2) Freeport shooting case: Ex security guard sentenced to 20 months
3) Papuan People Council submits reports from hearings on special autonomy
4) 1,350 military personnel deployed to secure Indonesia-PNG borders
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Jakarta / Thu, March 11, 2021 / 09:37 pm
The Papuan Student Alliance commemorates what they consider West Papua Liberation Day in Yogyakarta on Dec. 1, 2019. The protesters rejected Papua's special autonomy arrangement with Jakarta and demanded a referendum to determine their own future.(JP/Bambang Muryanto)
The special autonomy (otsus) status of Papua and West Papua has been at the core of the central government’s claims that its policies in the provinces are on the right track. But self-determination activists believe the arrangement has become a pretext for Jakarta to exert undue control over Papuans and that it should be rejected.
A number of other voices lie between these poles, and the nearly two decades of special autonomy have had many ups and downs.
The Jakarta Post has asked scholars, religious figures and politicians about their views on special autonomy, which has been increasingly contested as certain key provisions come up for renewal.
The following are excerpts from those interviews:
Agus Sumule of the University of Papua in Manokwari
Agus Sumule of the University of Papua in Manokwari
I was invited to Jayapura in 2000 for a gathering with other scholars to discuss special autonomy. One aspect we talked about back then, which did not happen, was revealing historical truths.
I have written reports to evaluate special autonomy, but one thing is the need to talk about Law No. 12/1969 [on the formation of Irian Jaya province, the previous name for the provinces of Papua and West Papua, issued in 1969 after a controversial and contested referendum]. We need to talk about 1969 to end the antagonistic relations between Papua and Jakarta. But otsus has not allowed for such talk. After all this time, hopes of getting the truth about 1969 have been dashed. It is unfortunate, and we need to rectify this in the future. Agus Sumule wrote an evaluation of Papuan special autonomy in May 2020. It can be found here.
Adriana Elisabeth of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI)
I have written reports to evaluate special autonomy, but one thing is the need to talk about Law No. 12/1969 [on the formation of Irian Jaya province, the previous name for the provinces of Papua and West Papua, issued in 1969 after a controversial and contested referendum]. We need to talk about 1969 to end the antagonistic relations between Papua and Jakarta. But otsus has not allowed for such talk. After all this time, hopes of getting the truth about 1969 have been dashed. It is unfortunate, and we need to rectify this in the future. Agus Sumule wrote an evaluation of Papuan special autonomy in May 2020. It can be found here.
Adriana Elisabeth of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI)
Special autonomy covers three aspects: political compromise, development and conflict resolution. Special autonomy has yet to achieve political compromise, and development has not been fully achieved either if we look at the human development index, even though infrastructure has indeed improved connectivity.
Special autonomy has also not yet brought conflict resolution to Papua, which has had repeated violence and recent shootings. That is why people say that special autonomy cannot provide solutions to problems in Papua, or to use a more extreme term, that special autonomy is a failure.
Read also: After 19 years of special autonomy, trust between Jakarta and Papua in tatters
Special autonomy has also not yet brought conflict resolution to Papua, which has had repeated violence and recent shootings. That is why people say that special autonomy cannot provide solutions to problems in Papua, or to use a more extreme term, that special autonomy is a failure.
Read also: After 19 years of special autonomy, trust between Jakarta and Papua in tatters
Going forward, if special autonomy continues, Jakarta and Papua have to evaluate it. They have to pay special attention to good governance, transparency and accountability, especially regarding the budget leaks. How should special autonomy be evaluated? It has to be done from the kampung level. Indeed, Papua is a big area, and reaching out to each kampung takes a lot of time. But if you want to really evaluate, it has to be done from the kampung level, not just superficially in cities or at the provincial level.
If it is discontinued, they have to find another formula that can respond to two things: the improvement of the human development index and the development of a new business model that does not reproduce violence in Papua. Papua is rich in natural resources, and I see why the violence is recurring. It is because the existing business model reproduces violence. Special autonomy or not, this has to be addressed.
If it is discontinued, they have to find another formula that can respond to two things: the improvement of the human development index and the development of a new business model that does not reproduce violence in Papua. Papua is rich in natural resources, and I see why the violence is recurring. It is because the existing business model reproduces violence. Special autonomy or not, this has to be addressed.
Sidney Jones of the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC)
In terms of empowerment, special autonomy has failed, even though there has been a Papuanization of local government. In reality, Papuan political authority is heavily constrained by other Indonesian institutions. In terms of weakening the independence movement, special autonomy has failed, although that movement itself remains divided. Otsus has succeeded in raising per capita income but has failed to pull Papua out of the bottom ranking of the poorest province in Indonesia.
The original goal of otsus was empowerment in the interests of keeping Papua within the Indonesian republic. It was a response to the support for independence demonstrated during the “P
apuan Spring" of 2000 and represented a belief that the state needed to acknowledge Papuan political grievances without legitimizing separatism.
Support for that approach disappeared as soon as President Abdurrahman Wahid was forced out of office. No president since has been genuinely interested in empowerment. If they had been, they would have moved faster on the creation of the Papuan People’s Council (MRP) and given it a stronger mandate; found a way to allow local political parties as originally envisaged under article 28 of Law 21/2001 on otsus; facilitated the creation of a local Truth and Reconciliation Commission as envisaged under Article 46; allowed Papua to move forward with a proposal requiring that all elected officials be indigenous Papuans; and ensured the rapid adoption of implementing regulations. It wasn't just Jakarta – Papuan politicians were also slow to do their part to implement the law.
Every president since Abdurrahman has believed that rapid economic development would make political grievances go away. This was never going to be the case. Increased income, less isolation and more education don't always bring loyalty to an ethnically distinct and disadvantaged part of a country; they sometimes result in increased political demands. In Papua, the problem was exacerbated by a huge influx of funds without proper oversight, which in some cases seemed little more than a cynical effort to buy off local elites.
The deliberation on whether otsus funds should continue should be an occasion for the Jokowi government, in consultation with a broad spectrum of Papuan academics, civil servants and community leaders (not just those known for pro-integration views), to think about a new strategy for Papua. It should move away from a narrow infrastructure approach toward one that embraces concerns about racism, human rights and the protection of indigenous Papuans, as well as how to improve education, health and the delivery of social services more generally.
Gomar Gultom of the Fellowship of Indonesian Churches
Otsus is still far from what I expected. Papuan people’s prosperity has yet to show a significant improvement, while the economic and infrastructure development benefits the elites more. Law enforcement is harsh against the powerless but lenient toward the elites. Past human rights abuses have yet to be brought to court. Three out of five pillars of special autonomy have not been implemented: human rights tribunals, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and local political parties.
Otsus has become only a token for the central government [to make it seem] as if everything is pretty. The central government does not care about otsus’ implementation. The idea behind this law is ideal and expected to be able to solve problems in Papua in a comprehensive way. The deliberation involved many stakeholders, especially Papuan people. But the ideal, the expectation, has been ignored by all presidents after Abdurrahman Wahid. They only keep this law as a sweetener, while ignoring the process of policy making. One proof of this ignorance is that the central government never facilitates the realization of special regional bylaws as mandated by the law.
Under Abdurrahman Wahid, the Papuan flag (Morning Star) was allowed. He respected Papuan identity and culture, and most importantly, no Papuans were shot.
We have to appreciate the Jokowi administration’s emphasis on infrastructure development in Papua. But it would be better if the development were more participatory. The infrastructure drive has to be in line with the fundamental need of Papuans: respect for human rights.
At the moment, we need to seriously evaluate the special autonomy. But if the continuation of the special autonomy fund is only deliberated from Jakarta, the Fellowship of Indonesian Churches will just wait and see.
We have to appreciate the Jokowi administration’s emphasis on infrastructure development in Papua. But it would be better if the development were more participatory. The infrastructure drive has to be in line with the fundamental need of Papuans: respect for human rights.
At the moment, we need to seriously evaluate the special autonomy. But if the continuation of the special autonomy fund is only deliberated from Jakarta, the Fellowship of Indonesian Churches will just wait and see.
Read also: Don’t force special autonomy on us, Papuan priests say
Paulus Christian Siswantoko of the Indonesian Bishops’ Conference (KWI)
The mandate of the special autonomy law is a smart and wise political move from the government to bring peace to Papua. The hope was that with otsus, Papuans would have more prosperity, minimal human rights violations or no violations at all and no more discrimination. But after 20 years, these are still occurring. What is the indication? Separatism continues and Papuans raise the Morning Star flag. This has to be tackled by otsus. We recommend that the central government evaluate the special autonomy fund before allocating more funds. We support the continuation of the funds, but we need an evaluation first.
The mandate of the special autonomy law is a smart and wise political move from the government to bring peace to Papua. The hope was that with otsus, Papuans would have more prosperity, minimal human rights violations or no violations at all and no more discrimination. But after 20 years, these are still occurring. What is the indication? Separatism continues and Papuans raise the Morning Star flag. This has to be tackled by otsus. We recommend that the central government evaluate the special autonomy fund before allocating more funds. We support the continuation of the funds, but we need an evaluation first.
Regarding Catholic priests who speak out to the public rejecting special autonomy, they are indeed priests in Catholic churches across Papua. They are what we call “native priests”, and they have their local leader, which is their respective bishop. What I know is that when they held a press conference rejecting special autonomy, they did not consult with their bishop. So it was an individual initiative. Another thing is that those who are under the Jayapura Diocese have been spoken to and have been asked to speak wisely because priests have to speak about peace, not division. They are not representative of KWI, not at all, because KWI is only in Jakarta.
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2) Freeport shooting case: Ex security guard sentenced to 20 months
News Desk March 11, 2021 6:57 pm
West Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi
Jayapura, Jubi – The panel of judges in North Jakarta delivered a verdict on Wednesday, March 10, sentencing Indius or Ivan Sambom to a year and eight months in jail, reduced by detention period, for firearm possession.
Sambom heard the verdict online, sitting at Mimika District Court in Mimika, Papua.
Sambom’s lawyer, Mersi Waromi from Human Rights Advocates Association (PAHAM) Papua said Thursday, March 11 that the judges found Sambom guilty for harboring armed group members in his house.
“In the consideration, the judges saw that Sambom let armed group members stay the night in his house. So he was found guilty of hiding firearms and explosives without any rights to do so,” Waromi told Jubi.
Sambom’s case began when a shooting happened in the office of PT Freeport Indonesia, Kuala Kencana in Mimika Regency on March 30 last year. The shooting killed a New Zealand citizen identified as Graeme Thomas Wall. The shooting also injured two Indonesians.
On April 9, Nemangkawi Task Force arrested Sambom in his house in Kampung Iwaka in Mimika. Sambom was accused of having, storing or hiding firearms and other kinds of ammunition. On Oct. 27 last year the prosecutors’ team read the indictment against him, charging him with violating article 1 of Law on the State of Emergency No. 12/1951 on firearms and explosives.
Waromi said the verdict was more lenient than the prosecutor’s demand, which sought three years imprisonment for Sambom.
Director of PAHAM Papua, Gustav Kawer, said the consideration for the decision to sentence Sambom did not correlate with the charge. He said the considerations from the panel of judges also were not correlated with the facts heard in the trial.
“The verdict does not match with the facts heard in the trial. When they arrested Sambom, there were no armed group members in his house, nor there were any ammunition. The trial is not supposed to be about the armed group members in his house but about whether or not Sambom possessed firearms. If not, the judges should have acquitted Sambom,” Kawer said.
Kawer said the trial should have checked the types of the ammunition, whether they matched with ammunition from a certain unit or department in Indonesian Military or the National Police. But they never checked although we knew that in a separate case, there were security personnel who were arrested for selling ammunition or firearms (to armed groups affiliated with the Free Papua Movement,” Kawer told Jubi.
Kawer said he would talk to his client about filing an appeal. He said because the sentence was reduced by Sambom’s detention period, Sambom would be free in about nine months.
Earlier on March 3, 2021, Sambom’s lawyers read their client’s defense, revealing alleged torture happened on Sambom during detention. Sambom was beaten and the police forced him to say where he hid the firearms, Sambom claimed in his defense.
Lawyer Waromi said during the hearing that the police took Sambom from his house on Jl. Trans Nabire in Timika and they put a burlap covering his whole head. He was beaten using a wooden stick until he was bloody and the stick was broken, Waromi told Jubi on March 5.
The lawyers said the trial failed to show evidence that Sambom was in possession of any firearms or ammunition.
The lawyers said the torture happened again in the National Police’s Mobile Brigade headquarters in Mimika Regency in Papua. “Sambom was tortured, beaten with rattan over and over again. His legs were chained and he was cuffed. The police asked him ‘where did you hide the bullets?’. It happened every day except for Sundays,” Waromi said.
Kawer said his client would not be able to answer the location of the bullets because he did not possess any firearms or bullets. “None of the witnesses also saw bullets,” he said.
Reporter: Benny Mawel
Editor: Aryo Wisanggeni G, Evi Mariani
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3) Papuan People Council submits reports from hearings on special autonomy
News Desk March 11, 2021 10:51 pm
West Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi
Jayapura, Jubi – Papuan People Council (MRP) released a book containing reviews of problems and achievements in the past 20 years of the special autonomy (otsus) implementation in Papua province, gathered from hearings with the native Papuans.
MRP speaker, Timotius Murid, gave the blue book, titled “Papua Special Autonomy Implementation Effectivity”, to Papua Governor Lukas Enembe in Jayapura on March 10, 2021.
“The book consists of three parts. It contains a holistic view of all the problems in Papua Land during special autonomy implementation.
First part of the book was the summary of what participants had to say on otsus during the hearings held by MRP in almost all customary territories in Papua Land. The second was a compilation of reviews of otsus from scholars and the third part is otsus achievement for the past 20 years.
With this book, Murib said, the MRP expected to contribute new insight to the discussion on otsus and development in Papua Land so the people would have a better future.
“I hope after the book is spread among the people, they can read and know how the otsus implementation works. I hope this would become recommendations to the central government, especially because Indonesia is deliberating the revisions to the Special Autonomy Law,” he said.
Governor Enembe said he appreciated MRP’s efforts in making the book, because the book could be an important reference for the people.
“The book contains the journey of otsus. What the people want concerning otsus is also here. I hope the book will be read by the public,” Enembe said.
In October last year, MRP and West Papua People Council (MRPB) agreed to hold hearings on otsus implementation in seven customary territories on Papua Land.
In November, the hearing in Merauke, or in Anim Ha, was dispersed by Merauke Police, which arrested dozens of the participants. The police argued they had suspected a yellow book circulating among the participants that contained a treason plan.
The Special Autonomy status reached the 20th year this year, begun when the Special Autonomy Law was passed in November 2021.
MRP’s Women Empowerment Working Group held a meeting on March 7, 2021, in Jayapura to discuss special autonomy with women perspective. MRP’s deputy speaker Debora Mote said the coordination meeting invited provincial agencies as well as 77 women groups in the province.
Reporter: Alexander Loen
Editor: Dewi Wulandari, Evi Mariani
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4) 1,350 military personnel deployed to secure Indonesia-PNG borders
- News Desk
- March 11, 2021
- 3:31 pm
West Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi
Jayapura, Jubi– Military Resort 172/PWY Commander Brig. Gen. Izak Pangemanan welcomed a new deployment of the military to secure Indonesia-PNG borders on Tuesday, March 9, 2021 at a Navy port at the base in Jayapura, Papua.
Indonesia and Papua New Guinea (PNG) borders on land include Jayapura, Keerom, Pegunungan Bintang, Boven Digoel, and Merauke regencies.
The military lingo for personnel securing borders is “Satgas Pamtas”
Read also: TPNPB Victoria Headquarters admit being responsible for the military ambush at Papua-PNG Border
According to Antara news agency, Izak, on behalf of the Cenderawasih Military Commander XVII, welcomed Infantry Battalion (Yonif) 131/BRS, Yonif 512/QY, and Yonif 403/WP on Tuesday, saying that as a new deployment the soldiers had to master the geographic conditions in Papua as well the political situation.
Yonif 131 is based in West Sumatra, Yonif 512 in Surabaya, East Java, Yonif 403 in Yogyakarta. A press release from Military Resort 172/PWY published on the Indonesian Military (TNI) website said that in total, 1,350 soldiers on two war ships berthed in Jayapura on March 9. The release said the three battalions replaced three that had been securing the borders since July last year.
In July 2020, 1,350 personnel from Yonif 413/BRM, Yonif Raider 100/PS and Yonif 312/KH arrived in Jayapura.
A video on Tik Tok made by @pasukan_artur24 showed the situation when the soldiers just arrived in a port in Jayapura on March 9, 2021.
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