Wednesday, April 30, 2025

1) Military-backed plantation project in Indonesian Papua triggers rights concerns


2) Papuans Behind Bars 2024 Q4 Report

3) No Russia in Papua: Indonesia’s quiet diplomacy speaks loudly 




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Mongabay

1)  Military-backed plantation project in Indonesian Papua triggers rights concerns

HANS NICHOLAS JONG
 30 APR 2025 ASIA
  • Indonesia’s human rights commission has found serious rights and environmental violations in a government-backed plantation project in Papua, including land grabbing, lack of Indigenous consent, and militarization that has created fear among local communities.
  • The project, aiming to clear 3 million hectares (7.4 million acres) for sugarcane and rice plantations, threatens biodiverse forests and Indigenous livelihoods, violating national and international protections for land rights, food security and environmental health.
  • Five key rights were found to be violated: rights to land, environment, food, participation in decision-making, and security — all guaranteed by Indonesian law and international norms.
  • The rights commission, Komnas HAM, recommended legal recognition of Indigenous lands, fair participation, and restoration of rights, but civil society groups are calling for a complete halt to the project and demilitarization, warning of systematic harm if it continues.

JAKARTA — Indonesia’s national human rights commission has found a slew of legal and rights violations in a government-backed project to establish large-scale plantations in the eastern region of Papua.

The so-called food estate project, categorized by the government as being of strategic national importance, or PSN, aims to clear 3 million hectares (7.4 million acres) of land in Merauke district, two-thirds of it for sugarcane plantations and the rest for rice fields — an area 45 times the size of Jakarta.

The rights commission, known as Komnas HAM, launched an investigation after receiving complaints last year from four Indigenous tribes whose ancestral lands overlap with the food estate. The tribes — the Malind, Maklew, Khimaima and Yei — alleged that the project violated their land rights and impacted their livelihoods.

Komnas HAM, which is funded by the government but operates independently, quizzed officials involved in the project from the local and national governments. Based on these inquiries, it said it had found indications of land grabbing, environmental degradation, militarization and intimidation.

For one, Komnas HAM said the Indigenous communities hadn’t given consent to transfer or use their customary lands for the project. When the government zoned their areas for the food estate project, it never properly consulted them, the inquiry found.

However, these communities lack strong legal standing to defend their territories, as their land rights aren’t formally recognized by the government. The only basis for their Indigenous territorial claims is participatory mapping — carried out by themselves — of their lands.

The Indigenous communities also complained of the intensified presence of the military in their areas. Papua has long been the most militarized region of Indonesia, the result of a long-running insurgency. But while Jakarta maintains that the heavy security presence there is to counter what it calls “criminal armed groups” affiliated with the West Papua independence campaign, the military is now engaged in the food estate project.

On Nov. 10, 2024, 2,000 troops arrived in Merauke to support the project; military posts had already been established beforehand. And earlier last year, the military also provided a security escort for a fleet of heavy equipment to build infrastructure for the project in Ilwayab subdistrict.

“The addition of military forces around forests and Indigenous lands affected by the PSN creates heightened tension,” Komnas HAM wrote in a letter detailing its findings. “Although their official role is to support the project, their large-scale deployment increases fear among Indigenous people, who feel watched and physically threatened.”

Satya Bumi, an environmental NGO that’s been monitoring the project, said the government’s decision to deploy armed forces to Merauke indicates the state views Indigenous peoples as a threat to the nation who must be subdued.

Threat to forests and people

The plantation project’s large-scale monoculture model also threatens Merauke’s biodiverse forests and ecological balance, Komnas HAM found. These ecosystems are vital to the livelihood of the Indigenous communities, providing traditional food crops like sago and tubers, the commission noted.

Franky Samperante, director of the Pusaka Foundation, an NGO that works with Indigenous peoples in Papua, welcomed Komnas HAM’s findings.

“They confirm that there is indeed a potential for human rights violations — starting from the formulation of the laws and policies themselves, which were done without consultation or consent from local communities, to the potential impacts on their way of life,” he told Mongabay.

Based on these findings, Komnas HAM concluded that the food estate project contradicts multiple national regulations protecting Indigenous rights.

It cited the 1999 Forestry Law, which requires permits and consultation for the use of customary forests — a requirement that in this case wasn’t fulfilled. Similarly, the exclusion of Indigenous peoples violates the principle of participation under the 2012 Land Procurement Law.

The project also goes against international human rights and environmental standards. While Indonesia hasn’t ratified the International Labour Organization’s Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, Komnas HAM emphasized that the principles it enshrines — particularly the right of Indigenous peoples to self-determination and free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) — should serve as a benchmark.

The project’s ongoing deforestation and disruption of Indigenous territories also run counter to Indonesia’s commitments under the Paris Agreement and the Global Biodiversity Framework, both of which oblige the government to uphold forest conservation, climate resilience and Indigenous rights.

List of rights violations

In all, Komnas HAM identified five human rights violations in the food estate project.

The first of these is the right to land and customary territory, which is guaranteed under Indonesia’s Constitution.

The second is the right to a healthy environment, also enshrined in the Constitution and the 2009 Environmental Protection Law.

The third is the right to food security, guaranteed by the Constitution and the 2012 Food Law, which mandates that food policies be based on community needs and participation, including of Indigenous peoples.

The fourth is the right to participation in decision-making, guaranteed by the 2012 Land Procurement Law.

And the fifth right violated in the project is the right to security, as the heavy presence of the military creates psychological pressure and increases fear of intimidation or violence among Indigenous peoples, Komnas HAM said.

Recommendations

Given these multiple rights and legal violations, Komnas HAM issued a number of recommendations for the government, at local and national levels.

It said the government should first increase Indigenous participation in the project planning by ensuring local communities’ active involvement to obtain their FPIC. Consent must be obtained not only from tribal or clan chiefs, but from all traditional stakeholders, it said. The government must also provide an effective complaint mechanism to address Indigenous communities’ complaints about the project.

Second, the government must work with Indigenous communities to carry out legally sound and transparent mapping of customary lands to prevent unauthorized land transfers and ensure legal recognition of the communities’ land rights, Komnas HAM said.

The rights commission also said the government should strengthen policies that acknowledge Indigenous rights to land and territories, including decisions over forest use and agricultural land use.

In addition, the government must ensure that projects involving Indigenous land provide fair benefits and promote sustainable development for Indigenous peoples, it said.

Komnas HAM’s final recommendation is for the government to evaluate the issuance of permits and concessions to companies operating on customary lands, prioritizing the interests of Indigenous communities in land-use policies in their areas.


Calls to end the project

Uli Parulian Sihombing, a commissioner at Komnas HAM who issued the recommendation letter, said the commission will continue its inquiries of government officials to ensure the recommendations are carried out. However, the commission’s recommendations are not legally binding.

Satya Bumi called for the more drastic step of ending the Merauke food estate project entirely. “The Komnas HAM recommendation must serve as a loud alarm,” the group said.

Evaluating the project alone isn’t enough, given its potential to wreak systematic destruction of the environment, living spaces and the socioeconomic fabric of local communities, the NGO said.

It added similar measures must be taken to halt other PSN projects elsewhere in the country, which have similarly been the target of human rights violations, such as a solar panel factory on Rempang Island and an oil refinery in Air Bangis, both in Sumatra.

And since land grabbing and environmental destruction have already occurred in Merauke, the government must restore the rights of the affected communities through compensation and the recovery of customary forests, Satya Bumi said.

“Efforts to restore rights and guarantee the welfare of communities can serve as evidence that the government upholds its constitutional duty to promote public welfare, as written in the 1945 Constitution,” Satya Bumi said. “If not, then all nationalist claims and rhetoric about prioritizing the people’s interests are empty slogans, mere political fiction.”

The group also demanded the withdrawal of military and police forces from PSN locations like Merauke, saying their presence has endangered local communities and instilled ongoing fear.

“The many reckless approaches the government has taken in managing the country through the PSN [designation] reflect how it sees Papua: as empty land,” Satya Bumi said. “The promise of equitable development is a sham, when in fact the intended beneficiaries, the people, feel threatened and are forced to face an increasingly difficult existence.”

Franky from the Pusaka Foundation said it was unlikely the government would heed any of the calls by civil society groups or even Komnas HAM. He said the central government has a track record of ignoring grievances raised by communities and civil society, and instead prioritizing the interests of investors and fast-tracking their large-scale projects.

“The national government must also implement the recommendations, because they are responsible for the project,” Franky said.

Banner image: The Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Agriculture disseminate information regarding the food estate program at the Uli-Uli village in Ilwayab sub-district, Merauke, South Papua, Indonesia, in August 2024. 


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TAPOL
2) Papuans Behind Bars 2024 Q4 Report

Quarterly Update October–December 2024 Report |  
 30 April 2025

Summary

During this period Papuans Behind Bars recorded 58 political arrests of West Papuans, comprising at least 51 arbitrary arrests and six arbitrary detentions. In addition, eight people were reportedly tortured, four people were victims of extrajudicial killings, and two people were minors. Of the 58 cases, 40 people have been released, 12 others are still detained, with two of them allegedly missing.

This quarter also saw at least 11 detainees arrested in previous periods receive sentences from the courts; six of whom were arrested in 2023, five of whom were arrested in 2024. Five were convicted of knowing and not preventing a conspiracy to commit rebellion, two were convicted of endangering public security, two men were convicted of insulting the state emblem, and two were convicted of premeditated murder. Their sentences ranged from five months to 12 years in prison…..


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The Strategist

3) No Russia in Papua: Indonesia’s quiet diplomacy speaks loudly 
30 Apr 2025|Hangga Fathana
Indonesia’s low-key rejection of reported Russian interest in military basing in Papua says more than it appears to. While Jakarta’s response was measured, it was deliberate—a calculated expression of Indonesia’s foreign policy doctrine of non-alignment, domestic political caution and regional diplomatic restraint.
Australia may view the lack of outrage or strong rhetorical pushback from Jakarta as a sign of ambiguity or even strategic hedging. But this would be a misjudgement of how Indonesia navigates great power competition. The country’s preference for understated diplomacy is not a weakness; it is a product of deeply rooted principles and historical experience.
In early April, media reports emerged suggesting that Russia had requested to base long-range aircraft in Biak, a small island in Papua. The Indonesian defence ministry quickly issued a brief statement rejecting the report. No grandstanding, no televised press conferences and certainly no escalatory rhetoric.
This kind of restraint has long been part of Indonesia’s playbook, and it extends beyond public statements. When Australia’s defence minister contacted Indonesia’s defence minister to seek clarification, Indonesia conveyed its position clearly and directly: the report was false and Jakarta had no intention of allowing such basing. The message was firm and delivered through quiet but unambiguous diplomatic channels. Though some foreign observers may find it unsatisfying, this approach allows Indonesia to preserve room for manoeuvre.
Indonesia’s ‘independent and active’ doctrine is more than a slogan. Indonesia’s recent decision to join BRICS—a group where Russia plays a prominent role—may indicate a gesture of alignment, but it is better understood as part of Jakarta’s broader interest in multipolar forums. Such engagement supports Indonesia’s non-aligned policy, allowing it to engage multiple powers while avoiding entanglement in blocs.
Nevertheless, when combined with other issues, such as the Biak basing reports, it is understandable that these developments may concern Canberra. This non-aligned stance has helped Indonesia weather Cold War pressures, regional conflicts and, more recently, the strategic tug-of-war between the United States and China.
This concern reflects longstanding patterns in the Australia-Indonesia relationship. The relationship has long been shaped by shared strategic interests, from maritime security and disaster response to regional stability, even as it has experienced periods of tension and recalibration.
Jakarta responded to the Biak report with a firm but calm statement, showing its typical diplomatic style. At the same time, it was careful to ensure that partners such as Australia would not misunderstand its silence as uncertainty. These geographic realities heighten Canberra’s sensitivities, but they do not change Jakarta’s steady posture. Long-range Russian aircraft stationed in Indonesia, if ever realised, would understandably trigger strategic concern in Canberra.
Jakarta’s restraint is not an invitation to doubt its alignment or question its reliability. It is a signal of how it intends to manage rising geopolitical pressure: by staying calm, avoiding theatre and asserting control over its own narrative. That narrative is grounded in sovereignty and, yes, in a form of regional leadership that values stability over spectacle.
Indonesia also understands that loud declarations can backfire, especially when domestic dynamics are at play. In fact, civil society observers and policy analysts have openly reminded the Prabowo administration to remain sober and uphold Indonesia’s long-standing non-alignment, cautioning against any defence postures that could invite strategic misperception.
The government is sensitive to how Papua features in both international and domestic political debates. Amplifying the Biak story could have generated unnecessary heat and risked politicising a defence matter that Jakarta was keen to close quickly.
For Australia, the key is not to misread silence as passivity or fence-sitting. Indonesia’s approach may not always align with Canberra’s expectations of strategic signalling, but that does not make it opaque. Instead, it calls for a deeper understanding of how Indonesia communicates intent: often subtly, often on its own terms.
The Australia-Indonesia relationship is stronger when both sides recognise each other’s strategic cultures. Australia prefers clarity and predictability in foreign policy, while Indonesia sometimes keeps its position flexible to reduce external pressure. These differences are not flaws; they are features to be managed with mutual respect.
Misreading Indonesia’s restraint risks reinforcing a false binary: the idea that if a partner isn’t loudly with us, they must be against us. The idea that Australia needs to ‘do business with partners who have friends we don’t like’ oversimplifies the complexity of regional partnerships. Such phrasing may be analytically useful, but it risks normalising transactional attitudes in relationships that require nuance, reciprocity and long-term investment.
Indonesia’s foreign policy is rarely that binary. It is calibrated, complex and designed for flexibility. Recognising this approach for what it is—not a lack of commitment, but a deliberate form of regional statecraft—can help Australia navigate its strategic partnership with Indonesia more constructively.

 AUTHOR Hangga Fathana is an assistant professor in the Department of International Relations at Universitas Islam Indonesia.   
Image of a Russian Tuvolev Tu-95 at Biak in 2017: Russian Ministry of Defence/Facebook.

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Tuesday, April 29, 2025

1) THE STATE OF THE WORLD’S HUMAN RIGHTS: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL ANNUAL REPORT 2025







1) THE STATE OF THE WORLD’S HUMAN RIGHTS: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL ANNUAL REPORT 2025

  • Annual report highlights the creep of authoritarian practices and vicious clampdowns on dissent around the world
  • President Trump’s first 100 days intensify 2024’s global regressions and deep-rooted trends
  • Global failures in addressing inequalities, climate collapse, and tech transformations imperil future generations
  • The rise of authoritarian practices and annihilation of international law are not inevitable: people do and will resist attacks on human rights; governments can deliver international justice and must continue to do so

The Trump administration’s anti-rights campaign is turbocharging harmful trends already present, gutting international human rights protections and endangering billions across the planet, Amnesty International warned today upon launching its annual report, The State of the World’s Human Rights.

This “Trump effect” has compounded the damage done by other world leaders throughout 2024, eating away at decades of painstaking work to build up and advance universal human rights for all and accelerating humanity’s plunge into a brutal new era characterized by intermingling authoritarian practices and corporate greed, Amnesty International said in its assessment of the situation in 150 countries.


“At this historical juncture, when authoritarian laws and practices are multiplying the world over in the interests of very few, governments and civil society must work with urgency to lead humanity back to safer ground.”

AGNÈS CALLAMARD, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S SECRETARY GENERAL…..




The State of the World’s Human Rights: April 2025

Amnesty International's 2025 annual report assesses national, regional and global developments across a wide range of human rights themes.

Full Report


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Country Report Indonesia

INDONESIA 2024

Public protests were met with excessive and unnecessary force by police. Journalists were targeted. Freedom of expression continued to be repressed under problematic laws. Unlawful killings, torture and impunity continued in Papua. Development projects affecting Indigenous Peoples lacked free, prior and informed consent. Concerns were raised about energy policy and the government’s plan for zero net emissions. Research revealed that intrusive spyware and surveillance technology was imported and deployed by the government.

Background

In February, Prabowo Subianto was elected as the new president. Prabowo Subianto had previously been accused of responsibility for human rights violations in the late 1990s, including the enforced disappearance of activists. There were widespread doubts about the independence of the election process, including criticism of former president Joko Widodo for campaigning on behalf of his son Gibran Rakabuming Raka, despite Gibran not meeting formal requirements for candidacy. The requirement was later reaffirmed in a Constitutional Court ruling.

Freedom of assembly

Security forces employed excessive and unnecessary force against protesters.

On 20 May the People’s Water Forum (PWF) – an event bringing together a worldwide network of people and organizations advocating for water as a human right – was violently disrupted by members of a local paramilitary group demanding the cancellation of the event. Video footage showed the group destroying event banners and billboards and physically attacking forum participants. They accused the PWF of distracting attention from the 10th World Water Forum, concurrently hosted by the government in Nusa Dua, Bali.1 Not only did the authorities fail to prevent the attack, but by year’s end the perpetrators remained unidentified.

Between 22 and 26 August, thousands of demonstrators took to the streets in provinces across the country to protest attempts by the House of Representatives to change the election law, despite a Constitutional Court ruling. The amendment would have reintroduced higher thresholds for political parties to field local candidates. It would also have permitted the son of former president Joko Widodo – who did not meet the age requirement for candidacy – to run for regional office. Due to the backlash, parliament withdrew the bill.

Security forces responded to the demonstrations, known as the “#EmergencyWarning” (#PeringatanDarurat) protests, with excessive and unnecessary use of force and arbitrary arrests. At least 344 people were arrested, 152 physically injured and 17 suffered from the effects of tear gas. At least one person was subjected to short-term enforced disappearance, while 65 suffered multiple abuses, including arbitrary arrest and incommunicado detention.2 Most of those arrested were subsequently released. Fourteen people were charged under the Criminal Code for expressing hatred and for violence against property. In Bandung, West Java province, a video verified by Amnesty International showed police officers chasing unarmed protesters, striking them with batons and stamping on them. On 26 August, in Semarang, Central Java province, at least 15 university students were hospitalized after police used tear gas to disperse protesters. Children were also exposed to tear gas used in residential areas.3

Human rights defenders

At least 123 cases of physical assaults, digital attacks, threats and other forms of reprisals against 288 human rights defenders were reported during the year. Human rights defenders lacked adequate legal protection, leaving them vulnerable to threats and intimidation. Very few of those responsible for the attacks were brought to justice, with only a small number being convicted in court.

On 17 July, Yan Christian Warinussy, a senior lawyer and human rights activist in Papua, was shot and injured by an unidentified person in Manokwari, West Papua province. The attack occurred after he attended a corruption trial involving local state auditors at the Manokwari anti-corruption court. By year’s end there was no known progress in a police inquiry.4

Freedom of expression

In January the Second Amendment to the Electronic Information and Transaction Law (EIT) entered into force and included several changes which were deemed insufficient by civil society. There were concerns that the Amendment retained criminal sanctions for defamation which had been consistently utilized to suppress rights defenders and opposition figures since the EIT was first issued in 2016.

On 8 January, human rights defenders Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti were acquitted of criminal defamation charges by the East Jakarta District Court. They had been charged under the EIT law for “spreading false information” via a YouTube video which reported allegations that a minister and members of the military were involved in the mining industry in Papua province.

In March a ruling by the Constitutional Court declared three articles of the Criminal Code and criminal law regulation on defamation as unconstitutional.

Journalists

Journalists continued to encounter violence and intimidation. During the “#EmergencyWarning” protests, at least 11 journalists in the capital, Jakarta, were reportedly targeted by law enforcement. Incidents involved acts of intimidation and death threats, as well as psychological and physical violence, resulting in serious injuries. Three members of the Student Press Institute in Semarang, Central Java province, suffered breathing problems and lost consciousness due to exposure to tear gas fired by police to disperse a demonstration.

On 22 August, members of the security forces were suspected of beating and threatening to kill a journalist working for the news outlet Tempo, who was covering a demonstration at the Parliamentary Complex. Three police officers apparently hit and intimidated the journalist at a nearby police post and forced him to delete the video he had recorded.5 Tempo submitted a formal complaint to the police. At the end of the year, there had been no reported progress on the case.

Torture and other ill-treatment

Amnesty International documented at least 40 cases of torture and other ill-treatment with at least 59 victims during the year. In January a police officer allegedly tortured four residents from Amasing village, North Maluku province. According to the victims, they were travelling to Labuha village when they were stopped by a police officer, who beat and stepped on them and directed others to join in the assault. The police denied involvement and refused to reveal the name of the accused perpetrator.6

In March a 16-second video circulated showing a Papuan man being tortured inside a barrel filled with water.7 The incident was reportedly part of the torture of three Indigenous Papuan men the previous month. A credible source found that the incident took place in Puncak Regency, Central Papua province, and stated that the perpetrators were members of the Yonif 300 Raider Braja Wijaya Battalion from West Java province, who were sent to Papua for border patrol. After initially denying involvement, 13 officers were named as suspects by the West Java military, who claimed the victim in the video was among Papuan armed separatists who had tried to flee during arrest. He later died and the two other Papuan men were hospitalized. At year’s end, the perpetrators had not been brought to court.

Unlawful killings

In Papua, unlawful killings of civilians continued with impunity within the context of the conflict between the Indonesian military and armed separatist groups.

In May, in its concluding observations, the UN Human Rights Committee raised concerns about extrajudicial killings of Indigenous Papuans.

In August, officers from the Nabire Police Office in Papua arrested Yeremias Magai and Ken Boga on suspicion of murdering a security guard. During their interrogation both men were allegedly blindfolded and beaten with bare fists and heavy tools including a hammer. Yermias Magai died from his injuries. Ken Boga and the family of the deceased maintained their innocence and claimed that the interrogation was an attempt to force a confession. The lawyers for the victims’ families reported the case to the Indonesian Commission of Human Rights for investigation.

In August a New Zealand helicopter pilot, Glen Malcolm Conning, was killed by armed group members upon landing in Papua. He had been transporting health workers from a private company. Amnesty International called for a full investigation.8 In September, another New Zealander, Philip Mark Mehrtens, a pilot of a small commercial plane, was released after being held for more than 19 months by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB), a pro-independence group in the Papua region.

Economic, social and cultural rights

The implementation of National Strategic Projects – projects deemed to have an exceptional impact on economic growth in Indonesia – went ahead in the absence of sufficient prior consultation with affected communities. In many cases, they lacked the free, prior and informed consent of impacted Indigenous Peoples.

In March, residents of Sukaraja, Bukit Raya, Pemaluan and Bumi Harapan, largely Balik Indigenous Peoples, received a notice from the Nusantara Capital Authority demanding they demolish their properties within a week. The authority argued that the homes violated the spatial plan of the proposed new Indonesian capital and sent a consultation invitation to the affected communities only 24 hours before the meeting. The authority later revoked the demolition order following objections from residents, who were nevertheless required to relocate with insufficient compensation. At the end of the year residents continued to live under the threat of imminent eviction.

Residents affected by Rempang Eco City, a 17,000-hectare integrated industrial project in the Riau Islands, faced similar problems. In September, one year after security personnel violently confronted those protesting against the project, plain-clothed individuals continued to intimidate and assault residents guarding a road in Sungai Bulu village. Three people were injured when they were hit by a wooden plank and a helmet. Posters expressing opposition to the project were also damaged.

Right to a healthy environment

In September the government finalized two major policy documents: the Draft Government Regulation concerning the National Energy Policy (RPP KEN) and the New and Renewable Energy (EBET) Bill. The documents were deemed crucial for shaping the country’s energy policy. While the Ministry of Mineral Energy and Resources and Commission VII of the parliament agreed on the Government Regulation on RPP KEN, parliamentary discussions on the EBET Bill were ongoing at year’s end.

Civil society organizations raised concerns about the two bills, believing that they remained inadequate for a transition towards net zero emissions. In the RPP KEN, the government lowered the targets for the renewable energy mix, adjusting the 2025 goal from 23% to a range of 17-19%, and for 2030 from 26% to a new range of 19-21%. The EBET Bill still allowed the development of fossil fuels, as long as it was accompanied by carbon capture and storage technology. In addition, both documents lacked social impact considerations, leading to fears of further land-grabbing for energy projects and prolonging injustice for communities.

Unlawful targeted surveillance

In May, Amnesty International published a research report detailing the extensive sales and use of highly intrusive spyware and surveillance technologies from 2017 until at least 2023. There were numerous instances of spyware imports or deployments by companies and state agencies, including the National Police and the National Cyber and Crypto Agency. The equipment was sourced from Greece, Israel, Malaysia and Singapore.9

The Personal Data Protection Law, enacted in 2022, officially came into force on 17 October. However, the authorities had not fully formulated the implementing regulations, including establishing a dedicated data protection agency as mandated by the law.


  1. “Indonesia: Shameful intimidation of participants at People’s Water Forum in Bali”, 22 May ↩︎
  2. “Indonesia: Police must be held accountable for repeated unlawful use of force against peaceful protesters”, 9 Dec ↩︎
  3. “Indonesia: “Stop police brutality”, 27 August (only available in Bahasa Indonesia) ↩︎
  4. “Indonesia: Shooting of human rights defender shows increasing threats in Papua”, 18 July ↩︎
  5. “Indonesia: The Committee for the Safety of Journalists Condemns Police Violence Against Journalists During the Protest Against the 2024 Regional Election Bill”, 24 August (only available in Bahasa Indonesia) ↩︎
  6. “Indonesia: Investigate Brimob members involved in torturing South Halmahera residents”, 12 February (only available in Bahasa Indonesia) ↩︎
  7. “Indonesia: Thoroughly investigate torture in Puncak, evaluate TNI placement in Papua ”, 3 March (only available in Bahasa Indonesia) ↩︎
  8. “Indonesia: ‘Unlawful killing’ of New Zealand pilot in Papua must be investigated”, 6 August ↩︎
  9. Indonesia: A Web of Surveillance: Unravelling a Murky Network of Spyware Exports to Indonesia, 1 May ↩︎





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2) TPNPB-OPM Admits Involvement in Shooting of Komnas HAM Papua Team  
Reporter Dani Aswara
 April 29, 2025 | 09:18 am

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - The West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Organization (TPNPB-OPM) claimed responsibility for the recent attack against Indonesian military (TNI) and the Chairperson of the Papua National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), Fritz Ramandey. It is known that the National Human Rights Commission and the team are currently searching for the former Criminal Investigation Unit Chief at Teluk Bintuni Police Resort, Inspector Tomi Marbun, who has been missing since December 2024.

"The attack that occurred since April 27, 2025, against the Indonesian military forces in Kali Rawara is an important warning for all civilian residents involved with the Indonesian military in Kali Rawara to immediately leave the TPNPB operation zone, especially Fritz Ramandey (Chairperson of the Papua Human Rights Commission)," said TPNPB spokesperson Sebby Sambom in a press release on Monday, April 28, 2025.

According to the report submitted by the Commander of the IV Sorong Raya Defense Regional Command, Brigadier General Deni Moos, nine TPNPB battalions were deployed in several points in the Moskona region. The attack began on Sunday morning at 06:00 Papua time, led by TPNPB Deputy Operation Commander, Manuel Aimau.

The TPNPB highlighted the presence of the Chairperson of the Papua Human Rights Commission, Fritz Ramandey, in the search operation in the conflict area. They deemed Fritz's involvement in the military operation a violation of the neutrality principle of the human rights institution.

"We warn that if Fritz Ramandey gets shot, it's a risk because he has taken over a task that should be carried out by the Regional Disaster Management Agency, not the Human Rights Commission," said Sebby. "We urge all civilian residents involved with the military to immediately leave the war zone."

Sebby explained that the Indonesian military operation in Kali Rawara aims to search for the body of Tomi Samuel Marbun, who, according to TPNPB, was killed and disposed of by his own colleagues in 2024. They claimed that Marbun's body was intentionally disposed of in the river to be eaten by crocodiles and blamed the military for the incident. "The Indonesian government is sacrificing civilian residents to cover up the internal disgrace of its own apparatus," said Sebby.

TPNPB-OPM also claimed to have killed two TNI soldiers in a shooting incident in South West Maybrat Regency, West Papua, on Sunday, April 27, 2025. Tempo tried to confirm the truth of the two soldiers' deaths in the incident, but the Indonesian Armed Forces Headquarters has not yet responded to the matter.

The Head of Public Information Bureau (Karo Penmas) of the Indonesian National Police Public Relations Division, Brigadier General Trunoyudo Wisnu Andiko, stated that the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) team, part of the Moskona 2025 Task Force, confirmed the incident.

"Yes, during a humanitarian operation in the search for Inspector Tomi Marbun at Rawara River, Moskona District, at 07:10 WIT (Eastern Indonesia Time), the group was shot at by an armed civilian group," Trunoyudo said on Monday.

Editor's Choice: TPNPB-OPM Claims to Have Shot Dead 2 TNI Soldiers in Maybrat

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3) TPNPB-OPM Claims to Have Shot Dead 2 TNI Soldiers in Maybrat 
 Reporter Dani Aswara 
April 29, 2025 | 07:15 am  

TEMPO.COJakarta - The West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM) claimed to have shot dead two Indonesian National Army (TNI) soldiers in an armed attack in the Maybrat Regency, South West Papua, some time ago.

The Central Command Headquarters of the TPNPB declared that the attack was carried out by the Kodap IV Sorong Raya forces under the leadership of Manuel Aimau, Deputy Operations Commander. The attack began at 06:00 WIT (Eastern Indonesia Time) and targeted 510 Indonesian military personnel and the Chairman of the Papua National Human Rights Commission, Fritz Ramandey, who was involved in the search for former Chief of Criminal Investigation Unit of Teluk Bintuni, Inspector Tomi Samuel Marbun.


"The attack on the Indonesian government's military combined forces since this morning has resulted in the deaths of two TNI soldiers and others being shot, the attack also occurred against Indonesian military personnel on the outskirts of the Rawara River against a number of Indonesian military personnel which resulted in two military personnel being shot," said Sebby Sambom, a spokesman for TPNPB-OPM, on Monday, April 28, 2025.

TPNPB stated that the Indonesian military reportedly responded using two heavily armed helicopters and armed drones. They conducted an air strike on the TPNPB-OPM forces' position.

"Firing has continued at two different locations since 06.00 in the morning Papua time between the TPNPB forces of Kodap IV Sorong Raya and the Indonesian military forces, resulting in an air strike by the Indonesian military using two military helicopters equipped with machine guns," said Sebby.

Not only that, TPNPB claimed that the Chairman of the Papua National Human Rights Commission, Fritz Ramandey, sided with the military. They threatened to treat Ramandey as an enemy on the battlefield if he remained in the conflict area.

TPNPB warned all civilian parties involved in the military operation to immediately leave the conflict area. They emphasized that the search for victims should be handled by civilian institutions such as the local disaster management agency, not by security forces or the National Human Rights Commission.

There are nine areas designated by TPNPB-OPM as militia war zones. TPNPB spokesman, Sebby Sambom, had previously urged the Indonesian government to immediately evacuate residents from these nine areas. The nine areas in Papua referred to are the Yahukimo Regency; Star Mountains; Nduga; Puncak Jaya; Intan Jaya; Maybrat; Dogiyai; Paniai; and Deiyai.

Tempo has attempted to confirm the claim. However, as of the time of this news release, there has been no official statement from the Information Center of the Indonesian Military Headquarters regarding the deaths of two soldiers and the use of machine guns against the TPNPB-OPM.

Editor's Choice: TPNPB-OPM Accuses Indonesian Military of Conducting Airstrikes in Papua


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Monday, April 28, 2025

Indonesia's $6mn Grant to Fiji Allegedly Aimed at Securing Papua Diplomatic Support



Indonesia's $6mn Grant to Fiji Allegedly Aimed at Securing Papua Diplomatic Support 

 Reporter Novali Panji Nugroho 
April 28, 2025 | 05:18 pm  

TEMPO.COJakarta - The Indonesian government provided a grant of US$6 million, approximately Rp100 billion, to the government of Fiji in April 2025. Agus Pambagio, a public policy observer from the PH&H Public Policy Interest Group, assessed that this grant was likely President Prabowo's effort to seek diplomatic support from Fiji regarding the Papua issue.

According to him, Fiji is among the countries that have previously expressed support for Papuan independence. "There is a possibility. Prabowo wants Fiji to reduce its support for Papua," he told Tempo on Sunday, April 27, 2025.


Regarding the situation in Papua, Agus noted Indonesia's need for support within United Nations forums. He suggested that this support could be obtained from Fiji by financially assisting the country's programs. "There is no such thing as free support in this world," he asserted.

On the other hand, Agus acknowledged that providing such grants is a common diplomatic practice, suggesting that the allocated budget simply needed to be utilized. "But from a social perspective, it is certainly disturbing because that amount of money is not insignificant," he commented.

Prabowo welcomed the Prime Minister of the Republic of Fiji, Sitiveni Rabuka, to the Merdeka Palace in Jakarta on Thursday, April 24, 2025. Rabuka is known to have previously supported Papua Merdeka (Papua's independence) in March 2023.

Rabuka expressed his gratitude for the grant and affirmed his commitment to continued cooperation with Indonesia. "There is no need to worry about debt. Therefore, we express our gratitude to the Indonesian government. We assure you of our commitment to continue and uphold the commitments made by your predecessors," he said on Thursday, April 24, 2025.

According to Rabuka, the government of Fiji will continue to respect Indonesia's sovereignty and will stand with Indonesia in international forums when discussing Indonesia's sovereignty.

Meanwhile, Prabowo stated that Indonesia and Fiji have maintained positive relations since establishing diplomatic ties in 1974. He committed to continuing several agreements with Fiji that were established by the previous administration.

"We will continue what has been done in the past under the government that I lead. We will fulfill all our commitments and agreements promptly," Prabowo affirmed.

Prabowo also announced that the Indonesian government would assist in establishing a regional agricultural training center in Fiji. While he did not specify the exact form and amount of assistance, he indicated that it would commence this year.

Hendrik Yaputra contributed to the writing of this article.

Editor's Choice: Indonesia Grants US$6 Million to Fiji


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