant-dominated institutions) are also increasingly economically active in the urban street economy, selling food, produce, merchandise and services. This activity is not illegal, but it reinforces the idea that the urban street economy, like working at the mall or a hotel, is not for Papuans.
Advocacy, development and inclusivity
Advocates like Papuan researchers Ludia Wambrauw and Elisabeth Maret recognise the expertise and important role of indigenous Papuans in economic development that is sustainable and aligns with their diverse values. It is crucial that other stakeholders – local and national government and migrants – change their perceptions of Papuans.
In 2006, Joni W. Haluk and friends established the Papua Council of Indigenous Entrepreneurs (Kamar Adat Pengusaha Papua – KAP Papua) to challenge racist attitudes toward Papuan capabilities and to help locals compete with migrants economically, especially as contractors, consultants and in the production of goods and services. KAP Papua has about 2100 members in 42 regions of Papua and West Papua province, most being contractors.
KAP Papua assists market sellers to form cooperatives and other organisations that can help improve their market access and profit. Recently their work has focused on supporting Papuan women market sellers in Jayapura at Expo Waena by facilitating discussion of how to improve the market space. They are also advocating for and supporting the implementation of existing policies on (1) promoting the community-based economy (Peraturan Daerah Khusus (Perdasus), The Special Regulations Number 18 Year 2008 about Community Based Economy (Perekonomian Berbasis Kerakyatan). Perdasus 18 (2008) and (2) the procurement of government goods/services (Presidential regulation 17 2019) so that these regulations benefit Papuan entrepreneurs.
By acknowledging the policies and structures that disadvantage indigenous sellers, these activities challenge the racist explanation that Papuans are not suited for business or are not entrepreneurial. To confront racism and improve Papuan economic participation, we need to know more about how policies that protect migrants and the military and police affect Papuan employment, business and aspirations. Through these policies and myths, Papuans are put into the roles of consumers rather than producers, and recipients rather than actors. Racism is used to justify and allow exclusion, inequities and non-Papuan dominance. This translates not just into poverty, but into strategies for economic development that do not include Papuan perspectives, values or experiences.
Meki Wetipo is Director Executive of KAP Papua. Jenny Munro (jenny.munro@uq.edu.au) is Senior Lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Queensland.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.