Tuesday, February 26, 2019

1) Enembe – the Papuan traditional chief Indonesia regards as ‘dangerous’


2) Indonesia is the future. We’ve got to start paying attention

3) ‘Not a big deal’ claim police, reject UN call for snake probe
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1) Enembe – the Papuan traditional chief Indonesia regards as ‘dangerous’
   27, 2019




Governor Lukas Enembe ... faces Indonesian ignorance of the significant role of Papuan tribal leaders. Image: West Papua Today


By Yamin Kogoya in Canberra
In the days leading up to Christmas, 16 Indonesian construction workers were killed in Nduga by the West Papuan National Liberation Army.
Lukas Enembe, Governor of Papua, declared through media: “I am asking President Jokowi to withdraw all the troops in Nduga.”
In response, Colonel Muhammad Aidi, the military spokesman in Papua, said: “If governor Lukas Enembe supports the Free Papua Movement struggle and rejects the national strategic programme policy, he has violated state law and should be prosecuted.”
December is a sacred month for Papuans. The first day of the month is when Papuans throughout Indonesia commemorate their national day – the day when the banned independence flag was freely flown alongside the Dutch flag.
And on 25 December, the majority Christian Papuans celebrate the birth of Jesus.
Unfortunately, December is also full of tragedy.
During this month many Papuans in the Indonesian archipelago face brutality, arrest and imprisonment by Indonesian security forces. And on 1 December 2018, more than 300 Papuan students and Indonesian sympathisers were arrested.
Workers killed
A few days later, WPNLA militants killed the Indonesian construction workers in Nduga.
Predictably, this led to further hatred, racism and demonisation of Papuans by Indonesia’s military, police and media. Indonesian media outlet DetikNews reported: “Chase the criminal group in Papua and catch them dead or alive.”.
It was a comment designed to break the spirit of the Papuan people, who are rightly terrified of the Indonesian military, police and their bullets.
But they are just as terrified of the dehumanising views and beliefs held by Indonesia’s ruling elite, whose hatred towards Papuans has blinded them to the fact that these people are citizens.
The Indonesian security forces have accused Governor Lukas Enembe of corruption and of being a pro-independence Papuan sympathiser.
Why a “separatist sympathiser”? Because following the December crisis, the governor asked that the people of Nduga be allowed to celebrate a peaceful Christmas without a heavy military presence in their villages.
As a tribal chief from the Papuan highlands, Lukas Enembe, knows that Christmas is an important day for Papuans. However, the military saw his response as protecting those responsible for shooting the 16 construction workers.
Thus he was accused of violating state law and there were demands for his “execution”.
Ignorance revealed
The allegations showed Indonesia’s ignorance of the significant role that Papuan tribal leaders (chiefs) play in their communities. It’s also important to note that these accusations were unfounded.
Meanwhile, the governor continues to face threats from Indonesian security forces even as he, along with other Papuan leaders, continue to ask President Joko Widodo i to withdraw the military presence from Nduga.
Governor Enembe says that the Nduga communities have been traumatised by decades of indiscriminate military operations. The villages have been bombed, people have been killed, many have fled, others are missing and the terror continues.
As the tribal chief and governor, Lukas Enembe has every right to express his opinion on the welfare of Indonesian citizens under his care.
But, ignoring his request for withdrawal, the military and police continue to threaten and intimidate him and their own Papuan people.
So why is Governor Enembe seen as a threat to Indonesia’s elite?
As the saying goes, “a Papuan hero loved by Papuans is more dangerous than a Papuan hero loved by Indonesia.”
Honest, humble
Enembe is dangerous to Indonesia because he is consistent, honest, humble – and he is loved by Papuans.
When he was elected governor in 2013, he gained the trust of his indigenous Papuan people. To demonstrate this further, Papuans re-elected him for a second term in 2018.
He tells the truth of the real hardships faced by Papuans under the yoke of Indonesian military rule.
Telling the truth in West Papua, or anywhere in Indonesia, is increasingly becoming an act of treason. This governor has fallen victim to this reasoning and this is what makes the authorities consider him to be a dangerous person in Indonesia.
Even after 60 years, Indonesian security forces do not understand Papuan customs and cultural values.
In Enembe’s first term in office, his achievements were many and he emerged as a generous leader who was able to touch ordinary lives and bring everything into public view.
He is a typical Melanesian “big man”, whose job is to look after his people, feed them, guide them and lead them.
Education, empowerment
It must be said that Lukas Enembe has done nothing against the Indonesian government. To the contrary, he takes care of the Indonesian citizens in Papua and wants them to be educated, empowered, hardworking, and self-reliant.
It is such attributes that make him dangerous to the Indonesian military, police and nationalist groups. Indonesian leaders are typically paranoid and hostile towards brave and smart Papuan leaders, who are immediately seen as a threat.
Clever leaders are a nightmare for the Indonesian military regime. It is a paranoid outlook that needs to change.
Indonesia must understand that the world is changing rapidly and, if it is to compete in the global markets, technology and science, it needs clever and truthful leaders. Enembe will not be intimidated by threats and bullets and these things will not create a great Indonesia.
In fact, Governor Lukas Enembe is the embodiment of Indonesian state values. But if Indonesian security forces continue to see him as a threat, the direction of this great nation will be lost.
It is this truth that makes Enembe the most misunderstood and dangerous governor in Indonesia.
Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic who has a Masters of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia.
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2) Indonesia is the future. We’ve got to start paying attention

Jordan King | Guest writer Opinion
New Zealand is underprepared for Indonesia’s rapid economic growth, and our nearest Asian neighbour is a potential close friend, writes Jordan King
Ask a New Zealander to discuss Indonesia and you may get a response about Bali, Bintangs, or perhaps West Papua or The Act of Killing. Or you might get no response at all. This is not unusual nor a condition specific to Aotearoa. Describing the nation’s global visibility Elizabeth Pisani, author of Indonesia Etc, quotes one Indonesia businessman who calls his country “the biggest invisible thing on the planet” for its lack of global cut through.
The exact number of islands which constitute Indonesia differs depending on whether you draw your measure at high or low tide: somewhere near 17,000 is the consensus. The nation is the world’s fourth most populous and is the third largest democracy. It is the largest Muslim majority country. Many economists predict Indonesia will be the world’s fourth largest economy in 2050.Geopolitics in our region are getting more complex, we need more close friends in Asia. A rising regional power with a nascent democracy and a comparatively free press is an ideal candidate.
The starting point for building a deep friendship is for New Zealand society to become intrigued about Indonesian politics and society. Muldoon’s mercantilist epithet – “our foreign policy is Trade” – must be banished. If you possess even a modicum of interest about the wider world there is much to find fascinating about Indonesia. Consider the upcoming general election to be held on 17 April. Vying to hold together and lead a nation of 240 million spread across 6000 inhabited island are two candidates. The incumbent Joko Widodo or ‘Jokowi’ the former governor of Jakarta and the challenger, former commando and Suharto-era general Prabowo Subianto.
This is their second fight, having first competed in the 2014 election. In that campaign Jokowi was characterised as ‘Obama-like’, promising to challenge Jakarta’s comfortable elite in the interests of the people. A key ingredient in Jokowi’s political marketing is his outsider status – the son of furniture makers in central Java he is the first President without an elite military, bureaucratic, or moneyed background. By contrast, Prabowo’s former father-in-law was the late General Suharto who ruled the nation for 31 years. Prabowo is pinning his hopes on Jokowi’s patchy economic performance.
Jokowi promised an annual economic growth rate of seven percent, however the reality has been closer to five. Average incomes in Indonesia significantly trail those of neighbouring Thailand and Malaysia. Many Indonesians do not feel significantly better off than they did four years ago. A falling rupiah and increasing cost of basic staples means there is currency in Prabowo’s pocketbook campaign strategy. Unless something extraordinary comes to pass this is unlikely to sink Jokowi. Indonesians appear satisfied overall with progress on health and education, and are comfortable with the current security situation. Inflation remains under control, and a flurry of badly needed infrastructure projects (15 airports, 24 ports, thousands of miles of new rail and road projects) are at least under way though there is always a low hum of consternation regarding corruption and the eye-watering price tag (US$355 billion) of these works. How do you make Auckland appear a beacon of organised and efficient transport planning? Spend three hours in Jakarta traffic attempting to reach Soekarno–Hatta Airport before your flight closes.
Another aspect of the election speaks to Indonesia’s remarkable demographic picture. Around 55% of enrolled voters on election day will be millennials. Indonesia has a young population with half of its 240 million citizens under 30. The average age in New Zealand is around 38 and rising. Growth predictions have Indonesia tracking for 300 million by 2035. There is significant pressure on policymakers to generate sustainable job growth and public services to produce work and wellbeing; spreading that growth beyond Java presents another challenge.
This trajectory obviously means the Indonesian market for services, technology and consumer goods is on the make. Internet figures are indicative. Uptake has doubled since 2014 driven in large part by urban millennials with newly affordable smartphones. Indonesia is now one of the biggest users of Twitter and Facebook. While our diplomats are very skilled I suspect Indonesian social media exuberance is behind the 244,000 Facebook ‘likes’ for the New Zealand Embassy Jakarta page.
From a social perspective, Indonesia is less conservative than is often portrayed. You will find bespectacled hipsters in Jakarta or Yogyakarta serving single-origin coldbrew as good as anything in Wellington. My preconceptions of Indonesia were excised when I became trapped in a moshpit of hijab wearing punk rockers in Bandung. For it turns out Indonesia has a vast underground punk scene – even Jokowi is a fan. Despite political and religious movements seeking to reshape and monopolise public morality, AUT researcher Sharyn Davies relates a general openness on sex and sexuality. Indonesia has a significant cultural history of gender fluidity and diversity.
How then to strengthen our relationship with Indonesia?
Three propositions come to mind. With more than 300 million speakers, Bahasa Indonesia is the fifth most widely spoken language in the world. Yet no New Zealand university offers an Indonesian language major at undergraduate level. All but one of Australia’s top ‘Group of Eight’ universities offer Indonesian language, society and culture programmes. If we value a closer relationship this must change. While much rides on New Zealanders becoming more ‘Asia engaged’ in general we need specialists immersed in the linguistic, political, historic as well as commercial nuances of Indonesia. We cannot produce specialists without building and sustaining spaces in our institutions to do so. AUT’s Indonesia Centre, a public outreach partnership with the Indonesian government, is a laudable step forward but a strong commitment to expanding linguistic and research capacities in our university system needs to come from our government.
The second proposition relates the media and the public sphere. We have existing programmes, through the Asia New Zealand Foundation, which provide established journalists and students with opportunities to visit Indonesia. The Foundation has also established the Asia Media Centre to journalists for access information and expertise on Asia and Asian peoples. Such programmes are vital. What we need, however, is for our large broadcasters – particularly our state-owned institutions – to produce greater amounts of content. Certainly on Indonesia, but to educate and inform on Asia in general. Again, such a project requires consistent institutional commitment and resourcing. Our SOE model, particularly with respect to television broadcasting constrains rather than enables such a commitment. Other nationally important imperatives – like building a cosmopolitan understanding of Asia need to be valued as much as commercial imperatives. Having lost Asia Downunder on TVNZ in 2011 and Asian Report on Radio New Zealand in 2013 we’ve gone backwards.
The last proposition is about increasing flows of people, particularly in pursuit of education but also of public servants, technical experts, sports groups, and artists. A stronger friendship requires greater flows in both directions. On the education front a tension exists between the logic of New Zealand’s education export market and a more cooperative, assistive way forward. We should tread carefully, tempering an interest in attracting fee-paying students by providing opportunities for Indonesians to study in New Zealand with support through greater provision of scholarships. Particularly Indonesians with established careers in public administration, civil society leadership, and business who are seeking postgraduate training and will go on to lead in their field. Like any friendship fond memories, new knowledge and shared experience produces enduring warmth and goodwill.  It is time for New Zealand to put in the effort. It will doubtless be worth it.
Jordan King is a PhD Candidate at the University of Auckland and a member of the Asia New Zealand Foundation Leadership Network
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3) ‘Not a big deal’ claim police, reject UN call for snake probe
Published 6 hours ago on 27 February 2019 
By pr9c6tr3_juben

Papua, Jubi – Papua Regional Police public information head Assistant Superintendent Suryadi Diaz is asking all parties not to dramatise or make a big issue out of the use of a snake during an interrogation by police.
The statement was made in response to calls by United Nations human rights experts for an investigation into the use of the snake.
“The problem’s already been resolved, so there’s no need to make a big deal out of it anymore,” Diaz told CNN Indonesia.
Diaz said the investigation conducted by the Papua Regional Police Professionalism and Security Affairs Division (Propam) into the case had already been completed.
“Propam has already dealt with the case, so it’s resolved,” he said.
Nevertheless, Diaz did not explain the results of the investigation or what sanctions would be given to the officers involved.
Speaking to journalists earlier, however, Diaz said there were several sanctions that could be applied including a written reprehend, a maximum one-year postponement of education, a postponement in regular wage increases, a postponement of one promotional period or a transfer and demotion.
Heaviest sanction
In addition to this, the heaviest sanction that can be given to officers who violate discipline is to be released from their posts or be assigned to a specific location for a maximum of 21 days.
Several UN human rights experts have urged Indonesia to investigate allegations of violence by the police and military in Papua related to the use of the snake during an interrogation.
“We urge the Indonesian government to take firm measures to prevent the excessive use of force by police and military officials involved in law enforcement in Papua,” read a statement by the UN experts.
“We are also deeply concerned about what appears to be a culture of impunity and general lack of investigations into allegations of human rights violations in Papua,” they said in the statement.
The experts, who are made up of UN special rapporteurs, also said that Papuans had been treated in “cruel, inhuman and degrading” ways.
Jayawijaya District Police Chief Deputy Senior Commissioner Tonny Ananda Swadaya claimed that it was the police officers’ own initiative to conduct the interrogation into the theft using a python.
According to Swadaya, however, it was just trick used during the interrogation so that the perpetrator would confess to their crimes. He also asserted that the snake used to frighten the suspect was a pet snake that was not poisonous and tame.
“This ended up going viral on social media, it’s been blown out of proportion in other parts of the country. Here [in Papua] the public is supportive. A tame snake, non-poisonous, it didn’t bite [the suspect] and after being given the snake, the thief admitted to the crime,” said Swadaya. (pmc.aut.ac.nz/CNN Indonesia)
 Source: Pasific Media Centre
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