2) West Papuan leader taken into custody in dramatic arrest
3) Spikes of Violence: Protest in West Papua
4) JDP: Government must arrange the customary-based dialogue in Papua
5) Ombudsman suspects maladministration in arrest of Papua activists in Jakarta
6) West Papuan children urged to emulate Habibie's excellence
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1) Why is West Papua in Constant Turmoil?
The Indonesian territory has struggled for independence for more than 50 years.
By Bilveer Singh September 12, 2019
Papua has been in constant turmoil for more than 50 years, especially following the territory’s incorporation into Indonesia in 1969. This include incidences of violence where either Papuans, or Indonesian military and civilian personnel, have been killed. For instance, in December 2018, Papuan fighters killed 19 Indonesian construction workers in Nduga, in Papua province. In January 2019, one Indonesian soldier was killed in Nduga and two months later, in March, three more were killed.
August 2019 was particularly violent in Papua. On August 12, a police officer was shot dead. On August 16, a soldier died following an ambush by Papuan fighters. From August 19, right to the end of the month, Papua was embroiled in massive demonstrations in the key cities of Jayapura, Manokwari, Sorong, Fak-Fak as well as in Jakarta, allegedly triggered by Indonesians insulting Papuan students studying in Surabaya and Malang, cities in east Java. Many government buildings were burned in West Papua, including the local parliament in Manokwari, capital city of West Papua. The government sent in additional troops and police personnel and internet services were cut to prevent rumors from inflaming the volatile situation. Jakarta blamed the United Liberation Movement for West Papua and its leader, Benny Wenda, for being behind the demonstrations and violence. In Papua, seven people were killed, including a soldier.
Indonesian Papua
The largely Melanesian Christian population of Indonesian Papua, formerly known as West New Guinea and Irian Jaya, reside in two territories: Papua and West Papua. Indonesia became the successor-state of the territory following the American-brokered 1962 New York Agreement and was made the transitional authority in May 1963. Since then, and particularly following its legal control of Papua — secured in the much-contested, very limited referendum of 1969 called the “Act of Free Choice” — the territory has continuously faced a low-level insurgency.
Key Papuan Grievances
The Papuans have consistently listed a litany of grievances against Indonesia and which, to a large extent, remain unaddressed. The first pertains to history. Papuans have claimed that they were never consulted when the 1962 New York Agreement was signed providing for the Dutch’s exit from the territory. Papuans have also dismissed the 1969 referendum, which endorsed the territory’s integration into Indonesia, as a sham. Just over 1,000 tribal leaders were picked by the Indonesian military to represent the vote — the region’s population was an estimated 800,000 — and they voted unanimously in favor of Indonesia with a show of hands.
Indonesia has also been accused of gross human rights violations since 1963. This has included the mass death of villagers that were accused of supporting the separatists as well as the killing of key Papuan leaders such as Ferry Awom, Arnold Ap and Theys Eluay, just to name a few.
Economic injustice also looms large. Papua, as one of the most resource-rich areas in the world, is also home to the Papuans, one of the the poorest groups in Indonesia. Papua’s resources are plundered by foreign companies such as PT Freeport Mc-Moran, which owns the world’s largest gold mine in the territory. Massive environmental degradation is also a sore point among the Papuans, who view their forests as sacred communal lands.
Papuans have also opposed Indonesia’s policy of transmigration under which Papuans are becoming an effective minority in their own land. Non-Papuans, mainly Javanese who tend to also be non-Christians, are flooding the territory and controlling the key administrative and political offices. Papuans view Indonesia’s policy as little more than colonization in which the natives are subjected to racial and religious discrimination, marginalization and subjugation.
Papuans’ Response
Among the first major response on the part of the Papuans was to undertake armed struggle against what was perceived as an Indonesian military occupation. This was in part due to President Sukarno’s policy of threatening to invade the then Dutch-occupied territory through the Suharto-led Mandala Command. In 1962, Suharto had been promoted to lead the command, a joint army-navy-air force specifically aimed at carrying out incursions into Dutch-occupied territory as it edged toward possible independence. Following the New York Agreement, the Papuans continued to argue that Indonesia had militarily colonized the territory. The Papuans, in the hope of achieving independence, established a military force that has, at best, been a nuisance to the superior Indonesian military in Papua. While there are many motley, largely tribal-based military units, the most important is the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) or Papua Independence Organisation that has continuously launched a low-level military campaign against Indonesia. The OPM is deeply divided, under-armed and without international support, making it largely ineffective. Another military outfit, the Tentera Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat (TPNPB) (National Liberation Army of West Papua) also operates in parts of Papua.
The second strand of response has been political and diplomatic. Papuan leaders have tried to mobilize the local population to oppose Indonesia through demonstrations and strikes, often bringing major cities such as Jayapura, Manokwari, Fak-Fak and Sorong to a standstill, as happened in August 2019. Papuan leaders have also tried to negotiate with Indonesia leaders. Especially in the post-Suharto era, they have gained some concessions from Jakarta. Added to this, the Papuan diaspora is very active in a number of Western countries and in the South Pacific. They have also succeeded in gaining some support internationally from human rights organizations and some governments which have attempted to pressure Indonesia.
Indonesia’s Response
Indonesia, while maintaining tight political, economic and military rule of the territory, has loosened up some controls in response to rising demands for independence from the territory, especially since the late 1990s. In addition to providing greater economic assistance to the province, Indonesia also provided for a special kind of autonomy for the territory, called Otonomi Khusus (otsus) where locals were partially permitted to organize themselves and express their demands. Despite initial optimism, this experiment has largely failed to assuage the Papuans and the problems have continued.
For most Papuans, the lack of trust and faith in Jakarta was evident from the manner in which Papua was split into three provinces in 2003 without much consultation with the local population. Eventually, only two provinces were established, Papua and West Papua, due to the public and court rejection of the third province, Central Irian Jaya.
Explaining the Continued Papuan Resistance and its Implications
Even though in post-Suharto Indonesia, Papuans have been given a greater sense of autonomy and the security apparatus has broadly been reigned in, instability and conflict have continued. While Papuan-based political and cultural structures have sprouted since the late 1990s — such as Dewan Presidium Papua (Papua Presidium Council), Dewan Adat Papua (Council of Customary Leaders), Majelis Rakyat Papua (Papuan People’s Council) and ELSHAM, (Institute for the Study and Advocacy of Human Rights) — these all failed to function as expected. This was due to internal divisions among the Papuans and the unwillingness of Jakarta to provide greater concessions that would enable these bodies to become champions of Papuan self-determination. The much-hyped otsus and the failure of various concessionary reforms, especially institutional ones, have been principally responsible for the rise of violent and non-violent resistance of Indonesian rule in Papua.
While there exists a relatively broad-based civilian movement, backed by a highly decentralized, somewhat disunited and poorly armed network of guerrilla groups organized under the network of OPM and TPNPB, the Papuans’ quest for independence has been the key point of conflict between the Papuans and the Indonesian authorities. The Papuan armed and civilian-based separatist groups have also pushed for external third parties to mediate the conflict, something which Indonesia has outrightly rejected.
For Indonesia, the 1969 Act of Free Choice was the final phase of decolonization. Papuans reject it and have demanded a new, more representative, referendum to be undertaken to ascertain the wishes of Papuans about their fate inside or outside Indonesia. However, after its experience in East Timor in 1999, in which the territory seceded, Indonesia has no stomach for such an exercise.
Even though Papuans have tried to signal a sense of rising unity, this has been more hopeful than real. In the past and present, a number of political coalitions have existed to champion Papua’s independence. This includes the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation, Papua Consensus, the West Papua National Authority, the West Papua National Committee, the Federal Republic of West Papua and the National Parliament of West Papua, to name a few. In December 2014, the Federal Republic of West Papua, the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation and the National Parliament of West Papua formed a coalition called the United Liberation Movement for West Papua. Three Papuan Congresses have also been held to unify various Papuan political groups and to plan for the territory’s future by Papuan leaders, often with the dismay of the Indonesian security apparatus. Despite the rhetoric of unity, these groups have been unable to cooperate due to differences based on personalities, tribe, and approaches to gain independence—hence, the failure to pressure Indonesia even to negotiate about independence, let alone achieve it.
The Papuans’ sense of dismay and the futility to date of seeking independence has been underscored by the failure of some international support to materialize into greater action. In September 2016, seven leaders of Pacific states championed Papua’s independence at the UN General Assembly, but nothing has actualized beyond rhetoric and platitudes. The issue of Papuan independence has also been regularly raised at the Pacific Island Forum (PIF) and the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) but to no avail.
Papuan Independence Remains a Pipe Dream
The only way forward for Indonesian Papua is through dialogue and the aim should be to expand as much local autonomy as possible. This is to serve the intrinsic interests of Papuans who are historically, ethnically, culturally and religiously different from the majority of Indonesia. The peace model should be Aceh, Mindanao, and Bougainville — not Timor-Leste.
The Papuans’ project of Merdeka or independence has failed due to the internal weaknesses of the movement. The Papuans’ quest for independence is doomed as they are in no position to pressure Indonesia and are unlikely to do so in the near future. The power asymmetry is simply too lop-sided in favor of Indonesia.
This has been exacerbated by the wide-spread corruption of Papuan leaders with most of the otsus funds squandered by local leaders. Papuans have also been deterred by past practices of repression and human rights violations, and a culture of impunity by the security forces. Indonesia has also been strategically adept in splitting Papua into two provinces, with additional splits likely, partly to foster divisions and competition among the Papuans.
Papuan independence also has little support, as the international community prefers to deal with Indonesia than an independent Papua. Jakarta has been adept in incentivizing international multinational corporations such as Freeport-McMoran and British Petroleum to exploit the resource-rich territory, and any loss of Indonesian authority over Papua would negatively affect the investments of these mega corporations from the West. In short, Papuan independence is largely a cry in the dark, all the more, following the UN’s recognition of the territory’s incorporation into Indonesia in 1969.
As long as the Papuans remains divided, with no clear leader or spokesperson, as existed in Aceh’s GAM and Timor-Leste’s FRETILIN, Indonesia will never concede an inch of the territory as it sees itself as the legitimate successor state of the Dutch East Indies. Unlike Timor-Leste, Papua also occupies a cornerstone in Indonesia’s imagination of its territorial integrity described as the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, something held in sacred by the armed forces and the populace at large.
In view of these factors, the quest for independence will be highly futile. The best way forward would be a dialogue to achieve comprehensive autonomy. This would ensure that political, economic and social-cultural aspects in Papua can be managed by Papuans, for Papuans, including law and order, with the Indonesian military largely deployed for border security. This would be the best of all possible scenarios for the near-term for Indonesia’s Papua.
Bilveer Singh is an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS) at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) and Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science, National University of Singapore.
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2) West Papuan leader taken into custody in dramatic arrest
Activists say Buchtar Tabuni, seen as a mastermind of recent protests, was forcibly taken into custody by armed troops
Marni Cordell, Ben Doherty and Kate Lamb Fri 13 Sep 2019 04.01 AEST
A West Papuan independence group has accused the Indonesian police of “abducting” a leading West Papuan activist in a dramatic arrest on Monday.
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua, whose exiled leader is Benny Wenda, said in a statement that a joint strike force of Indonesian police and military surrounded the home of the high-profile activist Buchtar Tabuni early on Monday morning
The group claims several shots were fired and four armed troops surrounded Tabuni before he was taken into custody, with no prior notice or summons.
A national police spokesperson, Dedi Prasetyo, confirmed Tabuni’s arrest for suspected treason, telling the Guardian the Papuan regional police had handled the arrest in the context of “ensuring security and order in Jayapura and Papua in general”.
Tabuni, who is a key member of the West Papuan leadership along with Wenda, is seen as a mastermind of protests that have spread across West Papua and other provinces in recent weeks.
Meanwhile, allegations of brutal violence continue to emerge from the strife-torn region in the wake of the protests.
Footage allegedly from a rally in Fakfak on 21 August appears to show Indonesian special forces soldiers, in uniform but walking among militia members, firing live rounds across a body of water at independence demonstrators on the other side.
And the death toll from a separate clash between West Papuan independence demonstrators and Indonesian military has risen to eight, a priest who was a witness to the shooting has told the Guardian.
Father Santon Tekege from the diocese of Timika Papua said the protesters had gathered at the regency office in Deiyai, in Papua province, on 28 August.
Video footage obtained by the Guardian shows soldiers opening fire at demonstrators, walking towards protesters, some of whom are standing with their hands up.
Initially, the death toll was reported as six, but this had since risen to eight, with 39 people injured, Tekege said. He said security forces fired teargas canisters and “thousands of bullets” towards the protesters.
Tekege said UN intervention was needed to bring peace to West Papua and asked “international parties to support West Papua independence”.
The Deiyai deputy regent has confirmed the death count at eight, the Jakarta Post reported. But police have disputed the toll, saying only one protester was killed, along with one soldier, and that security forces opened fire only after being attacked.
On Thursday morning Indonesian police confirmed they had also arrested Steven Itlay, a leader of civil society group the National Committee for West Papua, for his role in the protests.
Itlay was arrested at Cenderawasih University in Jayapura on Wednesday afternoon with two others, who the Guardian understands are members of the same group.
Indonesian police have named dozens of people, mostly protesters, as suspects after more than three weeks of protests across Papua, West Papua and other Indonesian provinces. Many of them are being interrogated without lawyers, Emanuel Gobay, the director of the Papua Legal Aid Institute, told the Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
The protests were sparked by the racist abuse and arrest of Papuan students in Surabaya, on the island of Java, but have morphed into a broader political demand for a referendum on independence. A long-running independence movement has existed since Indonesia forcibly took control of the provinces in the 1960s.
The exiled leader Benny Wenda told the Guardian the deteriorating situation in West Papua required United Nations intervention.
“Indonesia is sending 6,000 troops on military exercises to West Papua. There is no war going on, this is peaceful demonstrators against a huge military. My people are in danger. We need to act now before it is too late.”
In a show of force, and perhaps an indication of a willingness to escalate military action if protests continue, the Indonesian military conducted exercises at Sentani and Wamena airfields in Papua. Footage from Jayapura showed dozens of paratroopers parachuting from the back of an airforce plane, part of a Quick Reaction Strike Force exercise.
Indonesia’s defence force chief, Marshal Hadi Tjahjanto, said the exercises were held annually at different locations across Indonesia, and this year was organised for Papua. “The jump drills ran smoothly and safely,” he said.
Indonesia’s ministry of public works and public housing has dedicated IDR100bn (US$7m) for rebuilding state offices destroyed by protesters during protests in Jayapura in Papua on 29 August.
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3) Spikes of Violence: Protest in West Papua
Like Timor-Leste, West Papua, commonly subsuming both Papua and West Papua, remains a separate ethnic entity, acknowledged as such by previous colonial powers. Its Dutch colonial masters, in preparing to leave the region in the 1950s, left the ground fertile for a declaration of independence in 1961. Such a move did not sit well with the Indonesian desire to claim control over all Dutch Asia Pacific colonies on departure. There were resources to be had, economic gains to be made. The military duly moved in.
The New York Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands, brokered in 1962 with the assistance of the United States, saw West Papua fall under United Nations control for the duration of one year. Once passing into Indonesian control, Jakarta would govern the territory “consistent with the rights and freedoms guaranteed to the inhabitants under the terms of the present agreement.” Education would be a priority; illiteracy would be targeted, and efforts made “to accelerate participation of the people in local government through periodic elections.”
One article stood out: “Indonesia will make arrangements, with the assistance and participation of the United Nation Representative and his staff, to give the people of the territory the opportunity to exercise freedom of choice.” In 1969, a ballot was conducted in line with the provision, though hardly in any true, representative sense. In the rich traditions of doctored representation and selective enfranchisement, 1,026 individuals were selected by Indonesian authorities to participate. Indonesia’s military kept an intimidating watch: the vote could not be left to chance. The result for Indonesian control was unanimous; the UN signed off.
Unlike Timor-Leste, the historically Melanesian territories of Papua and West Papua remains under thumb and screw, an entity that continues to exist under periodic acts of violence and habitual repression from the Indonesian central authorities. A policy of transmigration has been practiced, a point argued by scholars to be tantamount to genocide. This has entailed moving residents from Java and Sulawesi to West Papua, assisted by Jakarta’s hearty sponsorship.
The Indonesian argument here has been ethnic and political: to confect a national identity through assimilation. Under President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”)), one keen to push the idea of “Indonesia Maju” (“Advanced Indonesia”), renewed stress is being placed on infrastructure investment, economic growth and natural resources, of which Papua features heavily.
The indigenous populace has had to, in turn, surrender land to those transmigrants and appropriating authorities. “The rights of traditional law communities,” notes Clause 17 of Indonesia’s Basic Forestry Act of 1967, “may not be allowed to stand in the way of transmigration sites.”
Appropriations of land, the relocation of residents, and the odd massacre by Indonesian security forces, tend to fly low on the international radar of human rights abuses. West Papua lacks the cinematic appeal or political heft that would encourage around the clock coverage from media networks. Bureaucratic plodders in the various foreign ministries of the world prefer to render such matters benign and of little interest. Geopolitics and natural resources tend to do most of the talking.
In late 2015, for instance, Scott Busby, US deputy assistant secretary of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and James Carouso, acting deputy assistant secretary for Maritime and Mainland Southeast Asian affairs, ducked and evaded anything too compromising in their testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy. The consequences of demographic policies directed by Jakarta were assiduously ignored. Massacres and institutional accountability in the territory were bypassed, as were Indonesian efforts to prevent scrutiny on the part of human rights monitors, the UN Special rapporteur and journalists.
This year, more instances of violence have managed to leach out and gurgle in media circles. It took a few ugly incidents in the Javanese city of Surabaya to engender a new wave of protests which have had a rattling effect on the security forces. Last month, pro-Indonesian nationalist groups, with reported encouragement from security forces, taunted Papuan students with an array of crude insults in East Java. (“Dogs”, “monkeys” and “pigs” were part of the bitter mix.) The fuse was lit, notably as arrests were made of the Papuans themselves. “Papuans are not monkeys”, proclaimed banners being held at a rally in Central Jakarta on August 22.
Government buildings have been torched in Jayapura. Additional forces have been deployed, and internet access cut. There are claims that white phosphorous has been used on civilians; prisons are being filled. There have even been protests in Indonesia’s capital, with the banned Morning Star flag being flown defiantly in front of the state palace. (Doing so is no mild matter: activist Filep Karma spent over a decade of his life in prison for doing so.)
The struggle for independence, at least in the international eye, has been left to such figures as Benny Wenda, who lobbies governments and groups to back the “Free Papua” campaign. He is particularly keen to take the matter of the Free Choice vote of 1969, that nasty instrument that formalised Indonesian control, to the United Nations General Assembly. Last month, he had to settle for taking the matter to the Pacific Islands Forum as a representative of Vanuatu’s delegation. In January, he gifted the UN Human Rights Chief Michelle Bachelet a petition with 1.8 million signatures seeking a new referendum for the territory.
The response from an Indonesian government spokesman was emphatic, curt, and conventional. “Developments in Papua and West Papua province are purely Indonesia’s internal affairs. No other country, organisation or individual has the right to interfere in them. We firmly oppose the intervention of Indonesia’s internal affairs in whatever form.”
The hope for Jokowi and the Indonesian authorities will be simple: ride out the storm, conduct a low-level suppression of protests, and place any talks of secession on the backburner. In this, they can count on regional, if hypocritical support. In the words of a spokesman for the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, “Australia recognises Indonesia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty over the Papua provinces. Our position is clearly defined by the Lombok Treaty between Indonesia and Australia.”
More articles by:BINOY KAMPMARK
Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne.
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4) JDP: Government must arrange the customary-based dialogue in Papua
Published 12 hours ago on 12 September 2019 By pr9c6tr3_juben
Jayapura, Jubi – A dialogue on Papua should represent the people of Papua, Father Jhon Bunay Pr, the Coordinator for Papua Peace Networks (JDP), told reporters in a press conference held in Jayapura on 7 September 2019.
“The dialogue should conduct in seven Papuan territories, namely Mamta, Anim Ha, Lapago, Meepago, Saireri, Domberai and Bomberai and involve each representative of the central government, military and police, liberation army, Papuans living in Papua, Papuans domicile outside of Papua, other residents of Papua, investors and mass media,” he said.
Furthermore, he emphasises that the involvement of indigenous representatives in the dialogue is crucial. He hopes the government does not initiate the discussion with Papuans from outside of Papua because it could make problems difficult to solve.
“We are the same. We are brothers, no suspicion. There shouldn’t be the police or military’s spies or those who have no concern come in this dialogue. It’s important to ensure that everyone is free to express their feeling and thought, and we’ll find a solution together,” he said.
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5) Ombudsman suspects maladministration in arrest of Papua activists in Jakarta
CNN Indonesia – September 12, 2019
Jakarta – The Jakarta Ombudsman suspects that there was maladministration in the arrest of Surya Anta and several other Papua activists by the Metro Jaya regional police last week.
Jakarta Ombudsman Chairperson Teguh Nugroho says that his office will conduct a further study into the arrests of the Papua activists following a report from Anta’s lawyer.
“After we have received the report, we will see if there are allegations of maladministration in the arrests of the makar suspects”, said Nugroho at the Ombudsman office in Jakarta on Wednesday September 11.
Nugroho said that there are four indicators of maladministration, namely the way the arrests were carried out, the use of the makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) articles, restrictions to legal aid and their detention at the Mobil Brigade (Brimob) headquarters detention centre (Brimob Mako) in Depok.
The Jakarta Ombudsman will summon the Metro Jaya police for an explanation about the alleged maladministration.
“It will take less than a month. We’ll be moving quickly on this issue, perhaps in one or two days we will look at the documents, then next week we will begin the summons process (of Metro Jaya investigators). If a fast response is necessary perhaps before next week we’ll be able to issue [a report]”, he said.
Legal Aid Foundation lawyer Nelson Simamora, who is representing the Papua activists, took the opportunity to say that up until now it has been difficult to provide legal aid to the activists.
Simamora also said Anta’s family has faced difficulties visiting him at the Mako Brimob. He also said that the way Anta is being detained is inappropriate [Anta has allegedly been placed in an isolation cell and is being bombarded by nationalistic music].
“If the family wants to visit [Anta] they must get permission from the director, an Escalon level one or two official. This is unnecessary, right. If a person wants to visit they can just turn up. Say whose family they are. If they’re being held at the Mako Brimob, if you want to just go in your inspected by an official with a firearm”, said Simamora.
Anta was arrested by police on the evening of Saturday August 31. After being taken to the Metro Jaya regional police headquarters, he was transferred to the Mako Brimob in Depok for further questioning.
Anta and seven other people have been declared suspects for flying the Morning Star independence flag during a protest action in front of the State Palace on August 28. (dhf/eks)
[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was “ Ombudsman Duga Penangkapan Aktivis Papua Langgar Aturan”.]
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6) West Papuan children urged to emulate Habibie's excellence
7 hours ago
Manokwari, West Papua (ANTARA) - West Papua Governor Dominggus Mandacan has encouraged Papuan children to emulate the excellence, visionary thoughts, and virtues of B.J. Habibie who passed away Wednesday, saying that Indonesia's third president was a really inspiring figure. The passing of Habibie made the nation feel lost but what he had achieved for Indonesia was a really good legacy for the country's generations, Mandacan said here Thursday when commenting on the passing of the former vice president during the Soeharto era.
While expressing his deep condolences at Habibie's passing, Mandacan appealed to the Papuan children and members of the younger generation in West Papua Province to emulate Habibie by pursuing big dreams of becoming smart, well-educated, and excellent technocrats like him.
West Papua Province does need excellent human resources to support its development, he said, adding that he never met Habibie personally but knew a lot about him from reading books and media reports.
Habibie was a really inspiring figure, and all Papuan children need to be inspired. "I hope there will be geniuses like Habibie among our children," he said.
Like young Habibie who studied abroad but served the nation with his excellent skills and thoughts when he returned to Indonesia, Mandacan also urged the people of West Papua currently studying abroad to return and develop their homeland.
The 83-year-old former president passed away at 6.05 p.m. Wednesday at the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital (RSPAD) where he was being treated by the best doctors, including those from the Presidential Doctors Team, since September 1.
Along the way from the mourning house in Patra Kuningan to the National Heroes' Cemetery in Kalibata, South Jakarta, numerous people stood on the road shoulders to pay their last respects to Habibie.
The former president was buried at the heroes' cemetery with fully military honors.
Related news: Habibie's dedication will remain etched in Indonesians' memory: Jokowi
Related news: Jokowi remembers BJ Habibie as statesman and true scientist
EDITED BY INE
Reporter: Toyiban, Rahmad Nasution
While expressing his deep condolences at Habibie's passing, Mandacan appealed to the Papuan children and members of the younger generation in West Papua Province to emulate Habibie by pursuing big dreams of becoming smart, well-educated, and excellent technocrats like him.
West Papua Province does need excellent human resources to support its development, he said, adding that he never met Habibie personally but knew a lot about him from reading books and media reports.
Habibie was a really inspiring figure, and all Papuan children need to be inspired. "I hope there will be geniuses like Habibie among our children," he said.
Like young Habibie who studied abroad but served the nation with his excellent skills and thoughts when he returned to Indonesia, Mandacan also urged the people of West Papua currently studying abroad to return and develop their homeland.
The 83-year-old former president passed away at 6.05 p.m. Wednesday at the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital (RSPAD) where he was being treated by the best doctors, including those from the Presidential Doctors Team, since September 1.
Along the way from the mourning house in Patra Kuningan to the National Heroes' Cemetery in Kalibata, South Jakarta, numerous people stood on the road shoulders to pay their last respects to Habibie.
The former president was buried at the heroes' cemetery with fully military honors.
Related news: Habibie's dedication will remain etched in Indonesians' memory: Jokowi
Related news: Jokowi remembers BJ Habibie as statesman and true scientist
EDITED BY INE
Reporter: Toyiban, Rahmad Nasution
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