Sunday, March 21, 2021

The two Papua reports for February by Theo in English



The two Papua reports for February by Theo in English

[translation from Indonesian]

PAPUA  2021

1-14 FEBRUARY

Oleh: Theo van den Broek

[1] About the security and operations of the TNI / Polri

Like last year the Intan Jaya area was still one of the TNI / Polri and TPNPB operational fields; the impression now: the operation is intensified and new troops continue to be brought in (2-4 / 2)[1]. It turned out that one of the TPNPB leaders invited the TNI / Polri to organize an open war. The Papua Police responded: they are not afraid to face it. However, according to the Deputy Chief of Police, "he does not want civilian casualties to fall if the TNI / Polri conducts open warfare with the KKB"[2]. The gun clash continued. [LATEST INFO during Dec 2020-Jan 2021: [a] military operations continue and are intensified; Fresh troops of 450 soldiers were flown to serve in Intan Jaya; [b] incidents of violence and suffering of civilians there continue to increase: plane shooting[3]; shooting of a soldier[4]; the shooting of a 'spy'[5]; story of a mother's rape; arbitrary sweeping by the TNI / Polri without respecting the village people or their property and as a result local people are displaced; [c] the international community increasingly supports the UN delegation to Papua to observe the human rights situation[6]; [d] the role of religious institutions in efforts to stop violence in Papua is considered very insufficient and ineffective;[7] ]

Meanwhile, the local people felt increasingly abandoned amidst all threats and military operations, because some of its leaders (Pdt Jeremias, Catechist Rufinus) were killed while the civilian government apparatus was not there. The absence of civilian government officials has been repeatedly complained of, but there has been no change. The Polres complained that there was no coordination and support from the local government in coaching the community[8]. The Regent head stated that they were indeed absent for a number of reasons: [a] there were no adequate physical facilities, [b] there was no electricity, [c] there was no internet network, [d] was not safe, and [e] was often sued by TPNPB ask for cash assistance etc; threatened if the assistance is not provided.

Reportedly 4/2/2021 a TPNPB member was shot dead[9]. Furthermore, once again a resident was shot (8/2), a kiosk servant in a village near Bidogai, is still being treated[10]. The alleged shooting was carried out by the TPNPB. Now his village is under surveillance by TNI / Polri troops. In the neighboring Regency of Intan Jaya, namely Puncak Regency, an ojek (motorcycles services) worker was killed (9/2). TPNPB admitted that the killing was carried out by the TPNPB because they believed that a number of ojek workers were spies for the TNI[11]. And again there was a shooting in Intan Jaya, Mamba village, Sugapa district, a soldier was shot (12/2) and is now being treated in hospital[12].

Because of this armed clash, the villagers became afraid. The impact: people began to evacuate; as a start about 650 people are now in the courtyard around the rectory and Catholic nuns in Bidogai and some have fled to Nabire (9/2). They seek safety and protection. They are given food and lodging; various agencies are helping, but there is still a shortage of foodstuffs[13]. Timika Diocese will provide food for the refugees, and it turns out that the diocese also feels helpless to cope with the dire situation in its pastoral area. It is clear: large numbers of ordinary citizens are increasingly becoming victims of clashes between armed parties.

[2] About the refugees in Papua

Since the end of 2018 there have been many refugees in Papua. Most of them came from Regency Nduga, and recently, quite a few have come from Intan Jaya. Very worrying news came from Jayawijaya where according to a volunteer, Raga Kogeya, from 24 Dec 2020 to 20 January 2021, 18 refugees (originating from Nduga) died because they were not provided with health services[14]. She only talked about the group she was helping out with; don't know about other locations. Some had been sick for several weeks before dying. Since the end of 2018 around 400 refugees have died in various refugee camps. At the end of 2019 there were still around 8,000 refugees in Jayawijaya who came from Nduga. According to Raga, all volunteers do not have money to pay medical bills while the hospital refuses to serve them for free because they do not have their identity documents. Responding to this report, the Head of the Jayawijaya Health Office, Dr. Willy E. Mambieuw, suggested that the Nduga Government make an Agreement (MoU) with Jayawijaya so that they could be provided with free health services. Because free services cannot be provided without a valid legal basis. Actually in August 2019 there was a similar health report (by the Civil Society Solidarity Coalition), but the officials in Regency Nduga have never followed up. The impression was like in Intan Jaya: Nduga refugees were left by the government itself[15].

[3] About the Islamic Defenders Front and the murder of 6 of its members

In early February, a number of public personalities (130 people), driven by Amin Rais, formed the Murder Incident Guard Team (TP3) which demanded President Jokowi to resolve the issue of the murder of 6 members of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).The petition demands that President Jokowi take responsibility for the arbitrary actions of the state apparatus[16]. Until now, there is a lack of follow-up process from the law enforcement agency (de facto police itself), so a way has to be found to encourage it. Recently the National Police Chief formed a special team to follow up on Komnas HAM report; This special team is now asking Komnas HAM to submit the evidence[17][LATEST INFO during Dec 2020-Jan 2021[a] During the mass demonstration 7 Dec 2020, FPI experienced many members being arrested and brought to court, including its leader, Rizieg Shibab [b] it turned out that 6 members were killed outside the realm of justice by state officials, [c ] conclusion from the Komnas HAM report: the murder of 6 members is categorized as 'human rights violations', but not 'serious human rights violations', [d] is recommended to be resolved in a criminal court, [e] FPI wants to bring this case to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Den Haag[18]. [f] while FPI is officially declared a banned organization.]

[4] About the environment, deforestation and threats to human rights defenders / environment and the role of corporations / investors

Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat published an annual report on deforestation occurring in Papua and Central Kalimantan (3/2)[19]. The main concern in this report is the story of the plight of dozens of environmental fighters because they have become victims of human rights violations allegedly committed by state officials and corporations. Regarding deforestation and environmental crimes, in March-May 2020 through satellite imagery, deforestation of 1,488 ha of land was found in the oil palm area. The largest are in the Manokwari area (372 ha), in the Merauke area (372), in Boven Digoel (222 ha) and in Bintuni (110 ha)[20]. According to another report by the Indonesian Monitoring Coalition (this coalition consists of 11 NGOs) the deforestation in Papua greatly increased during the administration of President Jokowi. Over the last 20 years the area of ​​natural forest has been reduced by 663,433 ha; 71% of this deforestation occurred during the 2011-2019 period. So the average deforestation in Papua is around 34,000 ha per year; peak in 2015: 89,000 ha. During the 2015-2019 period (Jokowi's cabinet I) Papua lost 298,600 ha. The greatest deforestation was in the areas of Merauke (123,000 ha), Boven Digul (51,600 ha), Nabire (32,900 ha), Bintuni Bay (33,400 ha), Sorong (33,400 ha) and Fakfak (31,700 ha)[21].

This data are very actual and relevant considering that issues surrounding investment, the role of corporations, environmental destruction and the economy of indigenous people, are widely discussed and protested both at home and abroad. Meanwhile Indonesian officials are campaigning about the 'blessing oil palm has for the economy' in an attempt to shape public opinion[22]. [LATEST INFO during Dec 2020-Jan 2021: [a] Korindo initiates legal proceedings in Hamburg to stop the activities of a number of NGOs that have bogged down their names as producers, incl. palm oil in Papua; [b] 90 NGOs ready to fight Korindo in Hamburg[23]; [c] in Switzerland a referendum was held on the rejection of palm oil from Indonesia[24]; [d] Merauke Archdiocese supports investment in Merauke and signs an MoU (5/1) with a palm oil company (a subsidiary of Korindo) to receive around 1 billion rupiah a year for 3 years[25]; [f] activists and Catholics reject the MoU, asking to be revoked[26];]

[5] About cases of human rights violations in the Land of Papua

In an annual report entitled "Not Receding Despite The Pandemic"[27], Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat provides an overview of human rights violations in the Land of Papua during 2020. Throughout 2020 there were 42 cases involving: the right to life, the right to freedom of expression and assembly, the right to sense safe, the right to a more prosperous life and the right to decent work. Most cases are in the 'right to life' category. 16 Cases (violence, assault and murder) with the main perpetrators of the TNI / Polri, non-military and corporations; 14 civilian victims died, three of them were religious servants, killings outside of legal process (including those of Luther Zanambani and Apinus Zanambani on 21 April 2020). 6 Cases involving threats against environmental human rights defenders with state actors (TNI / Polri, regional government, Satpol PP, village heads, district heads) and companies or company supporters.

[6] About OTSUS (Special Autonomy)

Of course, also during these first months of 2021 the issue of Otsus still demanded great attention. In its official statement (2/2) the Papua Provincial Government raises 5 core aspects that need to be given full attention in the revision of the Special Autonomy Law when discussing it at the DPR in Jakarta[28]. The five aspects are: [1] Otsus, in essence about the recognition and transfer of authority; the authority of the Central, Provincial, District and City Governments; [2] financial, structural which is mutually coordinated so that districts, cities have clear ties to the province; [3] one source of funds, namely Otsus, in which there are arrangements, unlike now there are DAK, DAU and other sources; [4] policy instruments so that there are no overlapping policies from the central, city, regency and provincial levels; and [5] asking the central government to emphasize aspects of law and human rights. [LATEST INFO during Dec 2020-Jan 2021[a] remains mass rejection of Special Autonomy Volume II; 600,000 people signed the 'otsus rejection petition'[29]; [b] the central government will continue Otsus to become Otsus Volume II, with all coordination centered in Jakarta, [c] the draft Special Autonomy Volume II has been determined as a discussion material for the DPR RI, [d] the articles to be amended are article 34 (finance ) and 76 (pemekaran), [e] MRP worries about this revision because according to MRP it is aimed at  eliminating the authority of the MRP / Governor in determining the expansion plan in Papua; [f] representatives from the MRP have stated that they will reject the change[30].]

Now the Special Autonomy Law has begun to be discussed in the Indonesian Parliament. It is interesting to hear the two interruptions held by the elected representatives of the Papuan people. Bp Willem Wandik emphasized that the issue of Otsus needs to be discussed in the perspective of finding a comprehensive solution. Don't talk about it in bits and pieces. In the next 3 years, it is necessary to find a solution and only within the framework of a comprehensive conceptual solution that the Special Autonomy Law can be properly revised. Meanwhile, Bp. John Siffy Mirin drew attention to the wishes of the Papuan people. The mass rejection by organizations in Papua concerns both Otsus and Pemekaran (administrative re-division of the region). Furthermore, he reminded friends in the DPR RI that according to article 77 the Special Autonomy Law states that proposals for amendments to the Law can be submitted by the people of Papua Province. The draft law that is currently being discussed in the DPR RI "was drawn up unilaterally and ignores the Papua Special Autonomy Article 77"[31].

[7] About the administrative re-divison (pemekaran) in Papua

The question that is closely related to the revision of Special Autonomy Volume II is the issue of a large-scale expansion plan in Papua. It turns out that at the center of government there is already a concrete plan and we can't wait to implement it. In the Special Autonomy Law to date, every expansion plan needs to come from the people in Papua and be supported by careful research data on its potential for success, which means: to support progress / welfare for local communities. What is determined by the central government at this time is actually the result of a unilateral group of authorities in Jakarta, and does not follow the procedures stipulated in Otsus. For the current authorities in the central governemnt is the information/advice from the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) in Papua; in other words not based on objective/scientific research on factual local potential . It is not surprising, then, that the central government apparently wants the ‘pemekaran’ regulations, specifically article 76 of the Special Autonomy Law to be amended, and is de facto requested to be abolished so as to allow a “top-down policy” only. Of course this 'top-down only policy' style is now being taken very critically by a number of officials and activists in Papua, because all 'elements of authority, alias autonomy' are about to be eliminated, so Otsus Volume II becomes an 'empty envelope' as far as autonomous authority is concerned in Papua[32].

[8] About racism: the case of Natalius Pigai etc.

The reality of racism in Indonesia has become very clear through the 'Surabaya incident' (August 2019) and its impact in Papua in particular. During the last weeks this reality has increasingly surfaced again in the case of racist insults directed at a Papuan personality, a former member of the National Commission on Human Rights, Natalius Pigai[33]. The perpetrator, the chairman of President Jokowi's Support Group, Ambrosius Nababan, has been reported to the police and is currently in detention. However, there are other government figures who have also attracted attention for their racist remarks. For example, the statement of the former head of BIN, Hendropriyono, who wanted to solve the problem in Papua by forcibly transferring 2 million Papuans to Manado so that they could become "Indonesians". Encouraged by such statements, an initiative emerged from a Papuan, Ambrosius Mulait, the Head of Central Mountain Papuan Students, to bring five high-ranking officials to court. The five officials: Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment, Luhut B. Pandjaitan; the governor of Yogyakarta, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X; Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, Mahfud, M.D .; former Head of the National Intelligence Agency, Hendropriyono; and deputy mayor of Malang, Sofyan Edi Jarwoko[34].

[9] About the celebration of the 166th Anniversary of the 'Entry of the Bible in Papua'

The 166th annual celebration of 'The Entry of the Gospel in Papua' (5/2). The celebration is usually marked by a lot of discussion / webinars around the theme of 'religion and its mission'[35] and memorial services in churches (this part of the activity is quite limited due to covid-19). It is also significant that the Papuan Franciscan Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Secretariat (SKPKC) welcomes this holiday with happy greetings complemented by a quote from the Bible, as follows: “Open your mouth for the mute, for the rights of all those who are languishing. Open your mouths, make decisions fairly and give to the oppressed and the poor their rights ”(Proverbs, 31: 8-9)[36]. [LATEST INFO during Dec 2020-Jan 2021: [a] frequently asked questions: where are the voices of religious leaders[37]; [b] 'silent diplomacy' by a number of church officials, bishops, - a meeting with the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, with the President's staff - is of doubtful weight and effectiveness[38]; [c] the cohesiveness of "pastoral ministers" in the church is questionable; [d] the role of prophecy needs to be more vocal and reflects the care of the (Catholic) Church in Papua and KWI at the national level of Indonesia.]

[10] About the matter of law / justice

The first news which is quite encouraging is that the three defendants of "treason" who were tried in Sorong were found not guilty, so they were declared acquitted (3/2). Marten Munk, Simon Sasior and Yakobus Asem were arrested by the Police on 23 April 2020. They were linked to the murder of a Brimob in Bintuni. They were arrested in the middle of the forest, for carrying bows and arrows and machetes, until they were accused of being involved in the killings and of being involved with the activities of the KNPB (Papua Liberation National Committee). During the court proceedings it became clear that these allegations could not be substantiated at all, so it was finally declared "wrongly arrested"[39]. Thank goodness it has finally become clear and free; only pity that for 10 months it is necessary to sit in prison…!

Another story is related to Adam Sorry, the head of the KNPB, who was sentenced to 6 years in prison by a panel of judges at the District Court in Sorong (9/2). He is accused of being involved in procuring violence which resulted in the death of a person. The problem is, Adam Sorry was convicted before the panel of judges' plead for his defense team was deliberated. The trial (9/2) was intended to read the plea / defense note. Usually after that the trial tuition is suspended and postponed for several days so that the contents of the pleido can be discussed by the panel of judges. However, in this case the trial was only suspended for a few seconds, then the verdict was read. So, clearly, the judge did not pay any attention to the content of the defense team's plea. The defense team cannot accept such a procedure and plans to report the judge to the Judicial Committee[40].

Meanwhile, the police in Merauke are accused of arbitrarily detaining KNPB activists in the local area. A number of KNPB activists (13) have been detained since 13 Dec 2020 for 'treason' reasons. These thirteen detainees were arrested at the KNPB office in Merauke, and before being taken to the police headquarters they were tortured, beaten, and trampled mercilessly. Because their arrests were accompanied by violence (beaten, injured) by the authorities, and not in accordance with procedures (without an arrest warrant and explanation of the reasons), the defense team demanded a pretrial hearing. During the pretrial (25/1) the judge team did not accept the demands of the defense team, so they continued to be detained. Now the question is again why the case so far (9/2) has not been submitted to the Merauke District Prosecutor, while they are still being detained. The Papuan Law Enforcement and Human Rights Coalition demands the following: [a] Papua Police Chief cq Kapolres set the 13 KNPB activists free if they are delayed in transferring files (due to lack of evidence); [b] The Papua Police Chief ordered to immediately follow up on “suspected criminal acts and violations of the police code of ethics”; [c] Kapolda Papua immediately ordered the Kapolres to hand over files to the Merauke District Prosecutor's Office[41]. In addition, according to the director of LBH Papua, Emanuel Gobay, one of the detainees, named Kristian Yandum, was very sick / critically ill, due to injuries sustained during the process of arrest and interrogation. However, the police did not provide the necessary medical services. On 13 Jan 2021 LBH Papua sent a letter requesting medical services to the police but it was only answered on 8 Feb 2021, and at that time they were only taken to the Navy hospital. The impression is that even there the service is not optimal[42].

Finally also a news at the national level. Recently, it was discovered that in Kalimantan a detainee, Herman (39) - suspected of stealing two cell phones - was tortured in defense until he died. Komnas HAM asked the National Police Chief to take steps to address the recurring phenomenon of violence by police officers. "It is important for the National Police Chief to make an internal policy of 'zero tolerance' for torture," said M Choirul Anam (Komnas HAM Commissioner). According to Anam, the 'zero tolerance' policy consists of two dimensions, namely, law enforcement and prevention. Enforcement: those who commit violent practices need to be punished seriously; Prevention: providing ways to prevent acts of torture since the Police Academy[43].

[11] About Covid-19 in Papua

Over the last few months, Covid-19 seems to be growing. See the list below:

The situation of Papua Province on. 25 NOVEMBER 2020 compared to 9 FEBRUARY 2021

COVID-19

Positive number

Number treated

Number recovered

Number died

Periode 25 Nov ‘20 – 9 Feb ‘21

25/11

/’20

9/2

/’21

25/11/’20

9/2

/‘21

25/11/’20

9/2

/’21

25/11

/’20

9/2

/’21

Kota Jayapura

5474

7387

1415

905

3967

6355

92

127

Kab Mimika

3112

4356

450

415

2630

3903

32

38

Kab Biak Numfor

718

1012

273

118

421

854

24

40

Kab Jayapura

717

1041

133

141

561

861

23

39

Kab Nabire

380

429

74

37

294

378

12

14

Kab Jayawijaya

214

555

24

100

189

454

1

1

Kab Merauke

188

606

18

180

170

396

0

30

Kep. Yapen

180

239

44

53

131

179

5

7

Kab Keerom

139

182

29

15

108

162

2

5

Kab Asmat

99

162

22

0

74

159

3

3

Kab Superiori

63

75

7

3

56

72

0

0

Kab Boven Digoel

41

245

4

54

37

189

0

2

Kab Sarmi

31

31

8

8

23

23

0

0

Kab Tolikara

27

29

0

2

27

29

0

0

Kab Lanny Jaya

27

27

0

0

26

26

1

1

Kab Paniai

21

36

3

4

17

31

0

1

Kab Mappi

19

211

5

64

14

146

0

1

Kab Yalimo

15

15

0

0

15

15

0

0

Kab Peg Bintang

8

9

0

0

8

9

0

0

Kab Mambera-

mo Tengah

4

4

0

0

4

4

0

0

Kab Puncak Jaya

3

3

1

1

2

2

0

0

Kab Waropen

1

1

0

0

1

1

0

0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total 

11481

16657

 

2100

12,6%

8775 76%

14248

85,5%

196 

2%

309 

1,9%

 

 

 

 

Number of tests

90.487

108338

 

In the last 2 ½ months: [1] Total number of infections: increased by 45%; [2] several regions experienced very high increases: Mappi (1,100%), Boven Digoel (600%), Merauke (300%), and Jayawijaya (250%). In addition, Merauke shows a very high percentage of deaths, namely 5%. The regions are recorded in 'light blue', our guess is that no new data are available. Vaccines are already available, but it is not clear what the exact policy process for the community vaccination plan is in Papua.

Even though a number of regulations aimed at limiting the spread of Covid-19 are still being enforced, the general impression - when walking in Jayapura city - is that in general the people are not too serious about it and just take it easy, while the use of masks is very lacking. In order to maintain 'adherence' to medical protocols, it turns out that a big role is given to TNI troops[44]. They are relied on to make public awareness promotions as well as monitor protocol switching[45]. Maybe because of carrying out that task (or have they brought in from outside?) it turns out that a number of TNI members are infected by the virus, which means that they also  become a source of its spread[46].

A little about education. Of course, during the Covid-19 period, all of us were familiarized with the teaching and learning process from home or online. In Jayapura a decision was made so that for the time being this method would still be enforced because the covid-19 case in Jayapura remained high. There are those who agree and those who disagree. He said: 60% of parents agree, while 40% don't. Finally the mayor decided: keep the school closed[47]. In general, schools in Papua that have not carried out a face-to-face teaching-learning process will not yet be open to 'normal' teaching-learning processes. There are only one or two that in early February began to open their doors again.

TvdB’s Reflection Note: Perhaps it is very important to know the impact of this teaching and learning process, not only in terms of quality (eg preparedness and creativity of teachers), but also to what extent this 'emergency process' will result in a generation equipped with knowledge but less usable in character building. Or: to what extent and how many children end up left behind because they do not have adequate online facilities to take advantage of the teaching and learning process from home. Data, especially regarding the “number of children left behind”, is very important to find out as soon as possible so that actions / policies can be taken to respond appropriately to the problem.

[12] ADDITIONALLY: SHORT NEWS VARIA

[a] Papuan population: according to 2020 census data the population in Papua becomes 4,300,000. this means a growth of 1,470,000 compared to the 2010 census[48].

[b] flooding in the Keerom region: because the rain continued to fall in the Keerom region a large part of it was flooded violently; also other locations around Jayapura and Sentani were hit[49].

[c] a new patriotic organization: it turned out that a new organization was inaugurated; the name is Barisan Pemuda Nusantara Papua (Youth Community of the Papua Archipelago). The background and the program are not yet known[50].

[d] trends / political movements in central Indonesia:

• there is still talk about the intention of people / groups to overthrow Jokowi[51];

• Moeldoko (Jokowi's chief of staff) was accused of "coup" to become General Chair of the Democratic Party[52];

• the position of electability of Indonesian political parties: according to the final survey of Jan 2021, PDIP 23.1% (down 8.3%); Gerindra 12.6%; Golkar 9.1%; Democrats 8.2% (up 5%); PKS 7,7%; PKB 6.4%; PSI 4,8%; NasDem 3.5%; PPP 2.0%;  Ummat Party (Amin Rais' new party) 1.1%; PAN 1%[53].

• More and more people who are critical (of the government) are reported to the police. Jusuf Kalla responded to this practice[54].

• Jusuf Kalla assessed that the main problem in democracy is due to the high cost of democracy itself; just look at the 'vicious circle: to be elected as an official requires a lot of money; then it is necessary to 'borrow'; then it needs to be 'returned' when in office; then it becomes corruption[55].



[10] Jubi, 10-11 Feb, hlm 3.

[14] Jubi, 5-6 Feb 2021, hlm 15

[19] Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, website: pusaka.or.id Laporan: Ancaman Kepada Pembela HAM Lingkungan Papua Tahun 2020, 3 Feb 2021 https://betahita.id/news/detail/5898/2020-tahun-penuh-bahaya-bagi-pembela-ham-lingkungan-papua.html?v=1612421959

[21] CNN Indonesia, February 11, 2021; via APSN@asia-pacific-solidarity.net 13/2 2021

[27] Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, website: pusaka.or.id Laporan: Tak Surut Meski Pendemi, 3 Feb 2021; dan Jubi, 8-9 Feb 2021, hlm 2.

[36] WA SKPKC-FP tgl 5 Feb 2021

[39] Jubi, 5-6 Feb 2021, hlm 3.

[40] Jubi, 10-11 Feb 2021, hlm 2.

[41] Jubi, 10-11 Feb 2021, hlm 19

[47] Jubi, 1-2 Feb, hlm 4

[55] https://www.genpi.co/polhukam/86905/jk-kasih-tanggapan-dingin-ke-istana-tolong-kasih-solusi


-------------------------------------



translation from Indonesian]

PAPUA 2021

15 – 28 FEBRUARY

by Theo van den Broek

[1] SECURITY and TNI / POLRI OPERATIONS

[a] New victims: There are more victims at Intan Jaya (15/2). In the morning a TNI member, prada Ginanjar, was shot dead by the TPNPB; During the subsequent village sweep by TNI-Polri, two civilians were shot and injured[1]. Janius Bagau and Frans Nambagani. Frans was found in front of his house and is still being treated in the village. Janius was escorted to the Puskesmas (Clinic Center) in Bidogai by two of his friends, Justinus and Soni Bagau. However, the same night the three of them died during an interrogation by the TNI-Polri at the puskesmas[2]. Amnesty International urges that an independent study be conducted in relation to these killings[3]. Subsequently there was a gun battle (19/2) in a neighboring area, namely around the airport in Ilaga (Puncak Regency) which resulted in a TPNPB death[4]. The gun box occurred again in Hitadipa (28/2) and a TPNPB was shot dead by the TNI-Polri[5].

[b] additional troops: Addition / replacement of troops continues[6]. There is no sign that the troop presence will be reduced, although of course the operation does not solve the problem in Papua and only increases the number of victims and perpetuates people's fears, so that they will flee and fear returning to their villages[7].

[c] list of shootings: In the report by the Humanitarian Team for Intan Jaya a.l. published an overview of the frequency of shootings in Intan Jaya for almost a year (Nov 2019 - Sept 2020)[8]. This list provides clear data on the development of the conflict and tribulation in Intan Jaya during this period.

 

[2] REFUGEES IN PAPUA

[a] Refugees in Timika: In mid-February, refugees from the area around Tembagapura, the center of PT Freeport, who since March 2020 were evacuated to Timika, were finally allowed to return to their hometowns (Banti village, etc.); about 1,800 people[9]. Even though they arrive back in an empty, damaged and abandoned garden, they are happy that they are finally back on their own land. Everything is better than staying in a "boarding house" in Timika. Meanwhile, they lost 20 people - due to illness and death - during their evacuation period in Timika.

[b] Refugees in Intan Jaya: Refugees in the Intan Jaya area are continuing. Some fled to a safe place in their area, namely the church complex (around 1,000 people, mostly mothers and children), some fled to Nabire[10]. Fear of the presence and operation of the military in their village forced them to abandon everything to save their lives. It turned out that Timika was not his choice to evacuate. Of course the location for the reception of the refugees experienced many difficulties in helping the refugees (food, lodging, etc.), but all tried their best to receive each other with an open heart. One of the aid providers is the Timika Diocese; planes with foodstuffs can be sent to Intan Jaya on 23 and 24 Feb. (for assistance: Bank Mandiri a.n. Timika Diocese, account no: 154 001 371 49 97).

 

[3] OTSUS and PEMEKARAN

[a] In general: The general picture surrounding the Otsus (Special Autonomy) issue remains the same as what was reported in the previous report. The protests against the unilateral actions by the Central Government grew stronger[11]. In this regard, it is also interesting to note the peaceful demonstration of thousands of ordinary people in Dogiyai (23/2) to reject the dividing up of their territory. This action was followed by thousands of people, including officials, traditional and religious leaders[12].

Meanwhile, official representative agencies such as the MRP and DPRP spoke out their rejection louder. The MRP plans to sue the President and DPR RI, asking for a "judicial review" (legal revision) of the process of revising the Special Autonomy Law[13]. According to the current Special Autonomy Law, article 77, an amendment to the Special Autonomy Law can be made based on the people's suggestion (through the MRP and DPRP) in Papua. Most of the protests surrounding Otsus were at the same time protests against the planning of pemekaran (New Autonomous Region – DOB). Especially since it became clear that the Central Government wanted to abolish all authority of the Papuan community and government in the matter of determining pemekaran in Papua; the central government wants to eliminate the contents of Article 76 through the revision of the Special Autonomy Law. The contents of the Special Autonomy Law, Article 76: "The division of Papua Province into provinces is carried out with the approval of the MRP and DPRP after paying close attention to socio-cultural unity, readiness of human resources and economic capacity and future developments". Many citizens are increasingly convinced that their interests simply do not want to be heard at the center of government, and that all attention is focused on a security approach alone. This awareness on the one hand makes people feel helpless; on the other hand, they are even more angry and willing to take steps.

[b] Support for Otsus, 'manipulated result': In an atmosphere of public protest, a campaign is also running which i*s apparently planned by the TNI-Polri which encouraged community leaders to publicly support Otsus and Pemekaran (DOB). This urge is very marked "manipulative", so it is very illicit. For example: Hans Mote, a community leader of the Mee tribe, was forced by TNI members to read a statement on behalf of the Mee chiefs, who was videotaped, then given 2 sacks of rice and 2 cartons of noodles for his services[14]. Similar support was launched by 13 tribal chiefs of the Central Mountain Region[15].

[c] The Red-White component: In the framework of the 'support campaign' it is also important to note that a number of organizations 'Red-White component' had gathered (19/2) and formulated their stance. The "Red-and-White Components" that gathered consisted of: Yonas Nusi as the Head of the Republic of Indonesia Barusan Merah Putih (BMP), Max Abner Ohee as the Chairperson of the Papua MBP, Yanto Eluay as the Chairperson of the Presidium for Men and Women of Pepera Fighters (P5), Jan Christian Arebo as the Chairperson The Papuan Indigenous Youth, Nico Mauri as the Chairperson of the Papua Province Regional Plenary Council (Deparda), Hendrikus Eben Gebze as the South Papuan Indigenous Community, Jan Puraro as the Head of the Jayapura Youth Movement, and Rando Rudamaga from the DPP Masirei Forum. The attitude statement reads as follows[16]:

"We, the sons and daughters of the Indonesian Red and White Components (BMP) in Papua,are

1. Committed to safeguarding the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia together with the TNI and Polri from Sabang to Merauke,

2. Committed to provide support for every government decision where discussions on the Revision of Special Autonomy Law No. 21 of 2001 have been scheduled ... and continue to maintain the basic rights of the Papuan people mandated in the law referred to,

3. Requesting the President of the Republic of Indonesia… to form an Independent Special Autonomy Fund Management Agency separate from the APBD,

4. fully supporting the central government policy where it has received the aspirations of the community from various regions, for a Provincial re-division policy and can also be accommodated for the expansion of City Regencies in accordance with the existing proposed re-division documents,

5. telling all Papuan people everywhere not to be provoked by news that comes from individuals or parties who want to divide the unity and integrity of the nation's children and ask the Indonesian Police to act decisively in enforcing the law in accordance with the regulations. current regulation,

6. Fully supporting the TNI and Polri to pursue and arrest the Armed Separatist Criminal Group (KKSB) which has resulted in civilian and TNI-Polri casualties,

7. Supporting law enforcement officials to take firm action against officials or anyone… who commit acts of misuse of Special Autonomy funds that result in state losses that result in instability in the Papua region. "

[d] From the Minister of Finance: recently Sri Mulyani (Minister of Finance) explained that during 2002-2020 Papua (both provinces) received Rp. 138.65 trillion (Special Autonomy Fund and Infrastructure Supplement Fund-DTI). Meanwhile, as the Village Fund (TKDD) Papua (both provinces) received 702.3 trillion during 2005-2020. Judging from the results, she noted: the average reduction in illiteracy in Papua is better than the national level; the average increase in life expectancy is lower than the national level; the average increase in access to safe drinking water is lower than the national level; the average access to proper sanitation is lower than the national level; The average human development index (HDI) in Papua province is better than the national one, while in West Papua province it is lower than the national one[17].

[e] From the National Police Security Intelligence Agency (Baintelkam): there is a suspicion of corruption of the Special Autonomy money, an amount of Rp. 1.8 trillion[18]. Both institutions in Papua (Kadepa-DPRD) and at the center (Mahfud-Menkopolhukam) stated that corruption needed to be taken seriously and taken to court[19]. Meanwhile, Kadepa also asked the Baintelkam to clarify the amount of corruption in this information: the composition of the figures, what year, which agency was involved, at what level?[20] In the Baintelkam news the details have not been given.

[f] No actual evaluation: (note TvdB) for the time being one very sad conclusion is: to date no evaluation of the Otsus has met the scientific / objective requirements regarding the 20 years of Otsus in Papua. Thus, all discussions, including plans to revise the Special Autonomy Law were held without any understanding of what actually went well and what did not; or about what prevents Otsus from becoming a blessing for the Papuan people. So, the right question is: on what basis do you want to revise the Special Autonomy Law?

 

[4] LEGAL / JUSTICE PROBLEMS

[a] about the ITE Law: One of the focuses in this area concerns the planned revision of the ITE Law (Law on Information and Electronic Transactions). Reason: Recently many people have been reported to the police by people who feel their names have been defamed or who feel threatened and so on. The police, in this case, linked those who were reported to be violations of theITE Law. Good, but the difficulty is that in the ITE Law there are many elements of the article that can be interpreted differently; hence, it is very loose like 'chewing gum', and so many people begin to feel afraid to speak, let alone criticize. In other words: there is a threat that the free expression of opinion will be blocked[21]. So democracy has also been damaged to the point where it doesn't exist. This revision plan has many pros and cons, although most agree that the current ITE Law is not very good, many also question the seriousness of the Government in revising the[22]. Meanwhile during the discussion, the Menkopolhukam had formed a "study team" to propose what should be changed in the ITE Law. This action is also doubtful because it shows the government's lack of seriousness[23].

[b] about the practice of torture: continuing the notes in the ITE Law previous report (1-14 Feb), and given the cases of torture in Papua and other areas, there is a pressure for the International Law on torture to be ratified by Indonesia[24]. It is not an exaggeration if we remember the case in Intan Jaya where Pastor Yeremias was tortured before he was killed (19/9/2020); and the case of the 13 KNPB members who were arrested while beating badly in Merauke in mid-December; one of them, Kristianus Yandum, has passed away (27/2). And a new case in Intan Jaya where 3 civilians died at the Sugapa Health Center after being tortured during interrogation by members of the TNI (15/2).

[c] about the Job Creation Law: as is known together the Omnibus Law / Job Creation Law has been ratified by the DPR, although it has been heavily protested by the public. Then it is emphasized that a number of elements of public protest, especially regarding the world of labor, can be accommodated in the formulation of "derivative regulations" of articles on the Job Creation Law. Now a number of "derivative PP" formulations are known and have once again generated a lot of protests because workers' rights are not guaranteed and / or heeded[25]. For example: about severance pay, length of contract, and termination of employment[26].

[d] settlement of cases of human rights violations: the authorities have repeatedly been urged to resolve many cases of human rights violations (in Papua: a.l. cases of Wamena, Biak, Wasior, Paniai, Abepura). But most of them are never resolved[27]. In this framework, the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) discussed (21/2) why only 3 cases out of 25 cases of "extrajudicial killings" handled by YLBHI - including those in Papua - finally went to court? Because often the perpetrators are from the national police, so the “law enforcers” (police) move slowly or not at all. Two things help to classify the process, namely: [1] the case continues to be raised in the public media, and / or [2] mass movements in the area where the incident occurred (a crowd sets fire to the police station; indeed this action could not be justified but in the end it caused the case to be handled until complete). That the right to life is guaranteed in the legal system of our country is not always a guarantee in law enforcement practices[28]. At the end of last year (30/12/2020) the President formed a Special Team to accelerate the resolution of cases of gross human rights violations, which consisted of 18 employees of the Attorney General's Office. However, its success is not yet obvious. Meanwhile, according to the Attorney General there are two obstacles to formal legal procedures due to the lack of clarity in the legislation itself, a.l. unclear rules regarding when the process of investigating a case can be declared complete? And it is also unclear when a case can be terminated or declared complete[29]Looking for a reason ????

 

[5] CREATING 'PAPUA A LAND of PEACE’

Seeing developments, in particular the increasing intensity of the use of violence, in Papua, more and more people are confused and ask: Where do you want Papua to go? The number of victims continues to increase, the realization of a positive development program has stopped in place, the civilian government is not functioning, and it seems that everything is regulated from the outside without involving or hearing the voices of the Papuan people. So it is not surprising that left and right has heard calls that the “conflict resolution strategy in Papua” needs to be revised. Even so, there are those who just want to strengthen military operations[30]. The strategy of violence is a dead end, and only adds to misery in Papua. This conclusion has not only been heard from a number of figures in Indonesia, but has also been raised by various parties abroad[31]. At the end of this also the voice of the church was heard clearly. Both the Papuan Church Council (DGP) and the Catholic Church Leaders (Bishops in Papua) held press conferences on 19 Feb and 25 Feb 2021 respectively, and published a fairly long and detailed statement. Both are looking for a solution, a way out of today's violent conflict. The statement from the DGP was given the title "Papuans are like monkeys in the Indonesian National Park in the Sabang Merauke area"[32], while the statement of the bishops was entitled "Let's Start Working, Working, Working Again!"[33] . In both statements there is a description of the situation in Papua which is marked by racism, division, militarization, underestimating the role of the local civilian government, the use of violence by various parties, people forced to flee, and the great suffering of ordinary, innocent people. Both sides of the church expressed both sadness and anger. At the same time, both of them want to get to a better and more dignified atmosphere. For these two Religious Institutions dialogue is the only correct and dignified path. In the DGP statement again clearly asked, why was the solution that was opened for Aceh - an open negotiation accompanied by international mediation - not being opened for this conflict in Papua? The Bishop hopes that a dialogue can be initiated by concretely restoring the roles of several authorized agencies, namely: the local government, the police and the army. They argue that a number of conflicts have become worse because the powers of each party are no longer appropriate to the roles and powers that officially rests on their respective sides. It is interesting that in this case the bishops used a number of provisions in the 2001 Special Autonomy Law as the basis for this restoration. The responsibilities outlined in Otsus for a Bupati need to be restored. Now the Bupati is out of sight, while he is the main authority in his territory; he can be assisted by the police, and the police can still be assisted by the army. Such a structure needs to be revived in order to avoid becoming increasingly regulated by 'outsiders' in Papua. The restoration of the actual structure of authority and responsibility can be the beginning of a concrete and practical dialogue in our place. Perhaps it is because of this vision and suggestion that the bishops' statement emphasized the word "get to work" in the title of the statement. In essence, both statements which are an appeal from the heart, as well as critical and constructive documents, seek a solution. Now it remains only to wait to what extent the rulers in the Central Government are willing to hear this strong voice, and are willing to open themselves up to begin revising the "strategy of death" that is currently being carried out.

 

[6] CORONA VIRUS

Over the last few months, Covid-19 seems to be growing. See the list below:

The situation of Papua Province on. 28 FEBRUARY versus 9th FEBRUARY 2021

COVID-19

Positive number

Number treated

Number recovered

Number died

Period 28 Feb 2021

28/2/2021

9/2 /’21

28/22021

9/2

/‘21

28/22021

9/2

/’21

28/2

2021

9/2

/’21

Kota Jayapura

7927

7387

1035

905

6756

6355

136

127

Kab Mimika

4802

4356

498

415

4263

3903

41

38

Kab Jayapura

1103

1041

115

141

942

861

46

39

Kab Biak Numfor

1045

1012

40

118

956

854

49

40

Kab Merauke

721

606

125

180

556

396

40

30

Kab Jayawijaya

709

555

106

100

556

454

4

1

Kab Nabire

429

429

8

37

407

378

14

14

Kab Mappi

287

211

5

42

14

243

2

1

Kab Boven Digoel

278

245

12

54

263

189

3

2

Kep. Yapen

239

239

53

53

179

179

7

7

Kab Keerom

217

182

45

15

167

162

5

5

Kab Asmat

175

162

13

0

159

159

3

3

Kab Superiori

76

75

0

3

76

72

0

0

Kab Paniai

70

36

28

4

40

31

2

1

Kab Sarmi

31

31

8

8

23

23

0

0

Kab Tolikara

29

29

2

2

29

29

0

0

Kab Lanny Jaya

27

27

0

0

26

26

1

1

Kab Yalimo

15

15

0

0

15

15

0

0

Kab Peg Bintang

9

9

0

0

9

9

0

0

Kab Mambera-

mo Tengah

4

4

0

0

4

4

0

0

Kab Puncak Jaya

3

3

1

1

2

2

0

0

Kab Waropen

1

1

0

0

1

1

0

0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total 

18199

16657

2131

11,7%

2100

12,6%

15715

86,4%

14248

85,5%

353

1,9%

309 

1,9%

 

 

 

 

Number of tests

111602

108338

 

In the last ½ month: [1] Total number of infections: increased by 15% -more (average 100-plus per day); [2] several regions experienced a high increase: Paniai, Mappi, Merauke, Jayawijaya, Jayapura and Mimika. In addition, Merauke still shows a very high percentage of deaths, which is 5% more. One day additional patient data: from 26 to 27 February there were an additional 90 patients; details: Jayapura Kota 41, Mimika 23, Mappi 8, Asmat 6, Jayapura Regency 5, Jayawijaya 5, and Merauke 2. Vaccination programs are starting to be implemented in various regions, but are still very limited.

 

[7] ADDITIONALLY: SHORT NEWS VARIA

[a] replacement of Kapolda Papua: The new National Police Chief stops Papua Police Chief, Paulus Waterpau, and promotes him to become Head of the Intelligence and Security Agency at the National P(olice[34]. His deputy in Papua becomes the Regional Police Chief, namely Mathius Fakhiri.

[b] a Papuan woman becomes ambassador: Fientje Suebu will be the Indonesian ambassador to New Zealand. Currently she is working in the ministry of foreign affairs[35].

[c] the governor of Papua is diligent in constructing physical buildings: governor Lukas Enembe has implemented several physical building projects such as Jembatan Merah (Red Bridge), Gedung Negara (State Building) and the Lukas Enembe Stadium. It was recently heard that he wanted to build a new 22-storey governor's office. The project received a lot of harsh criticism. Then it was heard that there are still plans to build a "LUKMEN ring road" in Jayawijaya[36].

[d] Class GKI office in Mimika: there is a plan from GKI to build a klassis office in Timika; this building will be assisted by the Government with 22 billion[37].

[e] students from Yahukimo in Manokwari: it turns out that hundreds of students from Yahukimo in Manokwari have difficulty housing; there are no adequate dormitory facilities[38].

[f] exploitation of the Wabu Block in Intan Jaya: officially PT Aneka Tambang Tbk was granted a license to explore gold in the Wabu Block in a coalition with the Regional Government of Papua Province[39].

[g] refusing investment in alcohol: The President has given permission to invest in liquor in various regions, a.l. in Papua. Reaction in Papua: don't intervene with local politics; we reject such investments. Withdraw permission[40]CNN news just a few minutes ago: The President revoked the Presidential Decree on alcohol investment permit (2/3).

[h] priority prolegnas: one of the working guidelines for the DPR RI for one year is a list of "priorities for the discussion of elements of the national law" (Prolegnas)[41]. Till now this Prolegnas has not yet been settled for.

[i] land grabbing: amid all the news about the conflict in Papua, according to the Jerat Foundation, don't forget that one of the sources of conflict in Papua is land grabbing[42].

[j] who is in power in Indonesia: it turns out that there is a large and highly educated figure, Prof. Salim, who no longer knows who is in power in Indonesia. Jokowi is a good person, but who is in power?[43]

 

 

 

Reflection material

THE REVISION OF THE OTSUS LAW: a means for TOP DOWN POLICY

In a limited meeting (11/9/2020), several administrators (Menkopolhukam Mahfud MD, Minister of Home Affairs Tito Karnivian, Chairman of the MPR, Bambang Soesatya, Chairman of the DPD RI Committee Yorris Raweyai, representatives of the TNI-Polri) decided there would be an expansion of the province in Papua. Both the official arguments (press conference) behind this decision are questionable, and the validity of decision making by a handful of rulers is considered doubtful because they do not respect the regulations of the Special Autonomy Law that are in effect, as well as marginalizing the most concerned parties, namely the Papuan people and their government. In addition, The Expansion Moratorium is still in place in Indonesia. This Moratorium was enforced because a scientific study showed that of all expansion programs up to 2014 only 27% were declared successful, meaning that they benefited local communities. In fact, 73% failed and tended to marginalize society, especially in Papua.

It turns out that all the rulers ignore all criticism of decision-making. This was proven again for a moment when it became clear what the Government wanted to change in the Special Autonomy Law through its revision in the DPR RI. One of them is wanting to erase article 76 where it is noted that "The division of Papua Province into provinces is carried out with the approval of the MRP and DPRP after paying close attention to socio-cultural unity, readiness of human resources and economic capacity and future developments". In the revision it is proposed that it be replaced / supplemented with a note that "pemekaran” (re-division) can be decided and carried out "top down" and “without preparation"[44], meaning from “above to below”. Thus, the voice of the party with the most interest does not need to be heard, means having no voice. The interested parties are treated as objects only.

The plan to abolish / amend article 76 makes it very clear the strategy chosen by a number of rulers in Jakarta. In fact the most ironic thing is that the “top-down strategy” is contained in a document that actually wants to guarantee Papua's “regional special autonomy”, meaning “to put decision authority in the hands of the regional government”, or what is meant to be “decentralization”. It turns out that an “autonomous authority” is only willing to be granted as long as it “does not interfere with Jakarta's strategy”; in other words the real message is: do not want to be given substantial decisive authority! Thus, autonomy has no meaning, and is only a "slogan for the rulers" to ensure that any policies are finally set in Jakarta, and in Jakarta alone.

We really feel a shock to realize that it is so easy for the votes of hundreds of thousands of people in Papua to be judged by the central government to be "unsustainable" and simply ignore, "no need to worry". This symptom is very concerning! Especially if it is related to a number of other policies currently implemented in Papua, such as [1] Keppres 9, Sept 2020, [2] the role of Kogabwilhan III, [3] preservation of stigmatization, [4] campaigns to deflect opinions / truth.

[1] Presidential Decree No. 9, Sept 2020. The contents of the Presidential Decree are basically a 'blue plan' of development in Papua which is drawn up by an inter-ministerial working team in Jakarta and will be implemented according to the provisions in Jakarta. The style is somewhat the same as the UP4B (Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua) - the era of President SBY. UP4B turned out to be a total failure, particularly because it marginalized the local government. Most likely this failure will be repeated. In the drafting of the 'blue plan' there was no significant involvement of the Papuan people.

[2] the role of Kogabwilhan (Joint Regional Defense Coordination). It turns out that the "momentum of racism for 2019" was used by the Minister of Political, Legal and Security Affairs (Wiranto), together with the National Police Chief (Tito Karnavian) - now the Minister of Home Affairs - to implement a plan already ready to be implemented, namely the formation of Kogabwilhan III based in Timika. This agency currently determines all military operations in Papua and brings in thousands of troops. Especially considering that the leadership of Kogabwilhan III has a higher rank than the two Pangdam in Papua, automatically the authority of the two Kodam in Papua is significantly reduced, so they are marginalized.

[3] the preservation of stigmatization. The stigmatization of Papuans as 'separatists, untrustworthy, lazy, drunk, stupid etc.' in recent years has only been strengthened. In many general news stories, stories only reinforce that stigma because the reporting is not at all "balanced", alias one-sided. For example: the current refugee movement in Intan Jaya is often only associated with the 'TPNPB threat', whereas we all know that one of the strong reasons people don't feel safe because of military operations in their village. The result of stigmatization: the addition of troops and the intensification of military operations throughout Papua has become increasingly "legitimized". The TNI is “all-in-committee” in daily life in Papua. In fact, in conflict areas (such as Intan Jaya and Nduga) the local government does not exist or cannot function.

[4] opinion / truth deflection campaign. In connection with the element of stigmatization it is also necessary to draw attention to the 'deflection of opinion' campaign. One clear example is the news from Hans Mote, one of the leaders of the Mee tribe, who stated in the video that he strongly supports the continuation of Otsus and pemekaran in Papua. From behind he informed him that he was forced to read the text by TNI personnel who offered the text and gave 2 sacks of rice and 2 boxes of noodles to him when read and recorded. Likely the same as the statement of the 13 Chieftains of the Central Mountain Region '(the funny thing is, all of them are in Keerom). It is also necessary to mention the statement of the Red-White Component which took a stand through the formulation of the seven policy guidelines. All of this is very confusing, the result is hoaxes of fake news, increases polarization, division, and can lead to horizontal conflicts.

Briefly describing some of the important elements above, of course we are very concerned about the situation and developments in Papua. Everything appears to be organized with no one to fight back, no real room for discussion or political opposition which is so essential to creating a healthy democracy. But what is most heartbreaking is that all of this does not contribute to a dignified resolution of the problem in Papua, on the contrary it exacerbates the problem. Until when do we need to wait for a revised strategy for solving problems in Papua that involves all interested parties and is based on an acknowledgment of the dignity of everyone, including Papuans?

Jayapura, 1 March 2021

 



[8] https://en.jubi.co.id/list-of-violent-events-in-intan-jaya/ Intan Jaya conflict (6): Here’s the list of violent events from Dec. 2019 to Dec. 2020

[17] Jubi, 19-20, hlm. 3

[20] Jubi, 22-23, hlm. 3

[44] Catatan dari Kementerian Keuangan. Lihat: Jubi, 1-2 Maret 2021, hlm. 16

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