1) Military
reform swept under the rug
2) MIMIKA
GOVERNMENT LUANCH CAMPAIGN TO USE MOSQUITO NETS
3) Two die after a clash in
Timika: Police
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http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/28/military-reform-swept-under-rug.html
1) Military reform swept under the rug
Fitri Bintang Timur and Puri Kencana Putri, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Opinion | Mon, April 28 2014, 10:57 AM
Recently, Indonesian Military (TNI) Commander Gen. Moeldoko stated that “democratic transition should be concluded this year” as Indonesia had yet to achieve political stability.
The commander’s responsibility is to ensure that national defense is in top-notch condition and to oversee internal military institutional reform. Does his statement mean he is eyeing a political position beyond his current defense role? Does his reference to the protracted transition and yearning for stability mean he subscribes to the New Order fixation, which insinuates that civilians are not ready to lead the country and that the military should lend a hand again?
One analyst has suggested moving from questioning security sector reform to security sector “transformation”, arguing that the focus should change from making the military accountable for its conduct to arming the TNI with the latest weaponry Indonesia can afford, especially with the regional turmoil over the South China Sea.
Others similarly view that Indonesia’s military reform has been completed successfully. Such complacency has led to unsuccessful reform issues being swept under the rug.
Yes, there have been huge improvements within the TNI since the end of the New Order. The dwifungsi (dual role in defense and civilian life) has been removed, no military member obtains a free seat in the legislature, business units have been restructured from the corps to being under the Defense Ministry or State-Owned Enterprises Ministry, and the police are no longer part of the military.
Yet we should also remember the shortcomings of military reform.
First, reform is incomplete regarding the military’s respect for human rights. In 2000, the TNI published a Soldiers’ Guideline for Human Rights Implementation.
However, there is no guarantee that soldiers will behave according to the guidelines, as long as there is no commitment of the institution’s willingness to be bound by human rights standards.
It has been just a little over a year since the Cebongan attack in Sleman, Yogyakarta, when members of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus) raided a prison, killing an inmate who they said was a thug who killed a colleague.
This incident ruined the decade-old image of fairly successful TNI reform as its weapons storage was compromised and the soldiers involved did not show any respect for human rights, nor for international norms respecting civil-military relations, as stipulated in the 1949 Geneva Convention.
The attack occurred in an area relatively accessible for the media; pressure instantly mounted for an investigation and an open trial for the suspects.
But what would have happened if this incident had taken place somewhere in Papua, with limited media access? What would happen if journalists themselves were the victims, like the “Balibo Five” in former East Timor?
In 2012 alone, the independent Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) recorded more than 90 cases of violence involving military members, including maltreatment (55 cases), destruction (10) and shooting (four cases). As these violations were not widely reported, the public has no idea whether the TNI addressed the cases internally, or whether it turned a blind eye due to a lack of internal accountability supervision.
This condition leads to the second shortcoming in military reform: the sluggish progress regarding military tribunals. The open tribunal on the Cebongan attack, held after mounting public pressure, was a rare event. The legislature has been debating revisions to the Military Tribunal Law since 2004. The bill stipulates that military personnel suspected of criminal acts will be brought before a civil court, rather than a military tribunal, as the latter usually gives administrative penalties rather than penalties aimed at deterrence.
Analyst Wahyudi Djafar has noted that even if accused military personnel were to be brought before a military tribunal, the tribunal should adhere to principles such as transparency and accountability, besides handing out punishment befitting the crime. Apparently, these requirements have become major obstacles to the amendment of the Military Tribunal Law.
As a result, today’s military tribunals still preserve impunity, giving lenient punishment and freeing masterminds from individual responsibility.
The pattern is similar to the tribunal of Kopassus members found guilty of abduction and forced disappearance of student activists in 1998; perpetrators were brought to court, but the one giving the assignment is still protected by law.
The third issue is the untouched territorial commands (Koter) at the local level, which were used by the New Order to spy on and influence the population. There is no reason for the military to persist having operations in the local areas, as it should focus on being the first line of defense against outside threats in the frontier areas.
Because military personnel are still deployed at the local level, the Koter will always be suspected as effective political tools, for instance to conduct voter mobilization and intimidation around each election time. Hence, Koter needs to be reformed, or else military personnel or retired officers might use its network to gain political support up to the local district.
Returning to Gen. Moeldoko’s wish of the conclusion to democratic transition to make way for political stability, it is not his position to provide such a statement.
Unless he is subtly hinting an underlying motive that he is ready to leave his military throne to join politicians and the business crowd — just like several former generals leading political parties and several others taking commissioner positions in state owned enterprises.
The commander’s responsibility is to ensure that national defense is in top-notch condition and to oversee internal military institutional reform. Does his statement mean he is eyeing a political position beyond his current defense role? Does his reference to the protracted transition and yearning for stability mean he subscribes to the New Order fixation, which insinuates that civilians are not ready to lead the country and that the military should lend a hand again?
One analyst has suggested moving from questioning security sector reform to security sector “transformation”, arguing that the focus should change from making the military accountable for its conduct to arming the TNI with the latest weaponry Indonesia can afford, especially with the regional turmoil over the South China Sea.
Others similarly view that Indonesia’s military reform has been completed successfully. Such complacency has led to unsuccessful reform issues being swept under the rug.
Yes, there have been huge improvements within the TNI since the end of the New Order. The dwifungsi (dual role in defense and civilian life) has been removed, no military member obtains a free seat in the legislature, business units have been restructured from the corps to being under the Defense Ministry or State-Owned Enterprises Ministry, and the police are no longer part of the military.
Yet we should also remember the shortcomings of military reform.
First, reform is incomplete regarding the military’s respect for human rights. In 2000, the TNI published a Soldiers’ Guideline for Human Rights Implementation.
However, there is no guarantee that soldiers will behave according to the guidelines, as long as there is no commitment of the institution’s willingness to be bound by human rights standards.
It has been just a little over a year since the Cebongan attack in Sleman, Yogyakarta, when members of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus) raided a prison, killing an inmate who they said was a thug who killed a colleague.
This incident ruined the decade-old image of fairly successful TNI reform as its weapons storage was compromised and the soldiers involved did not show any respect for human rights, nor for international norms respecting civil-military relations, as stipulated in the 1949 Geneva Convention.
The attack occurred in an area relatively accessible for the media; pressure instantly mounted for an investigation and an open trial for the suspects.
But what would have happened if this incident had taken place somewhere in Papua, with limited media access? What would happen if journalists themselves were the victims, like the “Balibo Five” in former East Timor?
In 2012 alone, the independent Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) recorded more than 90 cases of violence involving military members, including maltreatment (55 cases), destruction (10) and shooting (four cases). As these violations were not widely reported, the public has no idea whether the TNI addressed the cases internally, or whether it turned a blind eye due to a lack of internal accountability supervision.
This condition leads to the second shortcoming in military reform: the sluggish progress regarding military tribunals. The open tribunal on the Cebongan attack, held after mounting public pressure, was a rare event. The legislature has been debating revisions to the Military Tribunal Law since 2004. The bill stipulates that military personnel suspected of criminal acts will be brought before a civil court, rather than a military tribunal, as the latter usually gives administrative penalties rather than penalties aimed at deterrence.
Analyst Wahyudi Djafar has noted that even if accused military personnel were to be brought before a military tribunal, the tribunal should adhere to principles such as transparency and accountability, besides handing out punishment befitting the crime. Apparently, these requirements have become major obstacles to the amendment of the Military Tribunal Law.
As a result, today’s military tribunals still preserve impunity, giving lenient punishment and freeing masterminds from individual responsibility.
The pattern is similar to the tribunal of Kopassus members found guilty of abduction and forced disappearance of student activists in 1998; perpetrators were brought to court, but the one giving the assignment is still protected by law.
The third issue is the untouched territorial commands (Koter) at the local level, which were used by the New Order to spy on and influence the population. There is no reason for the military to persist having operations in the local areas, as it should focus on being the first line of defense against outside threats in the frontier areas.
Because military personnel are still deployed at the local level, the Koter will always be suspected as effective political tools, for instance to conduct voter mobilization and intimidation around each election time. Hence, Koter needs to be reformed, or else military personnel or retired officers might use its network to gain political support up to the local district.
Returning to Gen. Moeldoko’s wish of the conclusion to democratic transition to make way for political stability, it is not his position to provide such a statement.
Unless he is subtly hinting an underlying motive that he is ready to leave his military throne to join politicians and the business crowd — just like several former generals leading political parties and several others taking commissioner positions in state owned enterprises.
______________
Fitri Bintang Timur is a researcher at the Institute for Defense Security and Peace Studies and a Fellow of Marthinus Academy, Jakarta. Puri Kencana Putri is a researcher at the independent Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), and a graduate student of international law and human rights at the University for Peace, Costa Rica.
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http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=2190
2) MIMIKA GOVERNMENT LUANCH CAMPAIGN TO USE MOSQUITO NETS
Timika, 27/4 (Jubi) – The Mimika government has launched a campaign on the importance of using mosquito nets to prevent malaria.
“Malaria is still a serious health problem right now. According to the Ministry of Health, about 80 percent of the areas of Mimika Regency was the malaria endemic in 2009, which means that 45 percent of its population are still living in areas with high transmission risk,” Erens Meokbun, Fourth Assistant of Mimika Regency said in Timika on Sunday (27/4).
Meokbun said the malaria disease is in number one disease found among people who seek treatment at Puskesmas (Community Health Centers) and other health clinics in Mimika.
He further said besides a burden to the local economy; malaria also affects the intelligence of children.
“Malaria is not only a health problem or a responsibility of the health sector, but also a social problem which affects the social and economic sector. Therefore a forum is required in order to handle this issue,” Meokbun said.
“Malaria is not only a health problem or a responsibility of the health sector, but also a social problem which affects the social and economic sector. Therefore a forum is required in order to handle this issue,” Meokbun said.
He said the local government of Mimika has declared the Free Malaria Program for Mimika by 2026. And for the success of the program, the local government has coordinated with stakeholders.
“I look forward to all related stakeholders, either the local government, the army, the police, the regional and national public companies, private sectors, NGO and the community to use the moment of its commemoration today to actively participate and contribute to efforts to elimination of malaria,” he said.
“I look forward to all related stakeholders, either the local government, the army, the police, the regional and national public companies, private sectors, NGO and the community to use the moment of its commemoration today to actively participate and contribute to efforts to elimination of malaria,” he said.
Meanwhile, to commemorate the World Malaria Day, the Health Department of Mimika Regency and the Malaria Center of LPMAK (the Community Development Organization for Amungmy and Kamoro) together with Bank Papua Branch Mimika launch the campaign to encourage residents to use mosquito nets to prevent the spread of malaria.
The Head of Health Department, Ibrahim Iba said his office has selected the Kamoro Jaya Village as the venue to spread awareness because the village is among the worst-affected. He said, with the campaign, he hoped Mimika would be Malaria free by 2026. He also hoped the local community would be more prosperous. Iba said his office has distributed more than 100 mosquito nets in Kamoro Jaya village.
“We didn’t just give them, but our officers also helped install the nets,” he said.
“We didn’t just give them, but our officers also helped install the nets,” he said.
Before being distributed to the residents, the mosquito nets have already been laced with insecticides to kill the mosquitoes when they hit the nets. At the event, the organizer also provided free blood tests.
“We are very grateful to all stakeholders who participated in this event and selected this village to distribute the mosquito nets,” said a local community leader, Amuruh. A Mimika resident, Maria Fabiola admitted she is very appreciative of the government’s program.
“We are very grateful to all stakeholders who participated in this event and selected this village to distribute the mosquito nets,” said a local community leader, Amuruh. A Mimika resident, Maria Fabiola admitted she is very appreciative of the government’s program.
“The community must support and give a positive response to the program if it is useful. And also they are grateful to the all parties who gave the mosquito net,” he said.
The malaria prevalence in Papua was almost 36 times higher than the national level in 2013. More than 80,000 cases were found in Mimika Regency every year. The effort of malaria control has been conducted for years in Mimika Regency, the government however has not decreased the annual index of patient, which is 132 cases per 1,000 people in 2013.
Also in 2013, more than 17,000 houses has been sprayed with insecticide, 34,000 houses installed with the mosquito nets, 18,000 people have trained, 6,000 people had the blood test and 1000 people had be treated. (Jubi/Eveerth/rom)
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http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/93789/two-die-after-a-clash-in-timika-police
3) Two die after a clash in Timika: Police
Mon, April 28 2014 21:22 | 279 Views
Timika, Papua (ANTARA News) - A Monday morning clash that occurred in Jalan Yos Sudarso of Timika, Papua Province, led to the death of two people, namely Didimus Hagabal and Musa Janampa.
The clash occurred in the street near the Public Hospital of Mimika leading to Karona Restaurant in Timika, the Operational Chief of the Mimika Resort police force, Commissioner Arnolis Korowa, said on Monday, adding that the police had detained 23 people as witnesses of the clash.
The police officers, led by Chief of Mimika Resort police force Senior Commissioner Adjunct Jermias Rontini, arrested tens of people when they inspected the scene of the crime on Monday morning.
"We detained 23 people as witnesses to question them for information relating to the incident," Arnolis said.
The body of Musa Janampa was placed in the Mitra Masyarakat Hospital in Timika, while the body of Didimus Hagabal will be evacuated from the Mimika Hospital to a funeral house in Wangirja Village-SP9.
The incident occurred on Monday at 04:30 a. m. local time when a few people of the Moni Tribe, who live in front of the Mimika Hospital, were rebuked by four people who were on a silver minibus in Jalan Yos Sudarso.
The driver drove the minibus ran away to the Kamoro Jaya-SP1 Village.
One of the passengers, namely Pilemon Hagabal, was hit by an arrow on his back and another passenger, Didimus Hagabal, fell down from the bus and ran to the Karona-Nawaripi Restaurants backyard.
The people who brought arrows and machetes pursued and injured Didimus.
After reaching the backyard of the restaurant, Didimus entered Elisabet Kamesfles house and asked for help.
Elisabet called an ambulance and Didimus was rushed to the Mimika Hospital. However, he died in the hospital.
Meanwhile, relatives of Didimus, who visited the Mimika Hospital to see the victim, also clashed with people from the Moni Tribe who live in front of the hospital.
A local house wife, namely Angelina Sihombing, suffered an injury on her right leg after she was hit by an arrow when she went to a nearby store.
Meanwhile, a car that belonged to a relative of Didimus Hagabal was damaged by the Moni people.
The police force and members of the Brigadier Mobile unit of the Papua Regional police had inspected the location near the Mimika Hospital.
Police officers also seized 22 bows and 70 arrows from the detained people.
The police force also found the dead body of Musa Janampa near the GKII Filadelfia Church.
The incident has triggered a panic among the Mimika people, such as in Kwamki Lama, Jalan Perintis and Timika Indah as well as Kwamki Baru.
The condition of Timika on Monday evening was conducive. (*)
The clash occurred in the street near the Public Hospital of Mimika leading to Karona Restaurant in Timika, the Operational Chief of the Mimika Resort police force, Commissioner Arnolis Korowa, said on Monday, adding that the police had detained 23 people as witnesses of the clash.
The police officers, led by Chief of Mimika Resort police force Senior Commissioner Adjunct Jermias Rontini, arrested tens of people when they inspected the scene of the crime on Monday morning.
"We detained 23 people as witnesses to question them for information relating to the incident," Arnolis said.
The body of Musa Janampa was placed in the Mitra Masyarakat Hospital in Timika, while the body of Didimus Hagabal will be evacuated from the Mimika Hospital to a funeral house in Wangirja Village-SP9.
The incident occurred on Monday at 04:30 a. m. local time when a few people of the Moni Tribe, who live in front of the Mimika Hospital, were rebuked by four people who were on a silver minibus in Jalan Yos Sudarso.
The driver drove the minibus ran away to the Kamoro Jaya-SP1 Village.
One of the passengers, namely Pilemon Hagabal, was hit by an arrow on his back and another passenger, Didimus Hagabal, fell down from the bus and ran to the Karona-Nawaripi Restaurants backyard.
The people who brought arrows and machetes pursued and injured Didimus.
After reaching the backyard of the restaurant, Didimus entered Elisabet Kamesfles house and asked for help.
Elisabet called an ambulance and Didimus was rushed to the Mimika Hospital. However, he died in the hospital.
Meanwhile, relatives of Didimus, who visited the Mimika Hospital to see the victim, also clashed with people from the Moni Tribe who live in front of the hospital.
A local house wife, namely Angelina Sihombing, suffered an injury on her right leg after she was hit by an arrow when she went to a nearby store.
Meanwhile, a car that belonged to a relative of Didimus Hagabal was damaged by the Moni people.
The police force and members of the Brigadier Mobile unit of the Papua Regional police had inspected the location near the Mimika Hospital.
Police officers also seized 22 bows and 70 arrows from the detained people.
The police force also found the dead body of Musa Janampa near the GKII Filadelfia Church.
The incident has triggered a panic among the Mimika people, such as in Kwamki Lama, Jalan Perintis and Timika Indah as well as Kwamki Baru.
The condition of Timika on Monday evening was conducive. (*)
Editor: Heru
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