2) Papua Governor Renounces Transmigration Program
3) Central Government Urged Not to Have Final Say over Regional
Divisions
4) Kondo Village
Remains Isolated
5) Illiteracy Rates in Mappi and Asmat at 60 Percent
6) Freeport Trade Union: Mass Strike is Legal
7) Population of Indigenous Papuans in Merauke Drops to 40
Percent
8) Media Working Group Supports KPA Mimika in HIV/ Aids
Prevention
-------------------------------------------------------------
4 Nov 2014
1) Jokowi's 'Business As Usual' Cabinet Is Bad News For West Papua
The final announcement was made an hour behind schedule, and it went down to the wire. Emphasising the importance of having a clean team, Indonesia’s new President Joko Widodo (known as Jokowi) was forced to ditch eight members in line for cabinet positions after negative assessments from anti-corruption watchdogs.
A leaked draft of the cabinet membership published by The Jakarta Globe just hours before the final announcement contained a different Communications Minister to the one announced and the rejected minister turned up wearing the same uniform as the cabinet, suggesting he hadn’t even been given time to change.
Sartorial confusion aside, how well did Jokowi’s cabinet clean up go?
On the upside, the number of women included increased.
But the outcome overall is far from the fresh line-up many voters hoped the new president would deliver. Edward Aspinall, a professor of politics at the Australian National University, argues this cabinet is an unadventurous continuation of ‘business as usual’ politics, with a prevalence of mediocre party politicians over reformist technocrats.
Jokowi exceeded his self-imposed limit of 16 partisan appointments, with a strong bias towards politicians of his own party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and towards professionals linked to the PDI-P chairwoman and former president Megawati Sukarnoputri.
This partisanship has given the president’s rivals an opportunity to question his authority with respect to his party chief. During the presidential campaign there was anti-Jokowi advertising to the effect that “if Jokowi wins, Mega will be the president”.
In a country where the president once had dictatorial power, the notion of Jokowi taking orders from Megawati is seen as highly improper, and it gives his rivals ammunition.
But the cabinet appointment that best illustrates this uneasy dynamic between president and party leader is that of the new Defence Minister: Ryamizard Ryacudu.
Ryamizard is a very conservative retired general who has been connected to the Indonesian political elite for decades. His father Musanif Ryacudu was also a general, known to be a loyal supporter of President Sukarno, Megawati’s father. When the Army under General Suharto forced Sukarno out of power in the mid-1960s, Musanif quickly switched sides to the new regime, in contrast to many other Sukarnoists who were purged and jailed. His son Ryamizard was able to show loyalty to the Suharto regime, even marrying the vice-president’s daughter, while maintaining links with the Sukarno family.
After Suharto was toppled in 1998 and Megawati herself became president in 2001, she promoted Ryamizard to Army Chief-of-Staff and tried to give him the top Armed Forces job, before the decision was blocked by her successor, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
What this tangled family history shows is that Jokowi has not been able or willing to sweep out of his government the nepotistic military ties that made his opponent Prabowo Subianto (Suharto’s ex-son-in-law) so unappealing to reform-minded Indonesians.
What might Ryamizard bring to the policy table? As Chief-of-Staff he took a hardline approach to crush the separatist movement in Aceh and was instrumental in a 2003 military operation that involved wholesale terrorisation and abuse of the region’s civilian population.
He is likely to be an obstacle to prosecuting soldiers who commit abuses, having said of a group of Special Forces soldiers who murdered the prominent Papuan leader Theys Eluay in 2001: “to my mind, they are heroes”.
Ryamizard appears to think that extreme violence against civilians is heroic if it is for the sake of the unity of the Republic, which is a very worrying sign for Papuans.
When Ryamizard was asked about his human rights record after being appointed Defence Minister, he responded by asking “why are people only bringing up this issue now that I’ve been appointed a minister?”
This deflection is bizarre in how obviously false its premise is (people have always talked about Ryamizard’s record), and happens to be worded exactly the same way as Prabowo’s response to similar questions during the election campaign. Human rights organisations are livid that Jokowi, having used Prabowo’s record of abuse and murder to defeat him in the election, would place Ryamizard in a position where he can protect perpetrators and encourage further crimes.
The new president is already weak. Jokowi is outnumbered in the parliament and several senior members of his cabinet are personally loyal to Megawati rather than to him, which gives him little capacity to impose his own authority on the government.
It seems likely that Jokowi will pick his battles by focussing on portfolios such as education and maritime affairs that are managed by professionals of his choosing, and leave areas such as defence and foreign affairs to be run with significant autonomy.
Despite the president’s promises to clean up the government, the stain of dirty military-dynastic politics is extremely hard to get out.
A leaked draft of the cabinet membership published by The Jakarta Globe just hours before the final announcement contained a different Communications Minister to the one announced and the rejected minister turned up wearing the same uniform as the cabinet, suggesting he hadn’t even been given time to change.
Sartorial confusion aside, how well did Jokowi’s cabinet clean up go?
On the upside, the number of women included increased.
But the outcome overall is far from the fresh line-up many voters hoped the new president would deliver. Edward Aspinall, a professor of politics at the Australian National University, argues this cabinet is an unadventurous continuation of ‘business as usual’ politics, with a prevalence of mediocre party politicians over reformist technocrats.
Jokowi exceeded his self-imposed limit of 16 partisan appointments, with a strong bias towards politicians of his own party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and towards professionals linked to the PDI-P chairwoman and former president Megawati Sukarnoputri.
This partisanship has given the president’s rivals an opportunity to question his authority with respect to his party chief. During the presidential campaign there was anti-Jokowi advertising to the effect that “if Jokowi wins, Mega will be the president”.
In a country where the president once had dictatorial power, the notion of Jokowi taking orders from Megawati is seen as highly improper, and it gives his rivals ammunition.
But the cabinet appointment that best illustrates this uneasy dynamic between president and party leader is that of the new Defence Minister: Ryamizard Ryacudu.
Ryamizard is a very conservative retired general who has been connected to the Indonesian political elite for decades. His father Musanif Ryacudu was also a general, known to be a loyal supporter of President Sukarno, Megawati’s father. When the Army under General Suharto forced Sukarno out of power in the mid-1960s, Musanif quickly switched sides to the new regime, in contrast to many other Sukarnoists who were purged and jailed. His son Ryamizard was able to show loyalty to the Suharto regime, even marrying the vice-president’s daughter, while maintaining links with the Sukarno family.
After Suharto was toppled in 1998 and Megawati herself became president in 2001, she promoted Ryamizard to Army Chief-of-Staff and tried to give him the top Armed Forces job, before the decision was blocked by her successor, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
What this tangled family history shows is that Jokowi has not been able or willing to sweep out of his government the nepotistic military ties that made his opponent Prabowo Subianto (Suharto’s ex-son-in-law) so unappealing to reform-minded Indonesians.
What might Ryamizard bring to the policy table? As Chief-of-Staff he took a hardline approach to crush the separatist movement in Aceh and was instrumental in a 2003 military operation that involved wholesale terrorisation and abuse of the region’s civilian population.
He is likely to be an obstacle to prosecuting soldiers who commit abuses, having said of a group of Special Forces soldiers who murdered the prominent Papuan leader Theys Eluay in 2001: “to my mind, they are heroes”.
Ryamizard appears to think that extreme violence against civilians is heroic if it is for the sake of the unity of the Republic, which is a very worrying sign for Papuans.
When Ryamizard was asked about his human rights record after being appointed Defence Minister, he responded by asking “why are people only bringing up this issue now that I’ve been appointed a minister?”
This deflection is bizarre in how obviously false its premise is (people have always talked about Ryamizard’s record), and happens to be worded exactly the same way as Prabowo’s response to similar questions during the election campaign. Human rights organisations are livid that Jokowi, having used Prabowo’s record of abuse and murder to defeat him in the election, would place Ryamizard in a position where he can protect perpetrators and encourage further crimes.
The new president is already weak. Jokowi is outnumbered in the parliament and several senior members of his cabinet are personally loyal to Megawati rather than to him, which gives him little capacity to impose his own authority on the government.
It seems likely that Jokowi will pick his battles by focussing on portfolios such as education and maritime affairs that are managed by professionals of his choosing, and leave areas such as defence and foreign affairs to be run with significant autonomy.
Despite the president’s promises to clean up the government, the stain of dirty military-dynastic politics is extremely hard to get out.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2) Papua Governor Renounces Transmigration Program
Jayapura, Jubi – Papua Governor Lukas Enembe has rejected a proposal for a transmigration program submitted by the Ministry of Rural and Isolated Regional Development and Transmigration.
The transmigration program in Papua will have adverse impact on communities , in particular indigenous Papuans, Enembe said.
There are fears that the indigenous Papuans would become increasingly marginalized and a minority on their own land, resulting in social unrest.
“The Jokowi administration should not create new problems in Papua. The transmigration program will allow immigrants from many regions come to Papua, therefore the indigenous Papuans would be marginalized and become minorities in farming, and become poor in their own land,” Enembe said on Sunday (2/11).
“The Jokowi administration should not create new problems in Papua. The transmigration program will allow immigrants from many regions come to Papua, therefore the indigenous Papuans would be marginalized and become minorities in farming, and become poor in their own land,” Enembe said on Sunday (2/11).
The population number in Papua is very small comparing the total population of Java Island, but it doesn’t mean the Papua Government could agree with the set-up program by the Central Government because the problems complexity among Papuans. Furthermore, the governor said no spaces are vacant in Papua. Every inch of lands in Papua is belongs to its tribes. It is the communal land.
“If there must be a transmigration program in Papua, it should be made to the local transmigration. It means to concern on the people in the remote areas by building the houses, opening the job opportunities, assisting them in farming, giving them incentives and providing them the farming areas. Not necessary bringing people from Java,” Enembe said.
The renouncement of transmigration program in Papua by the Governor Enembe is not the first time, it was also pursued by the former governor. (Alexander Loen/rom)
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3) Central Government Urged Not to Have Final Say over Regional Divisions
Jayapura, Jubi – Papua Governor Lukas Enembe asked the Central Government to not approve proposals for regional divisions by those claiming to represent Papuans.
“There’s the Special Autonomy (Otsus) Law in Papua. The Jokowi administration must understand that the authority is in the hands of the Provincial government and regional institutions such as the Papua’s Council, and Papua People’s Assembly. So, the split must have the approval from such regional institutions,” Enembe told reporters in Jayapura City on Sunday (2/11).
Enembe said regional divisions would not benefit indigenous Papuans in the long term. “Today, I said the Otsus funds for Papua is for transit only, because it goes to outside Papua. So it will answer any problems in Papua. For that reason, there would be no more regional divisions in Papua. We have the mechanism, do not talk about splitting regions,” he said.
He also said the provincial government has issued a Governor Regulation on regional administrative divisions. So far, the governor said the Provincial Government has approved 22 new regencies. It was in accordance with the Outsus mechanism and has approved by the Papua’s Parliament and Papua People’s Assembly.
Last week, the Minister of Internal Affairs Thahjo Kumolo announced a Central Government’s plan to divide Papua into four provinces. Besides its extensive territory, the foreign intervention is the main reason for the government to establish two new provinces in Papua. The foreign intervention is not only related to the exploitation of the natural resources, but also its influences into other sectors.
The Director General of Regional Autonomy Djohermansyah Djohan told to Jubi by phone on Saturday the Law No.23/2014 about the Regional Government has been renewed, including the mechanism of the establishment of the New Autonomy Region (DOB).
According to him, the DOB candidate must submit a proposal to the Central Government for the extension. “The door is now only through the Central Government. There are 87 proposals that currently being postponed by the National Parliament. They must propose it towards the Ministry of Internal Affairs if they want the split,” Djohan said.
He added the Law No. 23/2014 about the Regional Government said the proposed DOB is not only submitted through the Provincial Government of the Origin Regency Government, but the Central Government also have the authority to propose the establishment of DOB. (Alexander Loen/Victor Mambor/rom)
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4) Kondo Village Remains Isolated
Merauke, Jubi – Kondo Village located in the Naukenjerai Sub-district remained isolated, with access to the village still closed due to a dispute involving Marind people, who claim the road cuts through a sacred site.
“We respect many sacred places, including those located in the Kondo Village. We also heard their voice to not open the access road to their village,” Merauke Deputy Regent Sunarjo said on Saturday (1/11).
He added people who live in the Kondo Village wanted the government to open the access road from the Tomerauw Village to Kondo Village for assisting the local community to get access of land transportation, food supplies and other recent difficulties.
“I really understand about what they need. But the Merauke Regional Government could not make a decision. It must initiate a dialogue a dialogue with the Marind customary leaders to discuss this issue, since they are the land tenure owners in this village,” he said.
“I really understand about what they need. But the Merauke Regional Government could not make a decision. It must initiate a dialogue a dialogue with the Marind customary leaders to discuss this issue, since they are the land tenure owners in this village,” he said.
While the Merauke Regent Romanus Mbaraka in the meeting with the local community in the Kondo Vilalge a few months ago said the government could make a decision yet related to their request. “I can not explain more. It should ask the Marind customary leaders first. Once they agreed, the government must give prompt response ” he said. (Frans L Kobun/rom)
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http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=3221
5) Illiteracy Rates in Mappi and Asmat at 60 Percent
Merauke, Jubi- The head of Monitoring and Controlling Division of Papua Regional Planning Body, Edison Howay said illiteracy rates in two regencies in the southern Papua are at about 60 percent.
It is the responsibility of both regional and provincial governments to address the problem, he said.
Besides the illiteracy rate, other issues found among communities include high rates of infant and maternal death, interrupted education because teachers were often not at school, and low income in particular among indigenous Papuans.
Papua Governor Lukas Enembe said in his speech delivered by First Assistant of Merauke Regional Secretary, Agustinus Djoko Guritna, he hoped all related stakeholders could contribute ideas for sustainable development in the villages. “We should admit the development without good planning will not be optimal,” he said.(Frans L Kobun/Albert Yomo/rom)
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6) Freeport Trade Union: Mass Strike is Legal
Jayapura, Jubi – Freeport’s labor union rejected a company’s statement that a planned mass strike by thousands of mining workers at the Freeport mining area for a month – from 6 November to 6 December – would be a violation of the Labour Agreement (PKB).
PT Freeport Indonesia’s Vice President for Corporate Communication Daisy Primayanti has said such a mass strike would be illegal because it violated the agreement.
“I clarified that it is a mass strike, not illegal. What did they mean by illegal strike? She only referred to the regulation on the failure of negotiation, but we referred the Labor Law No. 13/2003 which states that a strike is allowed with a week’s notification before its implementation,” the spokesperson of the union PUK Revolusi Mental, Tri Puspita told Jubi on Thursday (30/10).
“I clarified that it is a mass strike, not illegal. What did they mean by illegal strike? She only referred to the regulation on the failure of negotiation, but we referred the Labor Law No. 13/2003 which states that a strike is allowed with a week’s notification before its implementation,” the spokesperson of the union PUK Revolusi Mental, Tri Puspita told Jubi on Thursday (30/10).
He said the PKB actually included the clauses on Workplace Safety and Security for the workers, but that the company’s management was defaulting and failed to apply provisions in the contract.
He said so farthe company has not taken action on the incident at Big Gossan and Grasberg open mining area, which killed 32 workers.
Tri Puspita said the union has met the contract’s clauses, such as to hold an audience with related management’s officials, locally and nationally. However, there has been no progress, she said.
“If the management fails to provide a solution as ofl the deadline, we will carry out the strike,” he said.
“If the management fails to provide a solution as ofl the deadline, we will carry out the strike,” he said.
Earlier, the Monitoring and Investigation Chairman of the National Human Rights Committee Natalis Pigai said the commission has provided two recommendations to be fulfilled by Freeport on several incidents that occurred in the mining area.
First, it’s related to the enforcement of internal discipline or Administrative Sanction to responsible manager in accordance to the regulation issued by the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources No. 555/1996. Second, five years sentence for the responsible management due to the default to provide the protection and safety for their workers.
‘Two recommendations have been submitted to the Freeport’s management in the United States and Indonesia. Then we forwarded the crime charges to the police, because they have the authority to conduct the investigation. Currently I am waiting the law enforcement from the police,” Natalis Pigai told Jubi by phone on Monday (27/10). (Yuliana Lantipo/rom)
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7) Population of Indigenous Papuans in Merauke Drops to 40 Percent
Merauke, Jubi- Indigenous Papuans make up only 40 percent of the total population in Merauke, Regent Romanus Mbaraka said.
The rest of the population are migrants from various regions, making Merauke very heterogeneous and competitive, Mbaraka said.
“I sometimes pray and ask God if there are shortcuts to the people of Papua to from time to time continue to grow as people in transmigration sites,” he said.
“I sometimes pray and ask God if there are shortcuts to the people of Papua to from time to time continue to grow as people in transmigration sites,” he said.
To improve the competitiveness of human resources (HR) of indigenous people, various programs havebeen introduced, including sending children to continue their studies in Germany and several other universities in Java in order to take the medical school, but of course it takes a little longer.
“What we need now is how to provide encouragement or motivation to the indigenous people of Papua from time to time to continuously grow, especially in terms of economic income families. The government should be able to develop programs at the same time to learn about the skills outside so it would be applicable when they go home, “he said.
“What we need now is how to provide encouragement or motivation to the indigenous people of Papua from time to time to continuously grow, especially in terms of economic income families. The government should be able to develop programs at the same time to learn about the skills outside so it would be applicable when they go home, “he said.
The head of Planning Agency of Merauke, Daswil added the various programs run by the government under the leadership of Romanus Mbaraka-Sunarjo include disbursing hundreds of millions to the villages every year.
He said he hoped people would be able to manage available funds for various development activities. (Frans L Kobun/Tina)
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8) Media Working Group Supports KPA Mimika in HIV/ Aids Prevention
Timika, Jubi – The chairman of the Media Working Group of Mimika Aids Prevention Commission (KPA), Ida Wahyu said its presence was to support efforts to prevent the danger of the spread of HIV / AIDS.
“For this year, the Media Working Group is entrusted to hold some programs on World AIDS Day in Mimika regency,” Ida said on Thursday (30/10).
The group is also seeking to raise sympathy, empathy and concern for the people with AIDS, she said.
“Mapping the printed and electronic media as part of campaign priorities for HIV / AIDS is an urgent matter, so the media is involved in outreach and awareness campaign of this dangerous disease,” she said.
Ida , who is also the head of Mimika Regional Secretariat of Public Relations, said the public needed to work together in creating a clean and health environment to combat HIV and AIDS. She said she hopes all relevant parties to be cooperative and focused in achieving the goals.
“The bottom line is the media working group supports in efforts of fighting HIV/AIDS and we hope to stay healthy and avoid the dangers of this deadly disease,” she said.
Meanwhile, secretary of KPA Mimika, Reynold Ubra, said he fully support the Media Working Group.
“We expect the media to play an active role, especially related to media and socialization as well as other things, to build public awareness of the dangers of HIV / AIDS,” he said. (Eveerth Joumilena/Tina)
“We expect the media to play an active role, especially related to media and socialization as well as other things, to build public awareness of the dangers of HIV / AIDS,” he said. (Eveerth Joumilena/Tina)
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