Within months, all were granted protection visas and have lived in exile in Melbourne ever since.
At the time, their arrival sparked diplomatic tensions between Australia and Indonesia, drawing global attention to Australia's position on human rights abuses in the Asia-Pacific region.
Years on, a community-led project called Kal Angam-Kal: Stories of West Papua - spearheaded by Cyndi Makabory, Yasbelle Kerkow, and Florence Tupuola, shows young West Papuans interviewing Elders from that group of 43. Some even hearing about their own parents' journey for the first time.
Since first exhibiting in 2023, Kal Angam-Kal was recently a Commendation Recipient in the 2024 Victorian Community History Awards.
Nesia Daily spoke with Cyndi Makabory and project participant, Mariana Korwa about the power of intergenerational storytelling and what Kal Angam-Kal means to their community.
Disclosure statement
Matthew Sussex has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Atlantic Council, the Fulbright Foundation, the Carnegie Foundation, the Lowy Institute and various Australian government departments and agencies.
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A news report that Russia has sought to base long-range aircraft in Indonesia caught Australia’s political leaders by surprise during an already hectic election campaign.
The military publication Janes reported on Tuesday that Russia had requested permission for its aircraft to be based at the Manuhua Air Force Base in Indonesia’s easternmost province of Papua.
The base is just 1,300 kilometres away from Darwin.
Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles issued a statementdenying the report, saying his Indonesian counterpart assured him there would be no Russian planes based in Indonesia. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said he was seeking “further clarification” with Jakarta about the Janes report.
Janes is a respected outlet when it comes to defence news, so it’s likely the Russians did float the idea, even if it might have been done at lower levels.
Why would Russia be cosying up to Indonesia?
Since Prabowo Subianto came to power as Indonesia’s new president last October, Moscow and Jakarta have sought to deepen their military ties. In fact, the two countries conducted their first-ever joint naval exercises a month after Prabowo took office.
But this isn’t a totally new strategy by Moscow, which has tried on numerous occasions to pivot to Asia to give itself more economic heft and leverage in the region.
The Kremlin is also cognisant that Europe won’t be a friend for the foreseeable future. As such, it’s even more pressing for Russia to establish itself as a player in the Indo-Pacific region – and with that comes a miltary and security presence.
About ten years ago, for instance, the Russian regime secured an agreement with Vietnam to allow its air force to refuel their aircraft at a former US base in the country. Russia also had interest in reestablishing a submarine base in Vietnam and has sold submarines to the country.
In addition, Moscow has sought to sell defence technology and fighter jets to Indonesia for some time, seeing it as a potentially lucrative market for Russian arms. Beyond defence, the bilateral relationship has also focused on energy and education.
These attempts to deepen Moscow-Jakarta ties form part of a targeted Russian campaign to boost its relationships with a number of Southeast Asian nations.
What about the timing?
If the Janes report is accurate, the timing of the purported approach from Russia would be interesting. The report said it came after a meeting between Sergei Shoigu (recently demoted from Russia’s defence minister to an inferior role as secretary of the Russian Security Council) and Indonesia’s defence minister in February of this year.
At the time, the United States was distracted by the first chaotic weeks of US President Donald Trump’s second term in office.
So, if Russia did make such a request, it would be highly opportunistic, especially given Jakarta has been keen to deepen ties with Moscow.
It is also noteworthy that Indonesia recently joined the BRICS, the group of rapidly emerging economies that also includes Brazil, Russia, India, China, and Russia, among others.
Read more: Indonesia's BRICS agenda: 2 reasons Prabowo's foreign policy contrasts with Jokowi's
How concerned should Australia be?
Even though both Canberra and Jakarta dismissed the report, there was good reason for Australia to be concerned.
Russia’s long-range aviation assets, notably the venerable Tu-95, which is used for reconnaissance as well as strategic bombing, can easily travel over 10,000 kilometres.
From a base in Indonesia, this would give the Russian air force the ability to conduct ISR (intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance) missions during Australian military exercises, gather data on military installations in the Northern Territory (which also host US Marines), and even conduct surveillance on US military activities in Guam.
Equally, given the closeness of ties between Beijing and Moscow, any Russian intelligence that was gathered could be shared with China.
The reported Russian military interest in Indonesia will also have irritated Australian foreign policy makers, especially since Canberra has invested significant diplomatic capital in boosting Australia-Indonesia ties.
Fortunately, the closeness of the relationship, which includes recently upgraded defence ties, will also have allowed for some plain speaking from Australian interlocutors.
They will doubtless have pointed out that agreeing to any such Kremlin request would cast significant doubt on Indonesian claims about non-alignment. It would also be viewed unfavourably by other regional actors, who have no interest in seeing an enhanced Russian military presence in the region.
The assurance from Jakarta that no Russian planes would be based in Indonesia is therefore a positive development.
But ultimately the reported Russian request is another example of the messy and fragmented world we now live in.
It highlights the reality that Australia will sometimes have to do business with partners who have friends we don’t like. Under those conditions, being firm on issues that threaten our national interests – like the prospective basing of military assets by a hostile power close to our shores – becomes all the more important.
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - The Indonesian National Army (TNI) has dismissed the allegations made by the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM) regarding the involvement of children in espionage operations in Papua.
The Head of the TNI Information Center, Brigadier General Kristomei Sianturi, stated that the allegations are baseless and are a propaganda effort by TPNPB-OPM to gain public sympathy.
"The closeness of the TNI to children in Papua is aimed at thwarting the infiltration of violent ideologies," said Kristomei in a text message on Tuesday, April 15, 2025.
He further explained that the soldiers' closeness to children and vulnerable groups in Papua is aimed at creating a safe environment. According to him, this step is a preventive measure by the TNI to break the chain of conflict.
Kristomei elaborated that in addition to protection, the TNI is also involved in territorial development, such as assisting in the improvement of education, health services, and the development of the younger generation.
"This is a form of commitment to protect and end prolonged conflicts in Papua," he said.
Ironically, Kristomei pointed out that it is actually the TPNPB-OPM that frequently involves children and women in their military activities, including espionage and logistical support. “This kind of propaganda has been used repeatedly,” he said.
Previously, Sebby Sambom, spokesperson for TPNPB headquarters, claimed that the TNI and Indonesian National Police (Polri) often engages children and women in their territorial operations, particularly for intelligence gathering.
Sambom alleged that their purpose is to collect information on the location and strength of TPNPB battalions.
“They use children and mothers to avoid drawing suspicion. But indigenous Papuans will not betray us,” said Sambom.
He continued to explain that in this involvement, the TNI-Polri uses coercion or deceives children and women with incentives. Because of these threats and coercion, Sambom claimed, many children later choose to stay and seek refuge in the TPNPB militia headquarters.
"They are not safe outside. We have warned that this is a matter between combatants. Do not use children to spy on us," he said.
Tempo previously reported that children in Papua are at risk of becoming militia members. The article, published on Sunday, April 13, highlighted that children caught in the conflict are victims of violence.
Frits Ramandey, Head of the Secretariat Office of the Papua Regional National Commission on Human Rights, confirmed the presence of child militias in the region, based on his communication with the TPNPB through intermediaries.
He stated that while these children are still closely connected to the militia, “Their involvement is not direct,” said Frits.
Frits also reminded both TPNPB-OPM and the TNI-Police of the rules set out in international humanitarian law, specifically the 1949 Geneva Convention IV and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child.
These conventions, he explained, explicitly prohibit the involvement and participation of children in armed conflict.
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - The commander of the West Papua Army, Mathias L. Wenda, passed away on April 12, 2025, as confirmed by the spokesperson of the West Papua National Liberation Army–Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM), Sebby Sambom.
“Yes, that’s true,” Sebby said on Tuesday, March 15, 2025.
Mathias reportedly passed away from old age and illness at the Vanimo Hospital in Papua New Guinea, at age 104.
According to documents received by Tempo, Mathias has been actively involved in the struggle for the liberation of West Papua since 1966.
His funeral was conducted according to the protocol of the General Secretariat of the West Papua Army in Papua New Guinea.
Sebby referred to Mathias as a leader for the Papuan people. According to Sebby, the West Papua Army, or WPA, is a new organization formed in 2011 and based in Papua New Guinea. "General Mathias Wenda is the “long live” commander of the TPNPB-OPM," said Sebby.
He maintained that the West Papua Army currently does not have a military base in the Papua region. As an organization, Sebby said, WPA is passive in military actions.
"Organizations that have military bases in the Papua region are the National Command (Komando Nasional) and the TPNPB-OPM," he said. Meanwhile, the TPNPB-OPM is comprised of the West Papua National Guard and the Papua State Army.
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