1) OPM combatant
killed in gunfight
2)
Indonesia-Australia: The lame-duck gambit
3) Wings Air
launches flights between Jayapura and Wamena
4) West Papuan issues for
President-elect Jokowi
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
1) OPM combatant killed in gunfight
The Jakarta Post, Jayapura | Archipelago | Thu, September 18 2014, 7:40 AM
A member of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) separatist organization was killed Wednesday in a shoot-out with Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers at the Pirime airfield in Lanny Jaya regency, Papua.
“The OPM combatants were led by Puron Wenda and Enden Wanimbo, who previously killed two police officers in July,” said Cenderawasih regional military command (Kodam) chief Maj. Gen. Christian Zebua in Jayapura.
The gun battle took place at around 12:30 p.m. local time. Another OPM member was reportedly injured.
Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Yoce Mede said the police would deploy 100 personnel to Lanny Jaya to support local security forces.
Earlier, in July this year, two Pirime Police officers, First Brig. Zulkifli and Second Brig. Yoga, were shot and killed while they were carrying out a community counseling session.
----------------------------------------------------------------
2) Indonesia-Australia: The lame-duck gambit
Pierre Marthinus, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, September 18 2014, 9:17 AM
Taking the one-page code of conduct between Jakarta and Canberra at face value as a signal of restored ties poses a real danger to the future of bilateral relations between the two neighbors. In practice, the document conceals the extent of bilateral damage and might be preventing it from receiving much-needed proper treatment.
Instead of “applying pressure” to the wound, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono apparently opted to cover it with a piece of paper instead.
First, the outgoing president seemingly pushed the diplomatic process in an unnatural, hurried and somewhat suspect manner that left the public guessing. A “six-step” gradual process of rapprochement, like many aspects of Yudhoyono’s foreign policy, hardly reflects the diplomatic reality on the ground. It is doubtful that anyone other than Yudhoyono himself can feel, let alone claim, any ownership of the diplomatic process and the final signed document.
Despite the rhetoric of increasing people-to-people (P2P) relations, the code of conduct indicates that relations have taken a much more elitist turn. Understandably, this introduces a certain degree of volatility in bilateral relations should the next row erupt under president-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s watch. The Indonesian public is also left without proper closure since Yudhoyono could not even manage to extract a simple apology from Canberra. Claims that Australia “won the spy war” and “did not budge an inch” are correct. However, it leaves out the ironic fact that Australia did not win the spy war “against Yudhoyono”, but won it “with Yudhoyono” instead.
The latest leaked documents on a graft scandal surrounding the printing of Indonesian banknotes in Australia in 1999 (The Jakarta Post, Aug. 1, 2014) indicates that any future leaks might be — properly or wrongfully — associated with individuals working and events happening under Yudhoyono’s presidency. Understandably, it would be in Yudhoyono’s interests to quickly mend ties and keep himself on Australia’s good side. In contrast, there is very little interest for Jokowi to hand out “get out of jail free” cards to Australia.
Unfortunately, ever since the bilateral row took place, it has also become the Australian media’s favorite pastime to “intentionally misread” Yudhoyono’s actions and perceptions as representing the whole of Indonesia. However, such media biases are entirely understandable since the Indonesian public itself is having difficulty figuring out whether policy options concerning Australia are motivated by Yudhoyono’s own political interest or Indonesia’s larger national interest.
Second, the signing of the code of conduct should be seen as a note of caution about a larger political maneuvering in the last moments of Yudhoyono’s presidency. A lame-duck president might be tempted to hand out a number of strategic national leverages to secure last-minute praise from the West or simply to politically capitalize on the seemingly chaotic transition period.
Jokowi’s transition team has received a bad rap recently due to allegedly being unruly, bypassing procedures and “unnecessarily meddling” in the affairs of certain ministries. Despite being technically sound, these criticisms are substantively irrelevant. President Yudhoyono is currently handing over his “presidential briefcase” to Jokowi. Therefore, it is important for the latter’s team to thoroughly check the briefcase for ticking time bombs before it is passed on. To be fair, though, it is also natural for Yudhoyono to feel untrusted, offended and violated upon being frisked, but this might have more to do with his own insecurities.
Amid all the smoke and mirrors, the transition team should be guarding PT Freeport Indonesia renegotiations closely since Jokowi will be at the receiving end of all political externalities, economic consequences and diplomatic difficulties produced by the gold-mining operator. Despite clarifications, the current government is continuously sending mixed and unclear signals, ranging from postponing renegotiations for future leadership to drafting a legally binding memorandum of understanding (MoU) to seal negotiations early on. This is where the message should be made clear — no more last-minute deals behind closed doors.
The transition team needs to search thoroughly in anticipation of further “buck-passing” of the more difficult policy decisions to incoming president Jokowi. The postponing of the evaluation of special autonomy in Papua, the drafting of the special autonomy “plus” package for Papua and Yudhoyono’s rejection of requests to perform the long-overdue cutting of fuel subsidies are just a few examples of such buck-passing tendencies.
Third, wishful thinking that bilateral relations are fully restored by Yudhoyono’s one-page document is both naive and dangerous. The premature code of conduct swept the trust deficit under the rug and stole away the chance for both countries to learn and appreciate each other’s sensitivities, sensibilities and subtleties. It is the equivalent of breaking off a fight without resolving the underlying problem that initially triggered it.
The document unnecessarily placed Indonesia in a vulnerable position and might be incentivizing further breaches in the future. It conveys the wrong message that openly conducting large-scale intelligence operations from a Jakarta embassy and repeatedly breaching Indonesian sovereign waters will only cost a signature on a piece of paper.
Let’s not forget that Beijing is also keeping a very close eye on Southeast Asia’s largest country. Just to refresh memories, Chinese destroyers Wuhan and Haikou and the country’s largest amphibious landing craft Changbaishan were deployed for simulation drills through the Lombok Strait soon after the Royal Australian Navy repeatedly breached Indonesian waters six times in early 2014.
In Yudhoyono’s dealings with Australia, Indonesia looked entirely like a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. Despite its growing international stature and being a larger economy than Australia, Indonesia under Yudhoyono has had to receive the coolie treatment from Australia. Jokowi will be walking into the G-20 meeting in Brisbane, Australia, with the difficult challenge of dispelling the image of Indonesia as “the pushover nation, a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations”, thanks to Yudhoyono.
Instead of “applying pressure” to the wound, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono apparently opted to cover it with a piece of paper instead.
First, the outgoing president seemingly pushed the diplomatic process in an unnatural, hurried and somewhat suspect manner that left the public guessing. A “six-step” gradual process of rapprochement, like many aspects of Yudhoyono’s foreign policy, hardly reflects the diplomatic reality on the ground. It is doubtful that anyone other than Yudhoyono himself can feel, let alone claim, any ownership of the diplomatic process and the final signed document.
Despite the rhetoric of increasing people-to-people (P2P) relations, the code of conduct indicates that relations have taken a much more elitist turn. Understandably, this introduces a certain degree of volatility in bilateral relations should the next row erupt under president-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s watch. The Indonesian public is also left without proper closure since Yudhoyono could not even manage to extract a simple apology from Canberra. Claims that Australia “won the spy war” and “did not budge an inch” are correct. However, it leaves out the ironic fact that Australia did not win the spy war “against Yudhoyono”, but won it “with Yudhoyono” instead.
The latest leaked documents on a graft scandal surrounding the printing of Indonesian banknotes in Australia in 1999 (The Jakarta Post, Aug. 1, 2014) indicates that any future leaks might be — properly or wrongfully — associated with individuals working and events happening under Yudhoyono’s presidency. Understandably, it would be in Yudhoyono’s interests to quickly mend ties and keep himself on Australia’s good side. In contrast, there is very little interest for Jokowi to hand out “get out of jail free” cards to Australia.
Unfortunately, ever since the bilateral row took place, it has also become the Australian media’s favorite pastime to “intentionally misread” Yudhoyono’s actions and perceptions as representing the whole of Indonesia. However, such media biases are entirely understandable since the Indonesian public itself is having difficulty figuring out whether policy options concerning Australia are motivated by Yudhoyono’s own political interest or Indonesia’s larger national interest.
Second, the signing of the code of conduct should be seen as a note of caution about a larger political maneuvering in the last moments of Yudhoyono’s presidency. A lame-duck president might be tempted to hand out a number of strategic national leverages to secure last-minute praise from the West or simply to politically capitalize on the seemingly chaotic transition period.
Jokowi’s transition team has received a bad rap recently due to allegedly being unruly, bypassing procedures and “unnecessarily meddling” in the affairs of certain ministries. Despite being technically sound, these criticisms are substantively irrelevant. President Yudhoyono is currently handing over his “presidential briefcase” to Jokowi. Therefore, it is important for the latter’s team to thoroughly check the briefcase for ticking time bombs before it is passed on. To be fair, though, it is also natural for Yudhoyono to feel untrusted, offended and violated upon being frisked, but this might have more to do with his own insecurities.
Amid all the smoke and mirrors, the transition team should be guarding PT Freeport Indonesia renegotiations closely since Jokowi will be at the receiving end of all political externalities, economic consequences and diplomatic difficulties produced by the gold-mining operator. Despite clarifications, the current government is continuously sending mixed and unclear signals, ranging from postponing renegotiations for future leadership to drafting a legally binding memorandum of understanding (MoU) to seal negotiations early on. This is where the message should be made clear — no more last-minute deals behind closed doors.
The transition team needs to search thoroughly in anticipation of further “buck-passing” of the more difficult policy decisions to incoming president Jokowi. The postponing of the evaluation of special autonomy in Papua, the drafting of the special autonomy “plus” package for Papua and Yudhoyono’s rejection of requests to perform the long-overdue cutting of fuel subsidies are just a few examples of such buck-passing tendencies.
Third, wishful thinking that bilateral relations are fully restored by Yudhoyono’s one-page document is both naive and dangerous. The premature code of conduct swept the trust deficit under the rug and stole away the chance for both countries to learn and appreciate each other’s sensitivities, sensibilities and subtleties. It is the equivalent of breaking off a fight without resolving the underlying problem that initially triggered it.
The document unnecessarily placed Indonesia in a vulnerable position and might be incentivizing further breaches in the future. It conveys the wrong message that openly conducting large-scale intelligence operations from a Jakarta embassy and repeatedly breaching Indonesian sovereign waters will only cost a signature on a piece of paper.
Let’s not forget that Beijing is also keeping a very close eye on Southeast Asia’s largest country. Just to refresh memories, Chinese destroyers Wuhan and Haikou and the country’s largest amphibious landing craft Changbaishan were deployed for simulation drills through the Lombok Strait soon after the Royal Australian Navy repeatedly breached Indonesian waters six times in early 2014.
In Yudhoyono’s dealings with Australia, Indonesia looked entirely like a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. Despite its growing international stature and being a larger economy than Australia, Indonesia under Yudhoyono has had to receive the coolie treatment from Australia. Jokowi will be walking into the G-20 meeting in Brisbane, Australia, with the difficult challenge of dispelling the image of Indonesia as “the pushover nation, a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations”, thanks to Yudhoyono.
The writer is executive director of the Marthinus Academy in Jakarta.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3) Wings Air launches flights between Jayapura and Wamena
Nurfika Osman, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Business | Thu, September 18 2014, 12:51 PM
Wings Air, a subsidiary of the country's largest private carrier, the Lion Group, is launching flights between the Papua provincial capital of Jayapura with Wamena in an effort to strengthen its networks in the east of the country. Wings Air operational director Capt. Redi Irawan said the carrier would fly twice daily between the two cities on Thursday, using a French-Italian turboprop Avions Transport Regional ATR 72-600, which has capacity for up to 72 passengers. "We hope the new route will create easier access for people in Wamena who wish to go to Jayapura or to continue their journeys to other destinations in the country," Redi told The Jakarta Post Thursday, adding that both its budget carrier, Lion Air, and full-service airline Batik Air already link Jayapura with other points in the archipelago. He said Wings planned to increase the number of Jayapura-Wamena flights from two per day to three as of Sept. 22 in order to meet demand. "We are committed to linking more points in the central and eastern parts of Indonesia, which only have small airports, in the future," he said. The carrier aims to connect Palu and Toli Toli (Central Sulawesi), Lombok and Bima (West Nusa Tenggara), and Kupang and Larantuka (East Nusa Tenggara) in the fourth quarter of this year. Wings currently operates 29 ATR 72-500s and ATR 72-600s, and flies to more than 30 destinations in the country.
---------------------------------------------------------
4) West Papuan issues for President-elect Jokowi
Received from the Executive Director of the LP3BP-Manokwari on 16
September, 2014.
During the transition from the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice-President Prof. Budono to the government of
the newly elected President, Ir. H Joko Widodo and Vice-President Drs Yusuf Kalla, many things are happening relating to composition of the
cabinet of the new president.
According to information received by the LP3BH-Manokwari (Institute for Research, Study and Development of Legal Aid), the
president-elect is planning to hold a number of meetings in Jakarta with people from various groups in West Papua.
This is what one would expect and what we all hope is that the new government will act in accordance with the Constitution of
Indonesia, to heal the sufferings of the Indonesian people, including the people of the Land of Papua.
We stress that it is important for us to submit proposals to the newly-elected president regarding the need to prioritise a number of
issues which need to be dealt with in the next five years. The LP3BH urges the newly-elected president to take early action
for a dialogue between Papua and Indonesia as the way to secure peace in the Land of Papua.
We also urge the Indonesian Government to give priority to the many grave human rights violations perpetrated in the past
(1963-1983).as well as violations that have occurred since 1998. These actions should be based on the stipulations in articles 44
and 45 of Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of Papua as
well as Law 26/2000 on Human Rights Courts, in accordance with universal values and principles.
A Commission of Truth and Reconciliation should be set up by the governments of the provinces of Papua and West Papua by ratifying the
draft Regional Regulation (Perdasi), as well as setting up a Human
Rights Court for Papua.
This would ensure that legal action is taken regarding the crimes committed by the security forces known as the Armed Criminal Gangs
(KKB) in Papua, particularly in the Central Highlands of the Land of Papua such as Puncak Jaya and Lanny Jaya and other places, as well as
activities by the Indonesian Army (TNI) and Police Force (Polri). This should be brought before the military courts or civilian courts in
accordance with the laws in force. Furthermore, there should be a review of the security system and
security policies carried out by the Indonesian Government and the Indonesian Army and Police Force. This would be in line with the
policy of reform pursued since 1998 within the Army and the Police.
Another very pressing issue is the evaluation of all that occurred in violation of Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of
Papua, Article 77. All these things should be dealt with by the Provincial
Government of Papua and the Provincial Government of West Papua, as well as municipalities, local governments and such agencies a the
DPRP, DPR-PB, MRP and MRP PB., along with all the various other institutions in the Land of Papua.
The results of the evaluation would contribute towards revising the Law on Special Autonomy, all of which will help resolve the many
problems that have been the source of the conflict between Papua and Indonesia for the past fifty years.
If all these actions are undertaken, it will contribute constructively towards making Papua a Land of Peace in accordance with
social-political, social-cultural and social-economic needs of the Papuan people as an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia.
Peace
Yan Christian Warinussy, Executive-Director of LP3BH.
Translated by Carmel Budiardjo
September, 2014.
During the transition from the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice-President Prof. Budono to the government of
the newly elected President, Ir. H Joko Widodo and Vice-President Drs Yusuf Kalla, many things are happening relating to composition of the
cabinet of the new president.
According to information received by the LP3BH-Manokwari (Institute for Research, Study and Development of Legal Aid), the
president-elect is planning to hold a number of meetings in Jakarta with people from various groups in West Papua.
This is what one would expect and what we all hope is that the new government will act in accordance with the Constitution of
Indonesia, to heal the sufferings of the Indonesian people, including the people of the Land of Papua.
We stress that it is important for us to submit proposals to the newly-elected president regarding the need to prioritise a number of
issues which need to be dealt with in the next five years. The LP3BH urges the newly-elected president to take early action
for a dialogue between Papua and Indonesia as the way to secure peace in the Land of Papua.
We also urge the Indonesian Government to give priority to the many grave human rights violations perpetrated in the past
(1963-1983).as well as violations that have occurred since 1998. These actions should be based on the stipulations in articles 44
and 45 of Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of Papua as
well as Law 26/2000 on Human Rights Courts, in accordance with universal values and principles.
A Commission of Truth and Reconciliation should be set up by the governments of the provinces of Papua and West Papua by ratifying the
draft Regional Regulation (Perdasi), as well as setting up a Human
Rights Court for Papua.
This would ensure that legal action is taken regarding the crimes committed by the security forces known as the Armed Criminal Gangs
(KKB) in Papua, particularly in the Central Highlands of the Land of Papua such as Puncak Jaya and Lanny Jaya and other places, as well as
activities by the Indonesian Army (TNI) and Police Force (Polri). This should be brought before the military courts or civilian courts in
accordance with the laws in force. Furthermore, there should be a review of the security system and
security policies carried out by the Indonesian Government and the Indonesian Army and Police Force. This would be in line with the
policy of reform pursued since 1998 within the Army and the Police.
Another very pressing issue is the evaluation of all that occurred in violation of Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of
Papua, Article 77. All these things should be dealt with by the Provincial
Government of Papua and the Provincial Government of West Papua, as well as municipalities, local governments and such agencies a the
DPRP, DPR-PB, MRP and MRP PB., along with all the various other institutions in the Land of Papua.
The results of the evaluation would contribute towards revising the Law on Special Autonomy, all of which will help resolve the many
problems that have been the source of the conflict between Papua and Indonesia for the past fifty years.
If all these actions are undertaken, it will contribute constructively towards making Papua a Land of Peace in accordance with
social-political, social-cultural and social-economic needs of the Papuan people as an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia.
Peace
Yan Christian Warinussy, Executive-Director of LP3BH.
Translated by Carmel Budiardjo
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.